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Presentation of Project
Presented By:
Ayshah Arif
BS (3)
International Islamic University
Islamabad
ymbolicymbolic violenceviolence
Presented By:Presented By: Ayshah ArifAyshah Arif
Hafsa MurtazaHafsa Murtaza
Presented to:Presented to: Dr. Noreen SahDr. Noreen Sah
Content:Content:
Symbolic Violence
 IntroductionIntroduction
Case studyCase study
Indirect symbolicIndirect symbolic
violenceviolence
ConclusionConclusion
Symbolic Violence:
Symbolic violence   is the 
ideas  and  values  of  a  ruling 
cultural  class  (e,g.,  men)  who 
purposefully imposed them on 
thers .
Dég:
Dég (1): n. a large cauldron used for cooking
rice. Cooked over  an  open  fire.
Dég (2): n. a public feeding. An individual
(usually) arranges a large quantity of rice to be
prepared and distributed to anyone who comes.
This may be done to give thanks to Allah for a
particular incident (like the birth of a child) or
to honour an important visitor.
Lyon focus on the dég ritual and its social
impact.
Bourdieu’s notions of symbolic, or gentle
violence are important in that they provide one
analytical social pattern of a mode of
domination.
The violence in this case study does not fit
Bourdieu’s pattern in that the direction of
symbolic violence or assertion of control through
Introduction:
Enjoying the feast
Preparations for the feast
Controlling excited children
Comparing traditional Western feudal society to
traditional Melanesian big man society, argues
that institutionalised asymmentrical reciprocity
can take two forms.
1.The giver may indebt the receivors through
excessive giving
2.The giver may place themselves
further in a position of indebtment
in relation to the receivors.
Orenstein [1980]
The various ways of expressing or
asserting dominance between equals is
important for two reasons.
First, the importance of hierarchy in Pakistani culture.
Second, patron/client roles may be initially established.
Conti...
Unit of analysis...
o Degs were held for different reasons.
o Some of them were modest and some were very lavish.
o Mostly degs involved fewer than 10 large cauldrons,
some as few as two.
o Every deg was open to all guests.
o Largest deg: lasted from just after sunrise to just
before sundown.
o 25 and 30 cauldrons prepared.
o The reason for deg was kept particular secret.
Case study:
The largest dég in the history of village
o The reason of Malik Asif deg was that he
felt that ''ALLAH''''ALLAH'' wanted him to feed
his village so he did.
o The deg was in honour of his God.
o The reason people give for such
social phenomena, however, should not
be taken as complete explanation.
IndirectIndirect symbolicsymbolic voilencevoilence
Symbolic violence is an in-direct way of expressing
''violence'' against a giver, which is not the focus of
this analysis, but rather the violence directed
against someone who may not form a part of the
giving directly.
 The receiver is incidental in assertion of giver
dominance.
 Domination over the receivers is not his
primary goal of giver.
The givers targets group, are very few
individuals in the village who are in a
position to sponsors
such events for his magnitude.
Conti...Conti...
Concept of Izzat is very is extremely important for
punjabis.
Landlords wants said for him, is that he is miserly
or stingy ???.
Feeding villagers is therefor not an attempt to
control villagers or in-debt them, but rather an act
which satisfies an obligation which
exist because the landlord is dominant.
 In this sense, then the deg are not attempt to exert
domination over villagers.
 The event of deg is very festive and provide a
welcome break, so villagers will certainly go to the
deg if they have any connection to the host.
 The boycott of deg is case that an expression of
disloyalty and lack of respect.
There is frequent land 'poaching' between cousins.
The concept of sharik or cousins, does not seem to have the
same animosity in the Punjab as does the equivalent tarbur
among pukhtuns, there is tension associated with sharika.
One's sharik is both one's close family and most frequent rival.
Malik Asif engaged in various land dispute with his fraternal
cousins for the previous years.
They yell at each other and certainly engage in backbiting and
some serious rumour, but serious physical violence is
culturally unacceptable.
 Citrus Orchard are one of the symbols par excellence of landlord
 wealth and prestige.
 Largest citrus orchard belongs to the maternal uncle of Malik Asif.
 The 'violence' expressed in Malik Asif's deg is at two generations of
his own family.
 First, direct challenge to the elders of his family. Whom he
perceive
as being responsible for the loss of his land.
2. Second, he is making a statement to those of his own generation
that he intend to be most powerful and influential landlord of the
village.
 By hosting the lage deg Asif has raised the level of expectations.
 Dég express rivalries.
 It is not effective means of garnering power
but it is necessary expression of power.
 Deg is explains the tensions inherent
in relationships of equality in Pakistan.
 Lindholm’s argument that the differences
between Pakhtun and Punjabi culture are
one’s of scale rather than kind.
ConClusion...ConClusion...
One:One: Concept of violence is less useful when examining the patron-
client relationship, but would seem to have more currency when
dealing with groups or individuals that may be seen as co-equals.
Two:Two: The intended victim or target of symbolic may not be the
outside giver-taker dyad, furthermore that a receiver may not be even
be necessary.
Two generalizations...
 The first generalization drawn directly from
the case of deg.
 Patron can hardly be considered symbolically violent or
even an attempt to assert control.
 It is the person obligation to give. It is the client obligation to serve.
 If a servant works an extra three hours in a day should one consider
that as an attempt to increase his patron's indebt-ment to him or herself?
 That is the nature of relationship and symbolic violence should
be identified in other areas.
 The notion of symbolic violence useful in between equals.
 The second generalization may be easier
to relate cross culturally and notion that an
individual's, or a group's general level of
expenditure may some how constitute a
challenge to others of the same economic
position.
 Specifically, I refer to the expense of a
deg and a act of escalating amount is a
challenge to other potential deg hosts.
 Its make it more expensive for fellow
landlords to compete in the stakes for the
position of 'most generous' landlord.
 Beyond the level of the village and this
specific ritual, the manner in which a person
spends his or her money makes a statement
to others of the same economic group.
 Example: Nawaz Sharif
 I argue that this kind of spending is not less an act of symbolic
violence but an in-direct kind.
 Out spending of in that category of person is extremely
dangerous.
 Spending on one self is far safer and any challenge which may
be inferred can be denied.
Thankyou So Much!Thankyou So Much!

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Symbolic violence

  • 1.
  • 2. Presentation of Project Presented By: Ayshah Arif BS (3) International Islamic University Islamabad ymbolicymbolic violenceviolence Presented By:Presented By: Ayshah ArifAyshah Arif Hafsa MurtazaHafsa Murtaza Presented to:Presented to: Dr. Noreen SahDr. Noreen Sah
  • 3. Content:Content: Symbolic Violence  IntroductionIntroduction Case studyCase study Indirect symbolicIndirect symbolic violenceviolence ConclusionConclusion
  • 4. Symbolic Violence: Symbolic violence   is the  ideas  and  values  of  a  ruling  cultural  class  (e,g.,  men)  who  purposefully imposed them on  thers .
  • 5. Dég: Dég (1): n. a large cauldron used for cooking rice. Cooked over  an  open  fire. Dég (2): n. a public feeding. An individual (usually) arranges a large quantity of rice to be prepared and distributed to anyone who comes. This may be done to give thanks to Allah for a particular incident (like the birth of a child) or to honour an important visitor.
  • 6. Lyon focus on the dég ritual and its social impact. Bourdieu’s notions of symbolic, or gentle violence are important in that they provide one analytical social pattern of a mode of domination. The violence in this case study does not fit Bourdieu’s pattern in that the direction of symbolic violence or assertion of control through Introduction:
  • 7. Enjoying the feast Preparations for the feast Controlling excited children
  • 8. Comparing traditional Western feudal society to traditional Melanesian big man society, argues that institutionalised asymmentrical reciprocity can take two forms. 1.The giver may indebt the receivors through excessive giving 2.The giver may place themselves further in a position of indebtment in relation to the receivors. Orenstein [1980]
  • 9. The various ways of expressing or asserting dominance between equals is important for two reasons. First, the importance of hierarchy in Pakistani culture. Second, patron/client roles may be initially established. Conti...
  • 10. Unit of analysis... o Degs were held for different reasons. o Some of them were modest and some were very lavish. o Mostly degs involved fewer than 10 large cauldrons, some as few as two. o Every deg was open to all guests. o Largest deg: lasted from just after sunrise to just before sundown. o 25 and 30 cauldrons prepared. o The reason for deg was kept particular secret. Case study: The largest dég in the history of village
  • 11. o The reason of Malik Asif deg was that he felt that ''ALLAH''''ALLAH'' wanted him to feed his village so he did. o The deg was in honour of his God. o The reason people give for such social phenomena, however, should not be taken as complete explanation.
  • 12. IndirectIndirect symbolicsymbolic voilencevoilence Symbolic violence is an in-direct way of expressing ''violence'' against a giver, which is not the focus of this analysis, but rather the violence directed against someone who may not form a part of the giving directly.  The receiver is incidental in assertion of giver dominance.  Domination over the receivers is not his primary goal of giver. The givers targets group, are very few individuals in the village who are in a position to sponsors such events for his magnitude.
  • 13. Conti...Conti... Concept of Izzat is very is extremely important for punjabis. Landlords wants said for him, is that he is miserly or stingy ???. Feeding villagers is therefor not an attempt to control villagers or in-debt them, but rather an act which satisfies an obligation which exist because the landlord is dominant.
  • 14.  In this sense, then the deg are not attempt to exert domination over villagers.  The event of deg is very festive and provide a welcome break, so villagers will certainly go to the deg if they have any connection to the host.  The boycott of deg is case that an expression of disloyalty and lack of respect.
  • 15. There is frequent land 'poaching' between cousins. The concept of sharik or cousins, does not seem to have the same animosity in the Punjab as does the equivalent tarbur among pukhtuns, there is tension associated with sharika. One's sharik is both one's close family and most frequent rival. Malik Asif engaged in various land dispute with his fraternal cousins for the previous years. They yell at each other and certainly engage in backbiting and some serious rumour, but serious physical violence is culturally unacceptable.
  • 16.  Citrus Orchard are one of the symbols par excellence of landlord  wealth and prestige.  Largest citrus orchard belongs to the maternal uncle of Malik Asif.  The 'violence' expressed in Malik Asif's deg is at two generations of his own family.  First, direct challenge to the elders of his family. Whom he perceive as being responsible for the loss of his land. 2. Second, he is making a statement to those of his own generation that he intend to be most powerful and influential landlord of the village.  By hosting the lage deg Asif has raised the level of expectations.
  • 17.  Dég express rivalries.  It is not effective means of garnering power but it is necessary expression of power.  Deg is explains the tensions inherent in relationships of equality in Pakistan.  Lindholm’s argument that the differences between Pakhtun and Punjabi culture are one’s of scale rather than kind. ConClusion...ConClusion...
  • 18. One:One: Concept of violence is less useful when examining the patron- client relationship, but would seem to have more currency when dealing with groups or individuals that may be seen as co-equals. Two:Two: The intended victim or target of symbolic may not be the outside giver-taker dyad, furthermore that a receiver may not be even be necessary. Two generalizations...
  • 19.  The first generalization drawn directly from the case of deg.  Patron can hardly be considered symbolically violent or even an attempt to assert control.  It is the person obligation to give. It is the client obligation to serve.  If a servant works an extra three hours in a day should one consider that as an attempt to increase his patron's indebt-ment to him or herself?  That is the nature of relationship and symbolic violence should be identified in other areas.  The notion of symbolic violence useful in between equals.
  • 20.  The second generalization may be easier to relate cross culturally and notion that an individual's, or a group's general level of expenditure may some how constitute a challenge to others of the same economic position.  Specifically, I refer to the expense of a deg and a act of escalating amount is a challenge to other potential deg hosts.  Its make it more expensive for fellow landlords to compete in the stakes for the position of 'most generous' landlord.  Beyond the level of the village and this specific ritual, the manner in which a person spends his or her money makes a statement to others of the same economic group.  Example: Nawaz Sharif
  • 21.  I argue that this kind of spending is not less an act of symbolic violence but an in-direct kind.  Out spending of in that category of person is extremely dangerous.  Spending on one self is far safer and any challenge which may be inferred can be denied.