Complexities of Identity Formation
A Narrative Inquiry of an EFL Teacher
AMY B.M. TSUI
The University Of Hong Kong
Hong Kong SAR, China
Presented by
Syed Nakib Sadi
Iffat Jahan Suchona
Fariha Sharmin
Saleh Arman Sajal
Mahmudul Hasan Ripon
(Varghese, Morgan, Johnston & Johnson, 2005)
Sociopolitical
landscape of
the classroom
Sociocultura
l landscape
of the
classroom
Professional
development
A Teacher’s
Professiona
l
Identity
A review of the literature in this area suggests that relevant
studies converge
on three major issues,
Multifaceted nature of professional
identity and the relationships between these
facets
The relationship between the personal and the
social dimensions of identity formation
The relationship between agency and structure in
identity formation
Methodology: Narrative Inquiry
of Identity Formation
Minfang’s identity formation as a
teacher (the name is fictitious)
“Through storytelling, teachers engage in narrative
‘theorizing’ and, based on that, teachers may further
discover and shape their professional identity
resulting in new or different stories”
(Beijaard,2004,p. 121)
Collection and Analysis
of Data
Data were sorted
chronologically
from Minfang’s
childhood
experience to his
last year of
teaching
Identity conflicts
that Minfang
experienced (as
EFL learner and
as EFL teacher)
Data were analyzed
according to the
framework of dual
process of identity
formation
proposed by
Wenger (1998) ,
that is
identification and
negotiability of
meanings.
Theoretical Framework: The Dual Process
of Identity Formation
In Wenger’s (1998) framework, one’s identity does not
lie only in the way one talks in the way one thinks
about oneself , or only in the way others talk or think
about one, but in the way one’s identity is lived day-to-
day.
“tension between our investment in the various forms
of belonging and our ability to negotiate the meanings
that matter in those contexts”
(p. 188).
Therefore, identity formation is a
dual process of identification and
negotiation of meanings.
By identification, it is meant the
investment of self in building
associations and differentiations.
Identification is reificative:
We identify, or are being identified, as belonging
to socially organized categories, roles, and so on.
 It is also participative:
 It is the lived experience of belonging that
constitutes who we are.
Therefore, identification is both
relational and experiential.
Three
modes of
identification
engagement
imaginationAlignment
 Engagement in practice is a powerful source of
identification in that it involves investing ourselves in
what we do.
 it is through engaging in practice that we find out how we
can participate in activities and the competence required.
Imagination is a process of relating ourselves to the world
beyond the community of practice in which we are
engaged and seeing our experience as located in the
broader context.
Imagination is “the production of images of the self and
images of the world that transcend engagement” (Wenger,
1998, p. 177).
Alignment is a process in which participants in a community
become connected by bringing their actions and practices in
line with a broader enterprise.
It is through alignment that the identity of a large group such
as an institution becomes the identity of its participants.
Alignment achieved purely through coercion and oppression
not only affects our identities but also leads to dissociation
and alienation
Negotiation of
Meanings
 Negotiation of meanings is defined in the processes of
identification.
 The negotiability of meanings, according to Wenger
(1998), determines the extent to which one is able to
contribute to and shape the meanings in which one is
invested; it is therefore fundamental to identity
formation.
 In a community of practice, engagement in the
negotiation of meanings involves the production and
adoption of meanings: The two must go together.
Members whose meanings are consistently rejected and
whose experiences are considered irrelevant, and hence
not accepted as a form of competence, will develop an
identity of marginality.
Wenger points out that the
inability to negotiate and
claim ownership of
meanings, often because of
asymmetrical power
relations, can create an
identity of nonparticipation
and marginality.
The appropriation of
meanings can alienate
those who produced the
original meanings when
they find themselves
unable to reclaim the
meanings they produced.
A NARRATIVE INQUIRY OF MINFANG’S IDENTITY FORMATION EFL
Landscape In China: Deaf-and-dumb
English And Communicative Language Teaching
The term deaf-and-dumb English [lungya yingyu] has been used to
describe the English taught in schools and universities in China.
China adopted an
open door economic
policy in 1978
Need to use English
in face-to-face
interactions arose
Combination of
Methodologies
Chinese
tradition
Intensive
study and
linguistic
analysis
Western
influence and
study of
literary texts
Extensive and
intensive
reading
University graduates were
found to be Highly competent
in grammar and writing
but Poor in listening
and speaking
 A large number of native speakers of English were
recruited.
 They were known as Foreign Experts
 CLT was introduced
 A textbook was produced called “Communicative English
for Chinese Learners.”
 In 1980, the series became part of the State Education
Commission’s (later the Ministry of Education) 5-year
plan for producing higher education foreign language
curriculum materials.
 This series has won numerous awards at national and
provincial levels.
The adoption of CLT in China was highly
controversial at the time.
 Questions were raised about the appropriateness of a
methodology rooted in Western cultures for Chinese
learners with different cultural
backgrounds.
 It was in the ELT context just described that Minfang’s
lived experience of EFL learning and teaching was
situated.
Minfang’s EFL Learner Identities:
Social and Educational
Born in a poor village
His family went through
a great deal of hardship
Going to university was the only way
to escape poverty
Minfang was admitted to
Nanda where
he had painful experiences.
His English was poor and
communication style was bad.
He was sent to evening language classes
with students having
poor listening and speaking skills.
Minfang was stigmatized as the
“deaf-and-dumb English
learner” with “special needs.”
Reconstructing Learner
Identity
Minfang worked hard to
be accepted by the
learner community at
Nanda.
He started to socialize
in the local Cantonese
community
He also improved his
speaking in English
Appropriating and Reclaiming
Meanings of EFL Learning
 Investing his self in his relations with his peers constituted
one aspect of Minfang’s identity.
 The other equally important aspect was investing his self
in what he did as an EFL learner.
 Nanda offered him two parallel
courses in the first year
(1) Intensive English
(2) CLT
Minfang described
CLT as “soft and
unrealistic”
It was “soft”
because the
linguistic points
were not made
entirely explicit in
the communicative
activities.
It was
“unrealistic”
because it required
the teacher to have
pragmatic
competence.
Minfang pointed out that most of his teachers had never ,
 interacted with native speakers of English,
 gone overseas
 found themselves in a situation where they had to use
English for daily interaction.
Therefore, Minfang as well as other students liked
“Intensive Reading” but to the CLT classroom was a
“battlefield”.
Minfang's Statement:
“I loathed the communicative activities
with loud students huddling together
and performing mini-dramas. The
teacher told us that the activities were
designed to help us develop
communicative competence, but I just
could not understand why we should
stay together [sitting in groups] and
call out loudly to learn.”
CLT as Cruel Language
Teaching
“Regular”
Time slots :
between 8 and
10 o’clock
“Peripheral”
Time slots :
before meals
and going to
bed
Why CLT was “Cruel Language
Teaching”
In the second year , Minfang
saw that the examination
pressure began to mount .
Minfang and his classmates felt
that CLT tasks got in the way of
preparing for the examination.
They started skipping CLT
assignments and cutting
corners .
The teacher insulted them and,
as a penalty , gave them more
assignments .
Minfang wrote in his diary,
“Huddling in the stinking place,
we cursed CLT and called it
Cruel Language Teaching
because it intensified our pain
and sufferings.”
In-Class and Out-of-Class Learning
Learning by using other
resources outside the
classroom
Too much valuable class
time was spent on the CLT
textbook
Minfang’s EFL Teacher Identities : A
Genuine Product of CLT
# The stigma of a “deaf-and-dumb
student with special needs”
# Genuine product of CLT
# He was expected to be a good CLT
teacher
The “Deaf-and-Dumb Student”
and the Marginal EFL Teacher
Teaching listening skill was ranked least
important and usually given to
new teachers.
Minfang was assigned to
teach listening skills.
He understood that he
had to improve his
English proficiency
Minfang blamed on CLT which
made him desperate.
He was asked by the head of his
department to
adjust the workload given to
students and to improve his
teaching techniques.
Struggle to Construct Teacher Identity
 Blurred boundary:
authoritative teacher vs
humble student
 Age issue: Lin Laoshi
(Teacher Lin) and
Brother Fang
 Building relationship
(gao guanxi)
 Tried putting up a stern
face
Outcome
 Misinterpreted by students (popular listening
teacher)
 Fear of ‘disgraceful past’
 Fear of being judged as ‘teacher of little
substance’
 Workplace seemed as oppressive hierarchical
institution. (2 years)
Change in TM Approach
 CLT was a core course
 Minfang’s incorporation of
necessary ideas
 Factors which initiated change:
 Unannounced visit by an internal
inspector
 Being unprepared
 Burden of reputation of the
department
 Clash between moral
responsibility and allegiance to
institution
 Being discrete about disclosure of
views on CLT
Theorizing practical knowledge
and rediscovering EFL
 Exposure to theories and models of ELT in
master’s
 Found out about the misconceptions of CLT
 Able to identify theoretical principle behind his
practice
 Facing dual identity crisis
 Resolved after leaving the institution for PhD
Membership, Competence and
Legitimacy of Access to Practice
Membership, Competence and
Legitimacy of Access to Practice
 Membership: Membership in a community consists of not
just the reified markers of membership but more
important, the competence that membership entails.
 Competence: Competence encompasses knowing how
to engage with other members, understanding the
enterprise in which members are engaged, and sharing
the mediating resources.
Membership, Competence and
Legitimacy of Access to Practice
 Legitimacy of Access to Practice: It encompasses not
just being given legitimate access to participation but
also legitimating access to practice.
Appropriating and Reclaiming Ownership of
Meanings of
EFL Learning
 Minfang developed a high level of English proficiency
meant gaining a good understanding of the English
language system through the intensive study of
language structures, texts, and vocabulary.
 Minfang defined the meaning of EFL learning as “hard
work and serious learning,” and he and his peers defined
the meaning of CLT as “fun activities”.
Appropriating and Reclaiming Ownership
of Meanings of
EFL Learning
 Wenger (1998) observes, appropriation of meanings
often leads to the alienation of the original producers of
those meanings.
 Minfang’s participation in the act of teaching shaped his
understanding that an EFL teacher does more than
simply adopt officially sanctioned pedagogical
approaches.
POWER AND ECONOMIES OF
MEANING
Minfang’s
Identity
as
Product
Minfang’s
Identity
as CLT
Teacher
CONCLUSION
AND IDENTITY
FORMATION AS
PARTICIPATION
Highly
complex
teacher’s
identity
formation
A powerful
framework
An
important
aspect of
identification
Legitimate
access to
practice
Complexities of-identity-formation-2

Complexities of-identity-formation-2

  • 1.
    Complexities of IdentityFormation A Narrative Inquiry of an EFL Teacher AMY B.M. TSUI The University Of Hong Kong Hong Kong SAR, China
  • 2.
  • 3.
    Syed Nakib Sadi IffatJahan Suchona Fariha Sharmin Saleh Arman Sajal Mahmudul Hasan Ripon
  • 5.
    (Varghese, Morgan, Johnston& Johnson, 2005) Sociopolitical landscape of the classroom Sociocultura l landscape of the classroom Professional development A Teacher’s Professiona l Identity
  • 6.
    A review ofthe literature in this area suggests that relevant studies converge on three major issues, Multifaceted nature of professional identity and the relationships between these facets The relationship between the personal and the social dimensions of identity formation The relationship between agency and structure in identity formation
  • 7.
    Methodology: Narrative Inquiry ofIdentity Formation Minfang’s identity formation as a teacher (the name is fictitious)
  • 8.
    “Through storytelling, teachersengage in narrative ‘theorizing’ and, based on that, teachers may further discover and shape their professional identity resulting in new or different stories” (Beijaard,2004,p. 121)
  • 9.
  • 10.
    Data were sorted chronologically fromMinfang’s childhood experience to his last year of teaching Identity conflicts that Minfang experienced (as EFL learner and as EFL teacher) Data were analyzed according to the framework of dual process of identity formation proposed by Wenger (1998) , that is identification and negotiability of meanings.
  • 11.
    Theoretical Framework: TheDual Process of Identity Formation
  • 12.
    In Wenger’s (1998)framework, one’s identity does not lie only in the way one talks in the way one thinks about oneself , or only in the way others talk or think about one, but in the way one’s identity is lived day-to- day. “tension between our investment in the various forms of belonging and our ability to negotiate the meanings that matter in those contexts” (p. 188).
  • 13.
    Therefore, identity formationis a dual process of identification and negotiation of meanings. By identification, it is meant the investment of self in building associations and differentiations.
  • 14.
    Identification is reificative: Weidentify, or are being identified, as belonging to socially organized categories, roles, and so on.  It is also participative:  It is the lived experience of belonging that constitutes who we are. Therefore, identification is both relational and experiential.
  • 15.
  • 16.
     Engagement inpractice is a powerful source of identification in that it involves investing ourselves in what we do.  it is through engaging in practice that we find out how we can participate in activities and the competence required.
  • 17.
    Imagination is aprocess of relating ourselves to the world beyond the community of practice in which we are engaged and seeing our experience as located in the broader context. Imagination is “the production of images of the self and images of the world that transcend engagement” (Wenger, 1998, p. 177).
  • 18.
    Alignment is aprocess in which participants in a community become connected by bringing their actions and practices in line with a broader enterprise. It is through alignment that the identity of a large group such as an institution becomes the identity of its participants. Alignment achieved purely through coercion and oppression not only affects our identities but also leads to dissociation and alienation
  • 19.
  • 20.
     Negotiation ofmeanings is defined in the processes of identification.  The negotiability of meanings, according to Wenger (1998), determines the extent to which one is able to contribute to and shape the meanings in which one is invested; it is therefore fundamental to identity formation.
  • 21.
     In acommunity of practice, engagement in the negotiation of meanings involves the production and adoption of meanings: The two must go together. Members whose meanings are consistently rejected and whose experiences are considered irrelevant, and hence not accepted as a form of competence, will develop an identity of marginality.
  • 22.
    Wenger points outthat the inability to negotiate and claim ownership of meanings, often because of asymmetrical power relations, can create an identity of nonparticipation and marginality. The appropriation of meanings can alienate those who produced the original meanings when they find themselves unable to reclaim the meanings they produced.
  • 23.
    A NARRATIVE INQUIRYOF MINFANG’S IDENTITY FORMATION EFL Landscape In China: Deaf-and-dumb English And Communicative Language Teaching The term deaf-and-dumb English [lungya yingyu] has been used to describe the English taught in schools and universities in China.
  • 24.
    China adopted an opendoor economic policy in 1978 Need to use English in face-to-face interactions arose
  • 25.
  • 26.
    University graduates were foundto be Highly competent in grammar and writing but Poor in listening and speaking
  • 27.
     A largenumber of native speakers of English were recruited.  They were known as Foreign Experts  CLT was introduced  A textbook was produced called “Communicative English for Chinese Learners.”
  • 28.
     In 1980,the series became part of the State Education Commission’s (later the Ministry of Education) 5-year plan for producing higher education foreign language curriculum materials.  This series has won numerous awards at national and provincial levels.
  • 29.
    The adoption ofCLT in China was highly controversial at the time.  Questions were raised about the appropriateness of a methodology rooted in Western cultures for Chinese learners with different cultural backgrounds.
  • 30.
     It wasin the ELT context just described that Minfang’s lived experience of EFL learning and teaching was situated. Minfang’s EFL Learner Identities: Social and Educational
  • 31.
    Born in apoor village His family went through a great deal of hardship Going to university was the only way to escape poverty
  • 32.
    Minfang was admittedto Nanda where he had painful experiences. His English was poor and communication style was bad. He was sent to evening language classes with students having poor listening and speaking skills. Minfang was stigmatized as the “deaf-and-dumb English learner” with “special needs.”
  • 33.
  • 34.
    Minfang worked hardto be accepted by the learner community at Nanda. He started to socialize in the local Cantonese community He also improved his speaking in English
  • 35.
    Appropriating and Reclaiming Meaningsof EFL Learning  Investing his self in his relations with his peers constituted one aspect of Minfang’s identity.  The other equally important aspect was investing his self in what he did as an EFL learner.  Nanda offered him two parallel courses in the first year (1) Intensive English (2) CLT
  • 36.
    Minfang described CLT as“soft and unrealistic” It was “soft” because the linguistic points were not made entirely explicit in the communicative activities. It was “unrealistic” because it required the teacher to have pragmatic competence.
  • 37.
    Minfang pointed outthat most of his teachers had never ,  interacted with native speakers of English,  gone overseas  found themselves in a situation where they had to use English for daily interaction.
  • 38.
    Therefore, Minfang aswell as other students liked “Intensive Reading” but to the CLT classroom was a “battlefield”.
  • 39.
    Minfang's Statement: “I loathedthe communicative activities with loud students huddling together and performing mini-dramas. The teacher told us that the activities were designed to help us develop communicative competence, but I just could not understand why we should stay together [sitting in groups] and call out loudly to learn.”
  • 40.
    CLT as CruelLanguage Teaching
  • 41.
    “Regular” Time slots : between8 and 10 o’clock “Peripheral” Time slots : before meals and going to bed
  • 42.
    Why CLT was“Cruel Language Teaching”
  • 43.
    In the secondyear , Minfang saw that the examination pressure began to mount . Minfang and his classmates felt that CLT tasks got in the way of preparing for the examination. They started skipping CLT assignments and cutting corners . The teacher insulted them and, as a penalty , gave them more assignments . Minfang wrote in his diary, “Huddling in the stinking place, we cursed CLT and called it Cruel Language Teaching because it intensified our pain and sufferings.”
  • 44.
    In-Class and Out-of-ClassLearning Learning by using other resources outside the classroom Too much valuable class time was spent on the CLT textbook
  • 45.
    Minfang’s EFL TeacherIdentities : A Genuine Product of CLT # The stigma of a “deaf-and-dumb student with special needs” # Genuine product of CLT # He was expected to be a good CLT teacher
  • 46.
    The “Deaf-and-Dumb Student” andthe Marginal EFL Teacher
  • 47.
    Teaching listening skillwas ranked least important and usually given to new teachers. Minfang was assigned to teach listening skills. He understood that he had to improve his English proficiency
  • 48.
    Minfang blamed onCLT which made him desperate. He was asked by the head of his department to adjust the workload given to students and to improve his teaching techniques.
  • 49.
    Struggle to ConstructTeacher Identity  Blurred boundary: authoritative teacher vs humble student  Age issue: Lin Laoshi (Teacher Lin) and Brother Fang  Building relationship (gao guanxi)  Tried putting up a stern face
  • 50.
    Outcome  Misinterpreted bystudents (popular listening teacher)  Fear of ‘disgraceful past’  Fear of being judged as ‘teacher of little substance’  Workplace seemed as oppressive hierarchical institution. (2 years)
  • 52.
    Change in TMApproach  CLT was a core course  Minfang’s incorporation of necessary ideas  Factors which initiated change:  Unannounced visit by an internal inspector  Being unprepared  Burden of reputation of the department  Clash between moral responsibility and allegiance to institution  Being discrete about disclosure of views on CLT
  • 53.
    Theorizing practical knowledge andrediscovering EFL  Exposure to theories and models of ELT in master’s  Found out about the misconceptions of CLT  Able to identify theoretical principle behind his practice  Facing dual identity crisis  Resolved after leaving the institution for PhD
  • 54.
  • 55.
    Membership, Competence and Legitimacyof Access to Practice  Membership: Membership in a community consists of not just the reified markers of membership but more important, the competence that membership entails.  Competence: Competence encompasses knowing how to engage with other members, understanding the enterprise in which members are engaged, and sharing the mediating resources.
  • 56.
    Membership, Competence and Legitimacyof Access to Practice  Legitimacy of Access to Practice: It encompasses not just being given legitimate access to participation but also legitimating access to practice.
  • 57.
    Appropriating and ReclaimingOwnership of Meanings of EFL Learning  Minfang developed a high level of English proficiency meant gaining a good understanding of the English language system through the intensive study of language structures, texts, and vocabulary.  Minfang defined the meaning of EFL learning as “hard work and serious learning,” and he and his peers defined the meaning of CLT as “fun activities”.
  • 58.
    Appropriating and ReclaimingOwnership of Meanings of EFL Learning  Wenger (1998) observes, appropriation of meanings often leads to the alienation of the original producers of those meanings.  Minfang’s participation in the act of teaching shaped his understanding that an EFL teacher does more than simply adopt officially sanctioned pedagogical approaches.
  • 59.
  • 61.
  • 62.
  • 63.
  • 64.