The document summarizes the development of Russian media in the 1990s following the collapse of the Soviet Union. It describes how independent media rapidly grew in the early 1990s but faced challenges establishing themselves. Newspapers like Kommersant set new standards for business journalism. Television also modernized with channels like NTV. However, media became embroiled in political conflicts and compromised their independence in supporting Yeltsin's 1996 reelection in exchange for oligarch funding, compromising their integrity. The 1998 financial crisis devastated the advertising-reliant media industry.

1. RUSSIAN MEDIA TODAYpart 2: 1990’s – days of chaos and glory VasilyGatov

2. Early 1990’s – the change Communist Party lifted the ban on entrepreneurship in 1988 when co-operatives were legalized. Since then new, independent Russian press counts it’s history Starting conditions were very different for newly formed and “old-timers” of CPSU breed – USSR had limited printing capacity and no infrastructure to accommodate a growing number of titles Soviet television meanwhile remained under strict Party’s control until August 1991 The only political radio station was registered and started to air – Echo of Moscow

3. Media landscape 1991 National State TV – Channel One, Channel Two, Education Channel Some regional TV stations with limited broadcast capacity State controlled radio networks nationwide 185 daily newspapers, 47 of which – national dailies 478 weekly and monthly publications with nationwide distribution A few newly founded newspapers and magazines – primarily weekly newspapers After August 1991, most “old media” including TV channels, suffered heavy system shock – the editors and managers couldn’t establish the role and policies in the new society without ideology, propaganda and censorship

4. Kommersant Kommersant was founded in 1988 by a group of young journalists and entrepreneurs as a weekly for “business-minded community” In 1992, newspaper became a daily publication with a national coverage The most respected business news and analytics newspaper, Kommersant still leads Russian press market Kommersant’s discovery: split the journalism into two parts – news gathering and news writing; old school could be great in text, while younger people are much better in finding and research of information Specialty: news gathering, markets insight, brilliant language, independence

5. 1991-1994: the birth of new tv Soviet television was one of the most powerful brakes on the Gorbachev’s perestroika – designed to conserve the regime, it couldn’t do much to help the change A handful of brave critical TV shows of late 80’s – Vzglyad (Sight), Do I PoslePolunochi (Around Midnight) – did a lot to crash the ice of communist propaganda In 1993, President Boris Yeltsin granted the TV broadcast license to NTV – new television channel, created by oligarch Vladimir Gousinsky and a group of former news editors from Channels One and Two NTV became the first Russian TV that brought western standards of news coverage, live news reports, deep and thoughtful talk shows – as well as massive ad presence in the air Channel One had been converted from state-owned to private in 1994, joining the commercial competition on the national level Channel Two, or Russia TV, remains under a complete state control

6. Information wars 1992-2003 Young Russian press had no vaccine against bias and un-objectivity. Journalists and editors were all bearing the signs of the Soviet past when The Party declared what’s good and what’s bad Media owners were tempted by investment or bribery or pressure to take part in commercial or political conflicts that often broke out in 90’s – privatization, shift of power between old and new elite, property scams Russian press and TV became in 1992-2003 not a reporters at this battleground but participants. A lot of journalists discredited the profession taking bribes from businessmen or politicians The peak of the InfoWars period came in 1998-2000 when nation’s main TV news show – VREMYA (Channel One, 21.00 daily) was used to ouster Prime Minister EvgenyPrimakov and weaken the positions of Moscow Major Yuri Luzkhov

7. 1993: the first test The conflict between President Boris Yeltsin and the Parliament has lead to a bloody days of October 3-4 when opposition attempted a coup-d-etat in Moscow Most of media outlets took The President’s position while were critical to the cruelness of the operation that was ordered by Yeltsin Kremlin was quite hard in respect to the guilt of the coup’s leaders and militants while never closed any opposition media or media, critical onto Yeltsin or his officers This test showed Russian media that the industry could be as powerful as “the fourth power”

8. 1993-1996: golden days AND CHECHEN WAR Never since – and never again – Russian media was so bright and successful as they were in those 3 years: respected as “the fourth power”, self-confident, profit-making and protected as a natural part of a freedom The war in Chechnya (started Dec 1994), small separatist region in the Southern Russia, gave media a chance to be critical to the authorities and report a military conflict as never before – from both sides Russian press and TV played a big role in a ceasefire of 96’ – pressing Boris Yeltsin to stop the war in an interest of the people of Russia

9. 1995-1996: magazines arrive While early 90’s were newspaper’s paradise, mid-90’s brought glossy mags to Russia Cosmopolitan (1993) and Shape (1994) were first to license their brands to Russia-based publisher – Derk Sauer, Dutch journalist, creates Independent Media, now the largest Russian mags publisher In 1995-1996, more than 250 weekly and monthly mags were launched, some of them – under license from US or European publishers Magazines invoked the demand for high-quality, color printing – and the industry was born in 1997

10. 1996: the sin of yeltsin re-election Late 1995 Boris Yeltsin’s approval rating was close to zero; The First President was ill, his reputation was ruined and the perspective of Communist Party return to power was looking imminent 7 most rich Russian oligarchs decided to prevent communist rebirth and approached President’s Administration with a plan to recruit all national media to support Boris Yeltsin and dismiss communism 7 oligarchs recruited all major news editors and publishers to support Yeltsin re-election and secured that TV channels and newspapers were praising the President and humiliating Communist Party – festivity of subjective reporting Kommersant, a stronghold of new unbiased media, launched hard anticommunist free paper «Не дай Бог» (God save us from…) – the publication that was circulated in millions and affected a nation’s choice heavily July 3rd, 1996 Boris Yeltsin who just few days before suffered a heart attack was re-elected President with 53,2% approval New and Old Russian media took a sin that affects their fate until now: accepting funding from oligarchs to influence and reverse public opinion

11. 1998: State default and the media In 1997-1998, Russian Govt had to conduct a dangerous borrowing policy, issuing massive high yield state bonds: GDP income was too low to support state social obligations In August 1998, due to severe economic conditions and steep fall of the oil price, Russian Govt declared a default on those bonds, creating doom-scale devaluation of the rouble (4,4 times in 1 month) Russian consumer and sequentially advertising markets collapsed by September Most Russian media business suffered losses of 85 to 100% decline in ad sales: hundreds of titles closed, many TV stations stopped operations The survivors of 98’ now form a core of Russian media business

12. Conclusion 1990’s were great, game-changing time for Russian media The freedom of speech, the freedom of the press were granted after a collapse of the USSR and The Communist Party in 1991 Many media – newspapers, TV channels, radio – had to establish themselves in the new and uncharted world Some new publishers managed to create new titles that established standards of quality journalism – like Kommersant newspaper After a short period of “golden days” (1993-1996), Russian media agreed to forfeit critical values of free press, accepting oligarchs proposal to support Boris Yeltsin re-election – this sin still affects the virtues of Russian media