Running Head, PROGRESS ASSIGNMENT, 25MAY2020, PROGRESS ASSIGN.docx

Running Head:, PROGRESS ASSIGNMENT, 25MAY2020
, PROGRESS ASSIGNMENT, 25MAY2020
Title: Progress Assignment
Introduction
Immigration has been one of the most emotive topics in the
world over the years. This is especially so in Germany since the
country is not only home to numerous immigrants but also
continues to receive and accommodate many immigrants from
many middle eastern and African countries who are either
escaping their countries due to war, political and civil conflicts,
invitation by relatives or even looking for employment among
other reasons. However, immigration, which involves the
movement of people into a different country also raises several
concerns regarding both the security of the immigrants and the
country.
Thesis Statement
Based on the foregoing background information, the purpose of
this research will be to explore whether the refugee crisis from
certain African and Middle Eastern countries has impacted
human security in Germany. This is in an attempt to not only
understand the extent of the problem but also contribute to the
existing body of literature regarding the topic by providing
actionable recommendations. Subsequently, the research will be
geared at proving that the refugee crisis has had a (vague) on
human security in Germany. (If your thesis is that the refugee
crisis is threatening economic, social, and political stability in
Germany, then state that. Don’t be vague. A great influence
could be positive or negative and that’s not really debatable.)
Background
Over the past years, a lot of research regarding the implications

of immigration in Germany has been carried out. However, most
of the research has largely focused on national security, crime
and violent extremism. However, human security which is the
focus of this paper involves the lives of people and their
livelihoods both for the natives of Germany as well as those
seeking or immigrating into the country.
Germany according to Ostrand, (2015) is one of the countries
that accommodate many refugees from African and Middle
Eastern countries like Syria. For instance, according to research
Germany and Sweden were the countries that accommodated
most of the refugees escaping Syria due to war in 2014
(Ostrand, 2015). According to Purkayastha, (2018) Un estimates
indicate that 14.8% or 12,165,083 people residing in Germany
in 2017 were immigrants. As a result, the country incurs certain
burdens such as crime, housing, lack of adequate jobs among
others in accommodating refugees. One of the key issues
regarding immigration is human security.
Issues around Immigration (You still need to apply a theoretical
perspective – such as the realist, idealist or constructivist
worldview to your analysis in this section.)
The main issues that arise regarding immigration and human
security involve the laws protecting both the citizens and the
immigrants, the number of immigrants moving into Germany
and its implications to both population growth and security as
well as measures put in place to ensure human security. (You
still need research in this section. Be sure to identify concrete
numbers through research and the specific laws protecting
citizens and immigrants that you are referring to.)
Complications regarding immigration
While the country has developed both policies and laws to
ensure that immigrants and natives are secured, immigration
raises certain complications. The first complicating factor the
country faces involve dealing with illegal immigration which

has been on the rise over the past years (Purkayastha, B. (2018).
secondly, immigration issues in the country are further
complicated by its willingness to accommodate as many
immigrants as possible. This is evidenced by the fact that the
country has enacted a law that makes it easy for immigrants
with certain skills to move to the country. (I’m pleased to see
research in this section. You still only identify two
complicating factors instead of three)
Possible solutions
The first possible solution to the immigration issue in Germany
would be to toughen the laws on immigration. (This is vague.
Toughen them how? What does the law currently allow and
what change would present a solution?) This would ensure that
individuals moving into the country are properly screened
(screened for what?) as a means of reducing illegal immigration
(Purkayastha, 2018). (You appear to be lumping legal and
illegal immigration together here. Which one are you targeting?
Your strategy/solution for reducing legal immigration is going
to be different than a strategy targeting illegal immigration.)
Secondly, the country can deport illegal immigrants living in
the country without the required documentation. (are the
currently not doing this?) Finally, the country needs to avoid or
stop taking in new legal? Immigrants (wouldn’t this violate the
1951 Refugee Convention?). (You need more specifics in this
section, and you should identify the advantages and limitations
of each approach.)
Recommendation
Although immigration is an emotive and difficult issue,
Germany can address its immigration problem by toughening its
laws regarding immigration. As earlier observed one of the
complicating factors regarding immigration into the country is
the fact that the country’s laws allow for increased immigration
for individuals with certain skills (Purkayastha, 2018). The
anticipated outcome of toughening its immigration laws is that
the country will not only be in a position to screen immigrants
entering the country but will also reduce illegal immigration. (A

country typically allows immigrants with certain skill sets to
overcome shortages in its workforce in certain industries such
as hospitality or health care. I’m not sure if you are
recommending Germany no longer allow immigrants to fill gaps
in its workforce or if you are suggesting something else. This
recommendation is vague. Which law are you referring to? Are
you seeking to reduce both legal and illegal immigration? A few
more specifics are needed and you should evaluate the
advantages and the limitations of your approach.)
Conclusion
As observed in this paper, the refugee crisis in certain African
countries and middle eastern countries such as Syria has had
numerous human security implications for Germany. These
implications not only involve the costs that the country has to
incur in accommodating refugees but also the protection of both
native Germans and the refugees moving into the country. (You
shouldn’t tell your readers wha your paper will do at the end of
the paper).
This is your second submission. I am crediting you 15 points
because you completed the missing sections for possible
solutions, recommendations, and anticipated outcomes. I am
also crediting 5 points for incorporating research from a second
source. This raises your grade from 70 to 90 points. My other
concerns still stand. You are going to need more specifics and
more research to prove your thesis. Many of the statements you
have made here are vague. I hope the guidance with the thesis
statement proves helpful. Don’t forget the theoretical
framework in the issues section.
References
Ostrand, N. (2015). The Syrian refugee crisis: A comparison of
responses by Germany, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the
United States. Journal on Migration and Human Security, 3(3),
255-279.

Purkayastha, B. (2018). Migration, migrants, and human
security. Current Sociology, 66(2), 167-191.
1
6
Ambivalence in "Young Goodman Brown"
Author(s): Walter J. Paulits
Source: American Literature, Vol. 41, No. 4 (Jan., 1970), pp.
577-584
Published by: Duke University Press
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578 merican Literature
ambiguity but, I think, in the service of a more pervasive theme
of
ambivalence.'
In his fine book, Allegory: The Theory of a Symbolic Mode,
Angus Fletcher writes: "Allegorical literature always displays
to-
ward its polar antagonisms a certain ambivalence. This much-
used
term does not mean 'mixed feelings,' unless we are willing to
amend
the phrase to a 'mixture of diametrically opposed feelings.' "2
The
generic names in Hawthorne's tale and the biblically allusive
nature
of the temptations Goodman is subjected to seem sufficient
proof of
Hawthorne's allegorical intent, and Hawthorne's awareness of

radical ambivalence seems evident from sentences in "Rappac-
cini's Daughter": "It was not love . . . nor horror . . . but a wild
offspring of both love and horror that had each parent in it, and
burned like one and shivered like the other"; and "Blessed are
all
simple emotions, be they dark or bright! It is the lurid
intermixture
of the two that produces the illuminating blaze of the infernal
regions."3 I believe that "Young Goodman Brown" is an
allegorical
presentation of ambivalence.
The precise ambivalence in Brown at the beginning of the tale
is an attraction for the Devil conjoined with a regret at leaving
Faith. Neither has Brown given himself to the Devil nor is he
leaving Faith definitively: "Well, she's a blessed angel on
earth;
and after this one night I'll cling to her skirts and follow her to
heaven."4 Whether this dalliance with evil makes sense
theolog-
ically or socially or not seems to me to be peripheral; what is
im-
portant is that Brown deserts Faith and goes into the forest to
meet the Devil in a highly tentative venture. He has not firmly
decided. This tentativeness is important because it springs from
his emotive ambivalence-he wants two things strongly enough
to be unwilling to give up either. The Devil's role is to lead
him to
complete evil by temptation and fall. The tale becomes in great
1 Cf. Richard Harter Fogle, "Ambiguity and Clarity in
Hawthorne's 'Young Goodman
Brown,'" New England Quarterly, XVIII, 448-465 (Dec., 1945),
or his Hawthorne's
Fiction: The Light and the Dark (Norman, Okla., I952), which
incorporates the pre-

vious article. Fogle successfully illustrates how Hawthorne
maintains manifold meanings
in a controlled structure, but he does not distinguish between
ambiguity and am-
bivalence.
2 Ithaca, N. Y., I964, p. 224.
' In Hawthorne's Works, Mosses from an Old Manse
(Cambridge, Mass., I882), II, 123.
All future references to the tale will be taken from this source
and will be incorporated
into the text.
' Ibid., p. go.
May 2020 02:44:44 UTC
Notes 579
part, thus, a record of the temptation. As Fletcher says: "The
heart of moralizing actions becomes temptation, which asserts
the
desirability of evil."5
Once in the forest and after having met the Devil, Brown
almost
immediately questions the emotive attraction that has drawn
him there: "I have scruples touching the matter thou wot'st of"
(p. 9I). That he then "unconsciously" (p. 92) resumes his walk
evi-
dences the presence of the two feelings battling within him.

From
the time Brown shows hesitation Hawthorne casts the story into
the framework of a temptation leading toward decision. The
Devil's easy assumption of his role as tempter is consonant
with his
knowledge that the pact is not yet complete. He knows he must
convince Brown of the goodness of the decision to be made.
When
Brown is convinced, the conflicting feelings will presumably
cease, and he will become the dedicated votary a witch or
warlock
traditionally is.
Hawthorne, after detailing an unavailing conversation in which
the Devil uses an "everybody-has-done-it" argument, constructs
a
major tripartite segment which has affinities with the biblical
ac-
count of the triple temptation of Christ in the desert.
Hawthorne's
allusive use of the biblical scene is consistent with the theme
of am-
bivalence he is working out. That Christ underwent everything
that man suffered, sin excluded, is a biblical truism that Brown
should have been aware of. And perhaps he is presumed to have
been, because his reactions are remarkably like Christ's-up to a
point. Brown is almost as stubborn as Christ. After Goody
Cloyse's
apparition, he says: "my mind is made up. Not another step will
I
budge on this errand" (p. 95). After he hears the Minister's and
the Deacon's "voices" he cries: "With heaven above and Faith
be-
low, I will yet stand firm against the devil" (p. 98). But after
Faith's seeming defection he appears to yield. The yielding
should

be understood in its relationship to Christ's third reaction.
Christ
committed himself to the service of his Father: "It is the Lord
your God whom you will adore" (Matt. 4:IO). His decision was
firm, and any feelings he might have had to the opposite of the
service of the Lord (which, in terms of the biblical story, could
only have been service of the Devil) dissipate, and he is at
oneness
5 P. 225.
May 2020 02:44:44 UTC
580 American Literature
with himself, and his peace is symbolized by the angels who
come
to minister to him. Brown should have imitated Christ. But he
is
deceived by the spectral evidence of the ribbon, just as he had
been
by the earlier apparitions,6 and so for a while Brown does not
follow
the biblical pattern. But at the initiation scene Hawthorne
reverts
to this important Christ-temptation scheme, and Brown will
ulti-
mately imitate Christ. Much, though, will have happened by
then.
Brown's yielding should also be understood in its relationship
to the ambivalence he suffers when he enters the forest. The

Devil
has not succeeded in fixing the vacillating Brown with any of
the
previous temptations, and until he does succeed, Brown's am-
bivalence will continue. It would be a mistake to read Brown's
mad
flight through the forest, however, as a definitive success for
the
Devil. After all, Brown is hurrying toward the Witches'
Meeting
where the initiation can actually occur, and until he arrives he
is
simply not an initiate. What impels him is more frenzy than ra-
tional, unimpassioned choice, and it is a standard moral dictum
that passion alleviates the gravity of moral fault. Brown is
"mad-
dened with despair" (p. 99), he is "still rushing onward with the
instinct that guides mortal men to evil" (p. 99), he is "the
demoniac" (p. ioo). Significantly, after Brown arrives and ex-
amines the assembly, his latent revulsion against the initiation
stirs
again when he does not see Faith: "'But where is Faith?'
thought
Goodman Brown; and, as hope came into his heart, he
trembled"
(p. ioi). It seems to me that all Hawthorne can legitimately be
made to say between the ribbon and the new hope is that Faith
seems to have defected; but that Brown sees now the goodness
of
the Devil's proposal is far from evident. Thus, the great
purpose of
the Witches' Sabbath will be precisely to show the desirability
of
rationally accepting the initiation.

6 This issue is discussed in David Levin, "Shadows of Doubt:
Specter Evidence in
Hawthorne's 'Young Goodman Brown,'" American Literature,
XXXIV, 344-352 (Nov.,
I962); this article is attacked by Paul J. Hurley, "Young
Goodman Brown's 'Heart of
Darkness,'" American Literature, XXXVII, 410-4I9 (Jan.,
I966). I agree more with Levin
than with Hurley. As Fletcher indicates, deception is almost
inherent in the presentation
of Christian allegory: "The Christian allegory that deals with
the hero's search for
holiness, which is a state of mind as well as of being, displays
rhot only the tortures
of the lover of God, but equally the tortures of self-knowledge.
The hero is never, until
final redemption saves him, sure of himself; appearances may
be deceptive" (p. 227).
Necessary modifications made, the sentence applies to Brown.
May 2020 02:44:44 UTC
Notes 58I
Therefore, Brown's state at the time of the calling-forth of the
candidates is not radically different from his state when he first
entered the forest: he is torn between conflicting desires.
Never-
theless the flight has apparently shown him something of
himself.
He now knows how related he is to the entire grim group, "with
whom he felt a loathful brotherhood by the sympathy of all that

was wicked in his heart" (p. 102). He knows the instinct within
him that can drive him toward evil, and he senses this same
instinct
in others. But the important qualification to be made here is
that
the brotherhood he has with the others is experienced as
"loathful."
The feeling is one of revulsion, and yet he does step forward
for
full initiation, the consequence of which will presumably be
that he
will become a full member of the coven. But the sense of
loathing
is significant, because its presence indicates that Satan's work
is still
unfinished. All the speeches Satan speaks prior to the aborted
bap-
tism will be directed toward one of two purposes: either
Brown's
final self-convincing or Brown's self-delusion. In either case
the
Devil's purpose will have been gained.
Hawthorne's presentation of Satan's final argument is delicate.
Satan tempts the couple (really, Brown; Faith is not important
in
herself in the intent of the tale) with two promises, not one.
The
first is: "Welcome . . . to the communion of your race" (p. I03);
"By all the sympathy of your human hearts for sin" (p. I03), "It
shall be yours to penetrate, in every bosom, the deep mystery
of
sin" (p. I04). This is an invitation to knowledge, to recognition
,of sin, first in oneself and then in others. I would suggest that,
in
itself, nothing is wrong with possessing this knowledge; for ex-

ample, Minister Hooper's awareness of sin, while it does isolate
him, paradoxically also brings him closer to his parishioners in
their most critical hours, especially death. The second
invitation
is very different: "ye . . . shall exult to behold the whole earth
one
stain of guilt, one mighty blood spot" (pp. I03-I04); "Evil must
be
your only happiness" (p. I04). These invitations are not
directed
only toward knowledge; rather they refer to values pursued and
attained and to the joy one experiences in their possession. For
Brown to accede to the first invitation would have been no
victory
for Satan. But if Brown makes evil his only good, all other
goods
cease to have value for him, and his ambivalence is replaced by
May 2020 02:44:44 UTC
"univalence." He will be the Devil's and a fully participating
mem-
ber of the coven. But the Devil's clever intermingling of the
two
invitations also leaves open the possibility that an uninformed
"no" could still be "yes" to issues unsuspected by the simple
Good-
man.
Hawthorne does not allow Brown to opt for or against

initiation.
on the terms of the second invitation. At the exactly climactic
point in the tale, Brown suffuses elements of the first invitation
with elements of the second. The climax does not come in
terms
of value and happiness but in terms of knowledge: "Herein did
the
shape of evil dip his hand and prepare to lay the mark of
baptism
upon their foreheads, that they might be partakers of the
mystery
of sin, more conscious of the secret guilt of others, both in
deed and
thought, than they could now be of their own" (p. I04). The
entire significance of the baptism for Brown will be, then, that
the
two will know the sins of each other: "The husband cast one
look
at his pale wife, and Faith at him. What polluted wretches
would
the next glance show them to each other" (pp. I04-I05). On
these
terms Brown refuses the baptism violently.
The refusal is tremendously significant. In his not listening
carefully to the Devil's words Brown has conflated the two
promises
into one meaning and has allowed the horror of the second to
flow
over onto the first. Value suffuses meaning in the one place in
the
tale where it is most necessary for Brown to recognize
ambiguity,
an ambiguity he more than the Devil has created because he has
taken two frankly presented meanings as one and filled it with
one

of the feelings contending within him. Ambivalence has led
Brown
to the point where ambiguity can confuse him. In a revulsion
against the evil, he refuses the baptism. But by this time the
evil is
not only evil; it is also a good-knowledge. So that when Brown
rebels he rebels against knowledge of sin and does so with all
the
violence of his revulsion against evil. The paradox results that
an
act of virtue-repelling temptation-throws him into as inhuman
a state as his yielding would have done.
The definition of Brown's final state in Salem Village seems to
be of critical importance for a valid reading of the tale. I
cannot
believe he has become "Badman Brown" on his return.7 After
all,
7 Cf. Thomas E. Connolly, "How Young Goodman Brown
Became Old Badman
Brown," College English, XXIV, 153 (Nov., I962).
May 2020 02:44:44 UTC
Notes 583
he has done an act of virtue, even though he does not recognize
the error he had allowed to enter and never will. His stance be-
comes, therefore, that of the man who opts for the wrong by
seeing
the wrong as right. And the decision does not remove

ambivalence,
because all the rest of his life is spent in pursuing the
knowledge
he has denied himself. He habitually ascribes to others what he
suspects they are guilty of (here is his evil: he does not forgive
nor sympathize, but then how could he?-he is not sure). His
state
becomes one of doubt, a concomitant of ambivalence.8
But the elements of the ambivalence have changed. In the be-
ginning Brown was torn between Faith and the Devil. Now the
ambivalence is rarefied and psychologized. Its object is Faith
and
all the other human beings in the village. He can never know
their
evil, and yet he is drawn toward them; he judges, but always on
doubt. Fletcher describes the state:
This "chronic coexistence of love and hatred, both directed
towards the
same person," becomes something more subtle when it is
transferred to
the sphere of doubt and certainty. Along with the emotions that
are
ambivalent, when this coexistence is in full force, there are
likely to be
intellectual equivalents in the form of extreme doubt as to the
good
and/or evil of the loved object.9
The terrible thing about Brown is that his customary spirit is
that
of the "hanging-judge," but never with assurance; he vacillates
and
in his vacillation suffers. Drawn toward wife and fellowmen,
he

can be only a begetter of children rather than real husband and
father, and he is never a companionable fellow among fellows.
He
is always searching, scrutinizing, judging, condemning. The
"loath-
ful brotherhood" can never become a loving brotherhood, either
in
evil or in charity, because his suspicion isolates him. He had
re-
fused knowledge of sin because he had thought its possession
was
evil, and his lifelong imperception then casts him into a second
am-
bivalence more harrowing than the first, because he lives in it
in a
state of righteousness concerning himself and of condemnation
of
others-but always agonizing because never complete.
Hawthorne's allegory presents a common human situation
which
occurs when a man is in possession of only partial knowledge
and is
' "Doubt, the intellectual concomitant of 'ambivalence' "
(Fletcher, p. 227).
9 Ibid.
May 2020 02:44:44 UTC

torn between opposing goods and feelings. He can-and in
"Young
Goodman Brown" does-choose wrongly, either knowingly or
not.
In either case he must pay the price. If the choice was a
mistake, the
price can cause the spectator to complain: "But it really wasn't
his
fault! He was trying to do right." No matter. The intolerance of
the whole rests on the shoulders of each. That is why I do not
read
Hawthorne as completely condemning Brown or completely ap-
proving him. Brown is Everyman on his uncertain pilgrimage,
wanting both good and evil at the same time and not being alert
enough to keep them from getting confused. He pays the price
in
his own unhappy life. In other words, "Young Goodman
Brown"
is an artistic presentation of an ambivalence all human hearts
and
heads may be subject to and that some, probably many, fall
prey to.
Three Melville Reviews in the London
Weekly Chronicle
HERSHEL PARKER
University of Southern California
R EVIEWS of Mardi and The Whale have been found in the
Lon-
don Morning Chronicle,' but three Melville reviews in the Lon-
don Weekly Chronicle have not been noticed before.2 The first

is
a remarkably thoughtful review of Mardi on April I, I849. The
second is an equally fine review of The Whale on November
29,
I85I (while the title of the newspaper was temporarily changed
to
the Weekly News and Chronicle). The third is a less favorable
but perhaps no less thoughtful review of Israel Potter on June
2,
I855-the only British newspaper review of the book yet
discovered.
The texts of these reviews are reprinted here in full, but
quotations
from Melville have been condensed to opening and closing sen-
tences, with the extent of the quotations indicated in brackets.
1 Hugh W. Hetherington, Melville's Reviewers (Chapel Hill, N.
C., I96I), pp. I08-109,
I 99-200.
2 I found the review of Mardi in the fragmentary file of the
Weekly Chronicle at the
New-York Historical Society. I am deeply obligated to Lee
Bennett (Mrs. David Bennett),
who examined for me the full file of the Weekly Chronicle in
the British Museum and
discovered the reviews of The Whale and Israel Potter.
May 2020 02:44:44 UTC
Contentsp. 577p. 578p. 579p. 580p. 581p. 582p. 583p. 584Issue
Table of ContentsAmerican Literature, Vol. 41, No. 4 (Jan.,
1970) pp. 493-639Front Matter [pp. ]Aeolism in
Knickerbocker's A History of New York [pp. 493-506]Tyndall's
Interest in Emerson [pp. 507-517]The Tragic Muse and its

Forerunners [pp. 518-531]Mark Twain's Later Dialogue: The
"Me" and the Machine [pp. 532-542]O'Neill's Lazarus: Dionysus
and Christ [pp. 543-554]The Rhetoric of Communion: Voice in
The Sound and the Fury [pp. 555-565]Notes1815-1819: Prelude
to Irving's Sketch Book [pp. 566-571]Another Source for Poe's
Arthur Gordon Pym [pp. 572-575]A Nonliterary Source for
Hawthorne's "Egotism; or the Bosom Serpent" [pp. 575-
577]Ambivalence in "Young Goodman Brown" [pp. 577-
584]Three Melville Reviews in the London Weekly Chronicle
[pp. 584-589]A Source for T. S. Eliot's "Objective Correlative"?
[pp. 589-591]Book ReviewsReview: untitled [pp. 592-
594]Review: untitled [pp. 594-595]Review: untitled [pp. 595-
614]Review: untitled [pp. 614-616]Review: untitled [pp.
619]Review: untitled [pp. 619-621]Brief Mention [pp. 622-
629]Research in Progress [pp. 630]Articles on American
Literature Appearing in Current Periodicals [pp. 631-639]Back
Matter [pp. ]
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entral American migrants approaching US3Mexico border
crossing
sites in recent days to apply for asylum are getting a taste of
what
may be ahead for the human “caravans” still hundreds of miles
to
the south, as Donald Trump further hardens his immigration
policies and rhetoric.
A normal scene in El Paso, Texas, finds US border agents, with
handguns in
holsters on their belts, routinely supervising migrants crossing a
bridge from
Mexico towards the port of entry on the US side. But earlier this
week,
individuals and small groups, including parents and children,
found the
agents with assault rifles instead, blocking their path and
turning them back
halfway across the bridge.
Last Sunday, the border was closed temporarily while Customs
and Border
Protection (CBP) agents ran drills in riot gear, to prepare for the
kind of
shutdown the president has threatened if migrant caravans
crowd the
southern border. And many thousands of active duty US troops
are making
their way to the border in armored vehicles.
Meanwhile, a man and his son who were stopped at the halfway
point of the
bridge that connects Ciudad Juárez, Mexico, with El Paso,

Texas, spoke to
the Guardian, but were too afraid to give their names.
“I have been two days here at the bridge. When we arrived, we
were told to
wait but they haven’t given us any information of how long
we’ll have to
wait,” the father said. He and his teenage son fled gang violence
in their
hometown of Huehuetenango, Guatemala, seven months ago, he
said.
The pair sat with a handful of others waiting for information,
leaning against
the wall of the path approaching the bridge. Volunteers from the
lone
migrant shelter in Ciudad Juárez, Casa del Migrante, and other
samaritans
from both sides of the border brought them some sandwiches,
blankets and
fresh clothes.
They may be battling the odds, but as the Trump administration
prepares for
a fight with migrants, perhaps literally, American aid groups are
gearing up,
ready to go head to head with the authorities to protect people’s
right to have
their cases heard.
“Under both international and US
law, anyone who claims a fear of
persecution in their home country
has a right to apply for asylum,” said
Robert Painter, director of pro bono
services and communications at

American Gateways, a Texas not-for-
profit organization providing legal
services to migrants.
He added: “We expect the
Department of Homeland Security to
honor that right and ensure that
everyone seeking asylum is put through a fair adjudication
process.”
Asylum-granting power lies with US immigration judges.
Advocates fear the administration is trying to undercut the only
legal avenue
for migrants to make their asylum claims, as Trump has made it
clear he
doesn’t want to hear the migrants’ stories, instead threatening to
cut aid to
Central America, close the border and deploy as many as 15,000
soldiers,
according to the latest report.
“It’s the complete opposite of a smart response on migration.
We see this
idea of sending troops to the border as another attempt by the
Trump
administration to manufacture a crisis where there isn’t one,”
said Shaw
Drake at the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) Border
Rights Center in
El Paso. “We [already] have ample law enforcement presence at
our borders.
Migrants are certainly not a threat to anyone, much less a threat
that requires
troops to be deployed into the backyards of border
communities.”

The homeland security secretary, Kirstjen Nielsen, said last
week that troops
were not intending to shoot migrants “right now”. But advocates
are
concerned.
“My greatest fear is that US government officials will bring
about more
violence and suffering on families who have done nothing
wrong – only
sought safety and freedom in the United States,” said Conchita
Cruz, co-
founder of Asylum Seekers Advocacy Project.
The Department of Homeland Security did not respond to a
request for
comment on how federal officials are preparing to handle any
large groups of
migrants approaching the border.
According to a report in the New York Times, the
administration is
considering multiple options, including a renewed version of the
controversial family separation policy that would make parents
entering the
US with their children choose between surrendering the minors
to foster care
or being imprisoned as a family and waiving their children’s
right to have
detention limited to 20 days.
The government is also weighing further tightening asylum
rules, speeding
up deportations and extending the use of GPS ankle monitors
for those with

court dates.
And it is considering a temporary ban on all migrants from the
Central
American region entering the US, citing national security,
according to the
New York Times report, a move that advocacy and migrant
rights groups say
would be immediately challenged in court.
“This is straight-up a Latino ban,” said Jess Morales Rocketto,
chair of the
advocacy group Families Belong Together, adding: “The Trump
administration and the Republican party have become the party
of cruelty to
families … This goes against our values as Americans.”
According to CBP data, in fiscal year 2018, about 520,000
undocumented
immigrants were apprehended by CBP. The average number of
annual arrests
from 2000 to 2018 is approximately 741,000, 30% more than
this year. The
ACLU’s Drake said that DHS now has a “vastly greater” budget
and number of
immigration officials than at the time when arrests were double
or triple the
current levels.
In April, another caravan of migrants made their way from
Central America
all the way to the San Diego and Calexico ports of entry in
California. They
were mostly allowed to enter and apply for asylum, but after
that, Trump
cracked down, with the controversial zero-tolerance and family

separation
policies.
With the midterm election just days away and Trump keen to
turn the
national conversation away from domestic terrorism and an
antisemitic mass
shooting, Drake said: “There is no doubt they view this as an
opportunity to
ramp up and bring back some of the cruelest policies they’ve
implemented,”
adding: “The US is fully capable of processing and receiving
migrants; our
reaction will say more about who we are and who we want to
be.” The ACLU
will resort to court challenges wherever necessary, he said.
Though the current caravan remains far from the border, in
recent days more
than 70 migrants from Guatemala and Cuba who intend to ask
for asylum
arrived at the Santa Fe International Bridge, which connects
downtown
Ciudad Juárez with El Paso.
The father and son from Guatemala and small clutches of other
migrants
waited on the walkway. Most who were willing to talk were
unaware of the
larger caravan making its way from the south. They are aware of
hostility
from US leadership but say they are driven to make the
dangerous trek to the
US.
“We left because of necessity. In Guatemala, there are no jobs.

If I stayed in
Guatemala, we would’ve run out of money and not have
anything to eat,”
said another man traveling with his wife and two children. “I
want to come
here to work. We’re not bad people.”
A migrant at the bridge from Cuba was fleeing the oppression of
the Castro
regime, he said.
He felt confident he would pass the “credible fear” asylum test
because some
of his friends and family are political prisoners in Cuba.
While traversing the Chiapas region of Mexico two weeks ago,
he saw the
migrant caravan coming from Central America. Instead of
joining it he
rushed ahead, hoping to be admitted before any possible
shutdown of the
border, he said.
A spokesman for CBP said the agency was monitoring the
caravan.
“We have been making – and will continue to make – necessary
preparation.
Regardless of the operational contingencies we may face, please
know this:
we will ensure border security – we will not allow a large group
to enter the
US unlawfully, we will act in accordance with the highest
principles of law
enforcement, and we will treat intending migrants humanely and
professionally at all times.”

Drake decried Trump’s election tactics. “The US is a beacon of
hope and this
administration is dragging us to the pit of anger and fear,” he
said.
America faces an epic choice ...
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National security and the nexus of
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by
Does climate change pose a national security threat? That is the
question
to be addressed by a proposed Presidential Committee on
Climate
Security, according to .
The proposal to establish the committee follows several high-
profile
reports indicating that climate change does indeed threaten our
security.
Remember the released in late
November that warned of dire outcomes for the U.S., including
a loss of
up to 10 percent of GDP by 2100 —
? A mid-January Defense Department report identified
climate change as both a national security issue and threat to
U.S. military
installations in many parts of the world.
The
submitted to the Senate Intelligence
Committee in late January by Daniel
Coats, the director of National
Intelligence, stated that “Global
environmental and ecological
degradation, as well as climate
change, are likely to fuel competition
for resources, economic distress,

and social discontent through 2019
and beyond.” And a
detailed case studies of climate impacts on human mobility,
global
migration, and security. Notably, these reports were issued by
relatively
conservative or independent authors and agencies that are far
removed
from the deep-state narrative often suggested by climate
deniers.
Although the idea of a federal advisory committee on climate
security
might seem like a positive move on face value, the motivation is
questionable. For starters, the committee will be spear-headed
by climate
skeptic William Happer, an advisor to the National Security
Council;
Happer has
.
Moreover, the National Security Council’s own white paper
states that
“scientific and national security judgments have not undergone
a rigorous
independent and adversarial scientific peer review to examine
the
certainties and uncertainties of climate science, as well as
implications for
national security.” Most Americans will recognize this
statement as false,
given the well-established, extensive, and rigorous peer review
process
underlying climate science. But fewer people are as familiar

with the
evidence linking climate change to national security.
Climate change is widely viewed as a “threat multiplier” that
operates
along to compromise national security. One pathway is
by reducing the availability or access to critical resources, such
as water,
food and productive land, which can provoke or exacerbate
social unrest,
conflict and displacement or forced migration. Another pathway
flows
from the
, which also can act to undermine
security.
The Syrian conflict provides a useful . Widespread crop failure
and reduced groundwater supplies followed the most severe
drought on
record, a three-year drought .
Climate-induced environmental stressors prompted a mass
migration of
rural farming families to Syrian cities, where soaring urban
populations
strained economic resources, social services, and infrastructure
to the
point of inciting conflict and violence. The internal conflict,
coupled with
limited resources, resulted in the forced migration of millions of
people
and, subsequently, triggered fear, blame, social unrest and
political
discord in many receiving countries.
Such feedbacks are not unique to Syria, and scientists have

detected
similar patterns globally. For instance, a meta-analysis of 60
studies found
that
patterns, and the frequency of
violence among groups rises by 14 percent with each one-
standard
deviation.
Another study reported that when
temperatures in 103 countries
shifted outside of ranges that best
supported agriculture,
from 2000-2014.
of asylum seekers
across 157 countries from 2006 to
2015 showed that as climate change
increased the intensity and extent of
drought, the probability of armed
conflict and subsequent
outmigration of refugees rose as well. Thus, compelling
empirical
evidence supports the existence of strong connections across
multiple
spatial and temporal scales.
With ’s strong emphasis on security — especially as
related to immigration — one might expect greater attention to
be paid to
the positive feedbacks among climate change, conflict and
migration. The
connections were already obvious to both and

administrations, and that recognition led to climate change
being
explicitly identified as a national security issue. Yet, despite
having more
evidence of the climate-conflict-migration nexus than ever, we
only seem
to ask the question, once again, rather than actually tackle the
issue.
Amanda Rodewald is the Garvin professor and senior director of
conservation science at the , faculty in the
Department of Natural Resources at Cornell University and
faculty fellow at
Cornell University's . Views
expressed in her column are hers alone and do not represent
those of
these institutions.
TAGS DONALD TRUMP AMANDA RODEWALD CLIMATE
CHANGE NATIONAL SECURITY
© Getty Images
LOAD COMMENTS (19)
a report by The Washington Post
Fourth National Climate Assessment report
more than double the losses of the
Great Recession
Worldwide Threat Assessment
January report
from the Government Accountability

Office
previously extolled the benefits of increased CO and
warming for mankind
2
different pathways
pressure that migrants might place on resources, services, and
the economy of receiving geographies
case study
attributed to human-caused climate change
likelihood of conflict since the 1950s increases with departures
from
normal precipitation and temperature
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European Union A
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JMHS Volume 3 Number 3 (2015): 255-279
The Syrian Refugee Crisis: A
Comparison of Responses by
Germany, Sweden, the United
Kingdom, and the United States
Nicole Ostrand1
Executive Summary
The conflict in Syria between the government of Bashar al-
Assad and
various other forces, which started in the spring of 2011,
continues to cause
displacement within the country and across the region. By the
end of 2014,
an estimated 7.6 million people were internally displaced and
3.7 million
Syrians had fled the country since the conflict began (OCHA
2014; UNHCR
2015a). The refugee situation caused by the Syrian conflict is

dire, and it
has placed enormous strain on neighboring countries. Lebanon,
Jordan,
Iraq, Egypt, and Turkey host massive numbers of Syrian
refugees, and
Syrians have been seeking protection beyond these countries in
increasing
numbers since 2011.
This paper looks at the burdens and costs of the Syrian refugee
crisis and
considers how they have, or have not, been shared by the
international
community at large, and in particular by Germany, Sweden, the
United
Kingdom, and the United States. It also considers to what
degree Syrians
have been able to find protection in states outside the region.
Germany
and Sweden, by the end of 2014, had provided protection to the
largest
number of Syrian refugees outside the region. Although
Germany, Sweden,
the United Kingdom, and the United States differ in the level of
protection
provided to Syrians, all four states have increased protection to
Syrians via
resettlement and asylum (and in the case of the US temporary
protected
status) since 2012. Despite this, the degree of protection
provided by the
four states is modest in relation to that provided by neighboring
countries
to Syria, and far more could be done. This paper also argues
that the
international community as a whole has not sufficiently

contributed toward
alleviating the burden caused by the Syrian refugee influx, in
terms of both
financial assistance and refugee resettlement.
1 Nicole Ostrand graduated with a master’s degree in human
rights from Mahidol University, Thailand in
2013. She will begin her tenure as a doctoral student in
migration studies at the University of Sussex in
September 2015.
http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1177%2F23315024
1500300301&domain=pdf&date_stamp=2018-11-02
Journal on Migration and Human Security
256
The paper puts forward two general recommendations to reduce
the
strain on neighboring countries: increase the level of burden
sharing by
the international community as a whole and more evenly
distribute the
burden among industrialized states in Europe, North America,
and the
Asia Pacific. In terms of enhancing the level of protection for
Syrians in
countries beyond the region, it proposes three recommendations
for states:
namely, increase refugee resettlement, facilitate family
reunification
and other forms of legal admission, and allow refugees to seek
protection
through embassies in the region.

Introduction
The conflict in Syria between the government of Bashar al-
Assad and various other forces,
which started in the spring of 2011, continues to cause
displacement within the country
and across the region. By the end of 2014, an estimated 7.6
million people were internally
displaced and 3.7 million Syrians had fled the country since the
conflict began (OCHA
2014; UNHCR 2015a). During 2014, more than one million
Syrians were newly registered
as refugees in neighboring countries, bringing the total number
of registered refugees in the
region to 3,688,402 by year-end (UNHCR 2014a; UNHCR
2015a).2 As large as the number
of newly registered refugees is, in a sense it underestimates the
current crisis as it excludes
the 117,590 Syrians who were awaiting registration at the end
of 2014 (UNHCR 2015a),
and de facto Syrian refugees who were residing in the region
but who were not formally
registered or awaiting registration.3
The Syrian conflict has placed enormous strain on its
neighboring countries, with Jordan,
Lebanon, and Turkey shouldering the largest burden. By the end
of 2014, Lebanon, a
country of approximately 4.8 million people before the onset of
the Syrian refugee crisis,
hosted 1,146,405 registered Syrian refugees, meaning that
nearly one in every five people
now living in Lebanon is a Syrian refugee (UNHCR 2015a). As
of December 31, 2014,
Turkey hosted the largest Syrian population, with 1,552,839
registered refugees; Jordan

housed the third largest population with 622,865 registered
refugees (ibid.). In comparison,
Iraq and Egypt accommodated a smaller yet substantial number
of Syrians, hosting 228,484
and 137,812 registered refugees, respectively (ibid.).
María Eugenia Casar, under secretary general and associate
administrator of the United
Nations Development Programme (UNDP), has reported that
“countries hosting Syrian
refugees are struggling with the massive impact on their
economies, societies, and
infrastructure threatening not only their stability but the
stability of the entire region”
(cited in UNHCR 2014b). The scope and protracted nature of
the Syrian conflict has made
2 On January 1, 2014, there were 2,301,533 registered Syrian
refugees (UNHCR 2014a). Estimates include
24,055 Syrian refugees registered in North Africa (UNHCR
2015a).
3 The number of newly registered Syrian refugees also
excludes refugees who are not Syrian nationals
but who were residing as refugees in Syria prior to the conflict
and who have fled due to the fighting. Such
populations include Palestinian and Iraqi refugees. For example,
the United Nations Relief and Works Agency
for Palestine Refugees estimates that 65,000 Palestinian
refugees have left Syria and are now residing in
Lebanon, Jordan, Gaza, and Egypt (UNRWA 2015). Similarly,
early reports had estimated that “more than
50,000 Iraqi refugees” living in Syria returned to Iraq (see
http://www.unhcr.org/51c0399c9.html).

The Syrian Refugee Crisis
257
the situation for Syrian refugees and their host communities
exceedingly difficult. Syrian
refugees face tension among host community populations and
struggle to secure basic
needs like security, food, and shelter (Orhan 2014). With the
humanitarian situation caused
by the Syrian conflict continuing to deteriorate, Syrians are
increasingly seeking asylum in
states outside the region.
In 2013, Syria became for the first time the main country of
origin of asylum seekers in 44
industrialized countries in Europe, North America, and the Asia
Pacific region (UNHCR
2014d).4 An estimated 56,400 Syrians requested refugee status
in the 44 industrialized
countries in 2013, more than double the number of Syrian
asylum claims in 2012 (25,200)
and six times the number in 2011 (8,500) (ibid.). In 2014, the
number of Syrian asylum
seekers in the 44 industrialized countries reached 149,600, the
highest number recorded by
a single group since 1992 (UNHCR 2015h).5
The refugee situation caused by the Syrian conflict is dire.
Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq, Egypt,
and Turkey host massive numbers of Syrian refugees, and
Syrians are increasingly seeking
protection outside these countries as well. This paper looks at
the burdens and costs of
the Syrian refugee crisis and considers how they have, or have
not, been shared by the

international community at large, and in particular by Germany,
Sweden, the United
Kingdom, and the United States.
These four states were chosen as a focal point because they
accommodate relatively
large numbers of asylum seekers annually and enjoy a positive
reputation for providing
refuge to those in need in times of crisis.6 According to
UNHCR’s annual asylum trends
reports of 44 industrialized states, between 2009 and 2013,
Germany, Sweden, the United
Kingdom, and the United States ranked among the top five
states receiving asylum claims
(UNHCR 2014d, 13).7 Each country has also demonstrated a
significant commitment to
alleviating the Syrian refugee crisis. The United States and the
United Kingdom are the
4 The 44 countries are the 28 member states of the European
Union (EU), Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Iceland, Liechtenstein, Montenegro, Norway, Serbia,
Switzerland, the former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia, and Turkey, as well as Australia, Canada, Japan,
New Zealand, the Republic of Korea, and
the United States (UNHCR 2014d, 5). Note: even though Turkey
is included in the 44 countries, the vast
majority of Syrians who are registered in the country (and who
are covered by the Turkish government’s
temporary protection regime) are not included in UNHCR’s
estimates of asylum seekers in the country. The
Syrian asylum seekers included in UNHCR’s estimates cover
only those “who for specific reasons have been
referred to UNHCR for further evaluation of their international
protection needs” (UNHCR 2015h, 21).
5 In 1992, 223,000 people originating from Serbia and

Montenegro lodged asylum claims in the 44
industrialized countries included in UNHCR’s annual asylum
trends reports (UNHCR 2015h).
6 For instance, the United States is well-known for being the
world’s top refugee resettlement country and
generally resettles at least 50 percent of all refugees referred by
UNHCR annually worldwide (see, e.g.,
UNHCR 2015c and US PRM 2014). In 2014 the British deputy
prime minister, Nick Clegg, said: “…[w]e are
one of the most open-hearted countries in the world and I
believe we have a moral responsibility to help…
Britain has a long and proud tradition of providing refuge at
times of crisis” (cited in Wintour 2014, emphasis
added). Sweden has a reputation for being particularly open and
receptive toward Syrian refugees (see, e.g.,
Brennen 2013; Evans 2014; and Rothschild 2014). Germany
views the fundamental right of asylum as a high
priority that expresses the country’s willingness to fulfill its
historical and humanitarian obligation to admit
refugees (German Federal Ministry of the Interior 2014a).
7 The United States had the most asylum claims submitted
during this period, followed by Germany. Sweden
and the United Kingdom received the fourth and fifth largest
number of asylum claims. France, which ranked
third, is not considered in this report due to the minimal number
of Syrian asylum claims made in the country
in 2012, 2013, and 2014.
258
largest single-state bilateral donors of humanitarian aid for the
Syrian crisis (Pierce 2014),

and Germany and Sweden have admitted the largest number of
Syrian refugees among
industrialized states outside the region.8 Through a comparison
of these four countries, this
paper illustrates how some industrialized states have responded
to the Syrian refugee influx
and draws attention to differences and similarities in their
responses.
After comparing the contributions and responses of
industrialized states to each other and
to the contributions and responses of Syria’s neighboring states,
this paper puts forward
two types of recommendations. First, to reduce the strain on
neighboring countries, it
recommends increasing the level of burden sharing by the
international community as
a whole as well as increasing the distribution of this burden
among industrialized states.
Second, to enhance the level of protection available for Syrians
in states beyond the region,
this paper recommends that states: (1) increase refugee
resettlement; (2) allow refugees
to seek protection through embassies in the region; and (3)
facilitate family reunification
and other legal avenues for admission, such as private
sponsorship, medical evacuation,
humanitarian visas, academic scholarships, and labor mobility
schemes.
I. Asylum, Refugee Resettlement, and Temporary
Protection
There are two primary avenues for Syrians to access protection
in industrialized states
beyond the region: (1) traveling (legally or illegally) to a state
and claiming asylum there,

or (2) being recognized as a refugee for resettlement selection
from a country of first
asylum. These avenues are complementary, and the main
difference is the location of the
person at the time of application. Refugee determinations and
resettlement decisions are
made while the person is outside the destination country
(UNHCR 2011, 3).9 In contrast, a
person seeking asylum submits an application while they are
physically present in or at a
port of entry in the territory where they are requesting refuge.10
No country is legally obliged to resettle refugees, and only a
few states offer resettlement
on a regular basis (UNHCR 2011). Less than 1 percent of the
world’s refugees are resettled
to a third country (UNHCR 2015c). Asylum is a form of
protection based on the principle
of non-refoulement and internationally or nationally recognized
refugee rights (Eurostat
8 See analysis below for the number of Syrians provided
protection in Germany and Sweden compared
to the United States and United Kingdom. See Bitoulas 2013,
2014, and 2015 for the number of Syrians
provided asylum in Germany and Sweden compared to other EU
member states. Additionally, Canada and
Australia have only offered resettlement and other forms of
admission to around 11,000 and 5,600 Syrians,
respectively (UNHCR 2015b), and they have received a very
small number of Syrian asylum seekers (see
UNHCR 2014d).
9 UNHCR defines refugee resettlement as “the selection and
transfer of refugees from a [s]tate in which
they have sought protection to a third [s]tate which has agreed
to admit them, as refugees, for permanent

resettlement” (UNHCR 2011, 3). The status and rights given to
resettled refugees vary depending on the
country, and some states (e.g., Germany) initially grant
temporary residence with the possibility to receive
permanent residence after a specified length of time.
10 EU Directive 2013/32/EU, article 3; US Immigration and
Nationality Act (US INA), section 101(a)(42)
(A) and section 208(b).
259
2014a). States have an obligation to provide protection. A
positive asylum decision can
lead to refugee status11 (referred to as asylum in the United
States), subsidiary protection
status,12 or withholding of removal.13
Temporary protection, which grants the right to enter or remain
in a country for a limited
time due to risk of serious harm in a person’s home country, is
another possible means for
providing protection.14 It is usually granted to large groups of
people based on extraordinary
and temporary conditions in their country of origin (Miller and
Orchard 2014). Temporary
protection is not intended to displace asylum, but rather to
provide an intermediary,
immediate measure of protection, and persons granted
temporary protection should be able
to apply for and be granted asylum if eligible (Kerwin 2014).15
In the EU, temporary protection generally refers to a procedure

to provide, “in the event
of a mass influx or imminent mass influx,” immediate and
temporary protection to persons
fleeing their country who are unable to return home (European
Commission 2015b).16 Since
2001, the EU has had a regional temporary protection
mechanism which is triggered by the
adoption of a decision by the Council of the European Union
(following a recommendation
by the European Commission) establishing a mass influx of
displaced persons and stating
the groups of persons to whom the protection applies.17 In the
United States, temporary
11 EU Directive 2011/95/EU, article 2(e); US INA, section
101(a)(42)(A), section 208(a), and section 208(b).
12 EU Directive 2011/95/EU, article 2(g). In the EU,
subsidiary protection status is granted to a third country
national (or a stateless person) who does not qualify as a
refugee but for whom substantial grounds have
been shown for believing that the person concerned, if returned
to his or her country of origin, would face
a real risk of suffering serious harm. A positive asylum decision
in the EU can also grant authorization
to stay for humanitarian reasons. This includes individuals who
are not eligible for refugee or subsidiary
protection, but are nonetheless protected against removal under
obligations imposed on all EU member states
by international refugee or human rights law. Examples of such
categories are persons who are not removable
on ill health grounds and unaccompanied minors (Bitoulas 2014,
24). No Syrians were granted authorization
to stay for humanitarian reasons by Germany, Sweden, or the
United Kingdom in 2013 through 2014 (see
Bitoulas 2014 and Bitoulas 2015).
13 US INA, section 241(b)(3) and section 241(c). Withholding

of removal is a form of protection in the
United States that is considered once an asylum seeker is
determined not to meet the refugee definition. It is
granted to individuals who show that they would either be
tortured or they would face persecution on account
of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social
group, or political opinion if returned to their
country of origin. In the United States, withholding applicants
face higher standards of proof than asylum
seekers (Kerwin 2012).
14 EU Directive 2001/55/EC; US INA, section 244(b)(1). For
more on temporary protection in general, see
Edwards 2012.
15 See also EU Directive 2001/55/EC, paragraph 10 and
articles 4 and 19.
16 See also the Council of the European Union directive on
minimum standards for giving temporary
protection (EU Directive 2001/55/EC).
17 EU Directive 2001/55/EC. It should be noted that there are
other forms of temporary protection and some
EU member states, in addition to being part of the regional
temporary protection regime, offer distinct forms
of temporary protection at the national level. For example,
Germany and the United Kingdom technically
grant temporary protection for Syrians admitted through their
resettlement programs. However, this is not
discussed in the section on temporary protection because it is
covered in the resettlement portion of the paper.
In the United Kingdom, Syrians receive temporary residency for
five years; following this period, individuals
may apply for permanent settlement (UK Home Office 2013;
UK Home Office 2014a). Syrians admitted
under Germany’s resettlement program receive two-year,
potentially renewable residence permits (Miller
and Orchard 2014). Additionally, Syrians granted asylum in
Germany (both subsidiary and refugee status)

receive a three-year residency permit, after which they are
granted permanent residency provided that they
260
protection is often associated with temporary protected status,
which offers group protection
to non-citizens in the United States from designated
countries.18 Temporary protected status
is not necessarily a response to a mass influx, but is granted to
individuals of designated
states when an armed conflict, a natural disaster, or other
extraordinary and temporary
conditions prevent them from returning.19
II. Limitations
Comparing refugee and asylum numbers across states can be
challenging because states
have different laws, systems, and procedures for admitting
refugees.20 Also, the information
available varies by state and there is inconsistency in
definitions and terms. There are
three important limitations pertinent to the evaluation of Syrian
refugees across Germany,
Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States.
First, there is a disparity in how the number of submitted
asylum applications is calculated
by states. Statistics on asylum applications in Germany,
Sweden, and the United Kingdom
refer to the number of individuals applying for asylum,
irrespective of the type of procedure

in which the application was lodged (Eurostat 2014b). In the
United States, data on asylum
applications are broken down by type: affirmative and
defensive. Affirmative claims refer
to applications by persons who are not in removal proceedings
and who come forward
affirmatively to request protection. Defensive claims, on the
other hand, are submitted
for the first time as a defense to removal by persons who are in
removal proceedings
(Kerwin 2012). Information on affirmative claims are reported
by the US Citizenship
and Immigration Services (USCIS) and refer to the number of
cases, which may include
several individuals from the same family. In contrast, statistics
on defensive applications
are reported by the Executive Office for Immigration Review
(EOIR) and count the number
of individuals.
As a result of differences in the way US asylum applications are
reported, it is difficult
to establish the actual number of Syrians requesting asylum
annually (including both
affirmative and defensive claims). This makes it challenging to
compare the United States
with Germany, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. According to
UNHCR, on average one
affirmative asylum case in the United States involves 1.356
individuals (UNHCR 2014d,
do not meet the conditions for revocation or withdrawal
(German Residence Act, section 26[1] and 26[3]).
18 The United States also has other mechanisms that can offer
temporary protection. For example, the
Department of Homeland Security can use “parole” to grant

entry to non-citizens, who would otherwise be
inadmissible, based on a “compelling emergency” or “urgent
humanitarian” reason (USCIS 2014b; US INA
212(d)(5)(A)). For more on temporary protection programs in
the United States see Kerwin 2014.
19 US INA, section 244(b)(1). For more on temporary
protected status in the United States, see Bergeron
2014.
20 As members of the EU, Germany, Sweden, and the United
Kingdom, in theory, have a more harmonized
system of procedures and legislation on asylum. Since 1999, EU
member states have worked to establish a
Common European Asylum System, or a set of common asylum
policies and standards at the EU level. (It
should be noted that the United Kingdom is not fully part of the
Common European Asylum System. For
more information, see Costello and Hancox 2014, 4-5). This
system is intended to bring unified standards and
to strengthen practical cooperation between member states. It
consists of several directives and regulations
that detail the responsibilities of EU member states in receiving
asylum seekers, processing their claims, and
providing protection.
261
5). To produce an estimate of the number of individuals who
submitted asylum applications
in the United States, this paper will therefore multiply by 1.356
the reported number of
US affirmative applications and add to that product the number
of defensive asylum

applications submitted annually.
A second limitation relates to who is included in statistics on
individuals granted asylum
in each state. In the EU, a person granted asylum (referred to as
a recipient of international
protection), means an individual who has received refugee or
subsidiary protection status
(Bitoulas 2015, 23).21 Subsidiary protection (known as
humanitarian protection in the
United Kingdom) is provided to a person who does not qualify
as a refugee but for whom
there are substantial grounds to believe they would face a risk
of serious harm if returned to
his or her country of origin.22 Throughout this paper, a Syrian
granted asylum in Germany,
Sweden, and the United Kingdom refers to a recipient of
international protection23 and
includes those who have received refugee or subsidiary
protection status.
In the United States, a person granted asylum (an asylee)
generally refers to persons who
received protection based on the refugee standard and does not
include related forms of
protection such as withholding of removal (Martin and Yankay
2014).24 Withholding of
removal claims are considered after an individual has been
denied asylum. Withholding is
granted to individuals who show that they would either be
tortured if returned to his or her
country of origin or “it is more likely than not” that they would
face persecution on account
of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social
group, or political opinion.25

Due to the limitations of available information, data relating to
Syrians granted asylum in
the United States includes only individuals who received
protection based on the refugee
standard. While statistics are available on the number of
individuals granted withholding of
removal under the US Immigration and Nationality Act (INA)
and under the UN Convention
Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading
Treatment or Punishment (CAT),
they do not distinguish individuals granted this status by
nationality. However, because the
number of withholding grants annually is small in comparison
to the number of asylum
grants, it is assumed the absence of withholding statistics for
Syrian nationals will not
make a substantial difference in the overall picture of Syrians
provided protection in the
United States.26
21 EU Directive 2011/95/EU, article 2(b).
22 For subsidiary protection status see EU Directive
2011/95/EU, article 2(g); for refugee status see EU
Directive 2011/95/EU, article 2(e). Humanitarian protection is
UK’s equivalent to subsidiary protection
(European Database of Asylum Law 2015).
23 This paper uses the meaning of “international protection”
as defined in the 2011 EU directive on the
standards for qualification of beneficiaries of international
protection. See EU Directive 2011/95/EU, article
2(b).
24 To be eligible for asylum status, an applicant must meet the
definition of a refugee set forth in US INA,
section 101(a)(42); see also US INA, section 208.
25 US INA, section 241(b)(3) and section 241(c).
26 For example, in FY 2013, 25,199 individuals received

asylum in the United States (15,266 were granted
asylum by the USCIS Asylum Office and 9,933 were granted
asylum by immigration courts) compared to
1,893 individuals who were granted withholding of removal
(1,518 who received withholding under US
INA, section 241(b)(3) and 375 who received withholding under
CAT). See EOIR 2014, K5 and M1; Martin
and Yankay 2014, table 6.
262
The last limitation concerns the time period states use for
reporting statistics. Statistics on
the number of asylum applications and individuals granted
asylum in the United States are
based on its fiscal year (October 1 through September 30) while
statistics from the three
European countries are based on the calendar year. This and the
other limitations discussed
make some of the numbers in this paper approximate but
nonetheless sufficient to show
trends across the four states.
III. The Syrian Refugee Crisis in Neighboring Countries
The neighboring countries of Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq,
and Egypt have provided
valuable protection to Syrian refugees since the conflict began
in 2011. They have generally
allowed Syrians access to their territories and have dedicated
significant financial resources
and social services to help them.27 For example, Turkey, by the
start of December 2014, had

invested USD 4.5 billion in direct assistance to Syrian refugees
in their country (Guterres
2014). As of mid-2014, Jordan and Lebanon had spent more
than USD 1.2 billion and
USD 1.6 billion, respectively (UNDP 2014, 11). The central
Iraqi government and regional
Kurdistan government also contributed to the Syrian refugee
response by providing core
relief items, cash assistance, and essential services (such as free
access to health care)
(UNHCR 2015f). The burden placed on these countries is
immense and has had adverse
social and economic costs on the host communities.
More than 80 percent of registered Syrian refugees in
neighboring countries live in
communities and cities rather than designated refugee camps.
The influx of large numbers
of refugees to urban settings has dramatically shifted the
demographic composition in some
areas and strained basic social services like water, sanitation,
food, health care, housing,
and electricity (UNDP 2014, 8). A 2014 United Nations
Development Program (UNDP)
report described the refugee influx as a large-scale “de facto
acceleration of urban growth”
which has not been matched by increases in housing, service
provision, infrastructure, and
market capacity adequate to meet the requirements of the
increased population (ibid., 8).
The areas and communities that were already among the poorest
prior to the crisis (i.e., the
northern region in Jordan and in Lebanon along the Syrian
border) have been particularly
hard hit. They have had to absorb some of the largest numbers
of refugees, yet have less

resources and wealth than towns and cities located farther away
from the Syrian border
(ibid.).
In Lebanon, a country with major development challenges that
pre-dated the Syrian refugee
crisis, the impact has been particularly devastating. Lebanon
now has the highest per capita
rate of refugees worldwide (Inter-Agency 2015a). Since the
start of the Syrian conflict
in March 2011, the number of people residing in the country has
increased by nearly 25
percent, and the people living under poverty has risen by nearly
two-thirds (Government of
Lebanon and OCHA 2014). Public institutions struggle to cope
with the added volume of
demands for their services. Lebanese national health, education,
and infrastructure services
are overstretched, and in some areas demand for electricity,
water, and waste …
© 2013 by the Center for Migration Studies of New York. All
rights reserved.
JMHS Volume 1 Number 1 (2013): 17-31
Human Insecurity: Understanding
International Migration from a
Human Security Perspective
Francesca Vietti
Independent Researcher
Todd Scribner
United States Conference of Catholic Bishops

Executive Summary
This article examines contemporary, mass migration from the
perspective
of human security. It tracks the development of the human
security model
of international relations, and compares it to the well-
established state
security model that has served as the dominant paradigm for
international
relations since the seventeenth century. The article argues that
human
security offers a more effective approach to many of the
underlying problems
and threats associated with mass migration, than does the
traditional
state-security model. It challenges national and international
authorities
to address threats to human security, in order to minimize
forced migration
and to create the conditions for migration by choice, not
necessity.
Introduction
The Peace of Westphalia, which brought the Thirty Years War
to an end in 1648, initiated
a series of significant changes in international affairs. Perhaps
most prominent was that
it delegitimized the “transnational role of the Catholic Church
and validated the idea that
international relations should be driven by balance of power
considerations rather than the
ideals of Christendom” (Krasner 2001, 20-29). In doing so, it
helped to lay the groundwork
for the emergence of the modern nation state. The Westphalian
model emphasizes the

primacy of state sovereignty, the principle of non-interference
by states in the domestic
affairs of other states, and a territorial conceptualization of
security.
Under this model, nation-states are the relevant political actors
and maintain their power
and stability according to a philosophy of si vis pacem para
bellum (If you want peace,
prepare for war). The international system, in turn, consists of
equal and sovereign states,
fighting against each other in a zero-sum game to achieve their
aims (Commission on
Global Governance 1995, 78). Conflicts result from states
pursuing their interests: “Among
states, the state of nature is a state of war, this is meant not in
the sense that war constantly
occurs but in the sense that, with each state deciding for itself
whether or not to use force,
war may at any time break out” (Waltz 1979, 102). As a
consequence, the goal of securing
state security is preeminent with each nation seeking to preserve
its integrity and to defend
18
itself against the intrusion of other individuals or state powers
intent on asserting their will.
Although the state security model remains the dominant
paradigm in international affairs,
political and military crises of the twentieth century have led

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