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Designing Therapeutic Environments for Inmates and Prison Staff in the 
United States: Precedents and Contemporary Applications 
1 Landscape architect at HBB in Seattle, Washington, USA. amylindemuth@gmail.com 
Keywords: Prisons and Therapeutic Environments, American Prison Gardens 
American correctional facilities are stressful social environments within stark institutional settings. Although these settings 
are experienced by millions of inmates and staff every day and have negative effects on health, the restorative and thera-peutic 
benefits that the architecture and landscape could provide are rare­ly 
given careful consideration by designers and 
other indi­viduals 
involved in their planning, construction, or admin­istration. 
Research has shown that gardens and natural 
settings can be physically and psychologically beneficial for inmates and prison staff in terms of reducing stress and alleviat-ing 
mental fatigue. While gardens have been used in U.S. prisons since at least the 19th century for vocational training and 
therapy, their design has received little consideration. Further, the design and process of creating a garden with restorative 
and therapeutic qualities in a prison environment has received little attention in the Landscape Architecture literature. This 
paper discusses the potential benefits of prison gardens as well as the elements necessary to design, implement, and maintain 
a successful prison garden project. Research into historic and contemporary precedents of prison gardens is discussed as 
well as the author’s experience developing a design for prison staff and mentally ill inmates within a state facility northeast 
of Seattle, Washington. 
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Journal of Mediterranean Ecology vol. 8, 2007: 87-97 
© Firma Effe Publisher, Reggio Emilia, Italy 
Amy L. Lindemuth1 
Abstract 
American corrections 
The American penal system touches the lives of 
millions of Americans every day. Over two million 
Americans (or 738 per 100,000) are incarcerated in 
the United States today, the highest rate in the world 
(International Centre for Prison Studies). Other U.S. 
prison statistics reveal a system that includes mil-lions 
of Americans beyond those incarcerated who are 
involved in and affected by the U.S. prison industry 
including family members and individuals working in 
the industry. Although these settings are experienced 
by millions of inmates and staff every day, the potential 
to achieve restorative and therapeutic benefits with the 
architecture and landscape design is rarely supported by 
administrators and other individuals involved in their 
planning, construction, or administration. 
Yet, there are exceptions. Gardens have historically 
been used for vocational training and therapy in some 
U.S. prisons. In a few contemporary facilities this tradi-tion 
continues and has been shown to be physically and 
psychologically beneficial for inmates and staff. While 
gardens cannot solve all the health and stress-related 
issues associated with incarceration, they can soften 
some of the harmful effects and improve the ability of 
individuals to cope with life inside and outside these 
institutions. Through the creation of spaces to reflect 
and grieve, inmates can heal from the circumstances
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that brought them into the corrections system. From 
a psychological perspective, the therapeutic qualities 
found in the gardens may help inmates manage behav-ioral 
symptoms exacerbated by the sterility, tension, and 
alienation of the prison environment. For staff, gardens 
can provide a moment of relief from the harsh social 
environment of their work place and provide healthful 
benefi ts in terms of stress reduction. This article will 
review some of the potential benefi ts gardens can offer 
within a prison environment. Historic and contemporary 
prison gardens will be discussed and the strategies they 
have employed may shed light on how these important 
elements can be built within the prison landscape. 
Potential benefits of prison gardens 
Past research demonstrates that naturalistic settings 
may offer benefits in terms of stress reduction and 
improved mental states. In several studies conducted 
within U.S. correctional facilities, access to views out 
and the quality of these views has been shown to have 
a measurable infl uence on the behavior and psycho-logical 
outlook of inmates and staff. Moore (1981) and 
West (1986) showed that views out from prison cells 
have a significant impact on the physical wellbeing of 
inmates. In particular, Moore found that the views out 
from the cells (exterior or interior), the cell’s relative 
Figure 1. U.S. prison population as compared to other nations with highest incarceration rates in the world.
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privacy, and noise level within the cell are correlated 
with the number of sick-calls to the infirmary. Cells 
with exterior views, lower noise levels, and/or more 
privacy logged fewer sick-calls. Using Moore’s meth-odology, 
West correlated the number of sick-calls to 
the type of exterior views from inmates’ cells. West’s 
findings show that inmates with a higher percentage of 
naturalistic elements visible from their cell make fewer 
sick-calls than inmates with views dominated by the 
built environment. In addition, Spafford (1991) sug-gests 
that view quality within a prison setting affects 
inmate behavior and staff perceptions. Her research, 
conducted at two Illinois prisons, showed inmates 
and staff felt calmer when the facility offered more 
visually complex views. This research suggests that 
simply having access to visually complex views can 
improve the physical and mental health of corrections 
staff and inmates. 
In addition, several long-running prison garden 
programs have noted positive long-term outcomes 
for participating inmates. Rice (1993) investigated 
post-release outcomes for 48 participants in the San 
Francisco County Jail’s horticulture therapy program, 
the Garden Project. His analysis showed that inmates 
benefited from involvement in the program both dur-ing 
incarceration and post-release. Participants reduced 
negative or self-destructive behaviors in several ways. 
These changes included reduction in illegal activities 
(from 66.7% to 25%), fewer friendships with criminal 
associates, limited reliance on damaging familial rela-tionships, 
less drug use, and an increased desire for help. 
Psychological benefits included higher self-esteem and 
reduced anxiety, depression, and risk-taking behavior. 
The GreenHouse project on Rikers Island in New York 
City has seen a recidivism rate of about 10 percent for 
participants with recidivism overall at Rikers Island 
jails being about 65 percent (CBS News 2003). Offic-ers 
at Rikers Island Jails have commented that being in 
the garden was relaxing for them in addition to having 
an observable calming and positive effect on inmate 
behavior (Rikers Island officers, personal communi-cation 
with the author, June 2005). Spafford (1991) 
reports this same sentiment from officer responses to 
written questionnaires regarding the planting areas 
around their facility. 
The following quotes from staff and inmates work-ing 
in and with U.S. prison gardens further suggest the 
positive outcomes that these landscapes offer: 
It’s just you and the fl owers. It gets you away from 
all the drama of the prison, all the gangs, all the gossip 
and all the other nonsense. - Anna Winston, inmate (as 
quoted in Associated Press 1997) 
Sometimes when I am working on the plants, I’m in 
my own world, thinking about my life and what I did to 
get here, and it helps me a lot. - Terry Knickerbocker, 
inmate (as quoted in Hiller 2001) 
When you walked out in the yard [when I first came 
here], there were 100 eyes looking at you and it was not 
a good feeling…I don’t feel that confrontation anymore 
in the yard and I think it’s the plants. - Glen Whorton, 
prison staff (as quoted in Hiller 2001). 
This research suggests that gardens within correc-tional 
facilities can help reduce stress among inmates 
and staff by providing more complex, visually engaging 
views within the prison landscape. Further, individuals 
interacting with garden plants for prolonged periods 
of time, whether through active gardening or quiet 
contemplation, may have the opportunity to experience 
significant, long-term emotional and psychological 
changes. Of course, the degree to which these positive 
benefits can be achieved is partially determined by the 
richness and diversity of the materials and plantings 
within the garden. While prison gardens can be rich 
designs that provide the necessary complexity for a 
therapeutic experience, garden designers must contend 
with several factors typical of working in a correc-tions 
environment. These factors include the historical 
Figure 2. Regional context map for Ossining, NY. 
Figure 3. Warden Lewis E. Lawes (left) and Charles Chapin (right). 
(Lawes 1932; Morris 2003).
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Figure 4. Chapin’s garden in the Sing Sing prison yard (Lawes 
1932). 
context of the site, the physical context of the garden 
within the facility, degree of advocacy for the project, 
security concerns and requirements, frequent changes in 
prison personnel and leadership, and longer time frames 
for implementing projects. The following historic and 
contemporary case studies will consider these issues 
in greater detail. 
Case studies 
Sing Sing Correctional Facility 
The historic gardens at the Sing Sing Correctional 
Facility in Ossining, New York were made possible 
due to the particular social and political culture of their 
time, both within the institution and larger society, and 
as a result of the relationship between Warden Lewis 
Lawes and inmate Charles Chapin (in the eastern states, 
wardens fulfill the same role and responsibilities as 
superintendents in western institutions). 
Lawes’ twenty years as warden at Sing Sing were 
characterized by humaneness, intelligence, enlighten-ment, 
and a paternalistic attitude toward his wards. 
Like all warden positions of the day, Lawes’ post was 
obtained through political appointment allowing him 
greater flexibility in the management of Sing Sing 
(Conover 2001). On the other hand, Charles Chapin 
was a powerful newspaper editor sentenced to Sing 
Sing in late 1919 for the murder of his wife. Despite 
his sentence, Chapin maintained ties with many influ-ential 
contacts on the outside who eventually provided 
funding and materials for his gardening activities at 
Sing Sing. 
In 1921, Chapin requested permission to care for 
a plot of lawn in the prison’s recreation yard. Lawes 
granted the request partially due to his long-standing 
concerns over Chapin’s health. Chapin had spent his 
first year at the prison listless and depressed and Lawes 
was eager to find an activity that would occupy him 
physically and mentally. Chapin continued to request 
plants, tools, and additional areas for gardening which 
Figure 5. Chapin’s birdhouse (Lawes 1932). 
Lawes approved. Eventually he established an extensive 
garden close to an acre in area. The garden included 
beds and borders of annuals and perennials, trees, and 
roses as well as walks and seating used by inmates dur-ing 
recreation periods. Eventually Chapin and his small 
crew, fellow inmates who helped maintain the garden, 
added a massive birdhouse paid for by contributions 
from Chapin’s wealthy friends on the outside. Chapin’s 
mental health flourished with his gardens until 1930. 
In the summer of that year, contractors demolished the 
garden in preparation for a new drainage system. Lawes 
felt Chapin was ‘never the same’ (Lawes 1932, 234). 
He died in December of the same year of bronchial 
pneumonia. Of Chapin, Lawes wrote: Men have done 
heroic work within these walls but few of them have 
left a lasting impress on the spirit of the prison. Chapin 
accomplished just that (Lawes 1932, 223). 
Figure 6. Regional context map for Bedford Hills, NY.
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Chapin’s garden came into existence largely due to 
his own ambitions and political connections as well as 
the disposition and beliefs of Warden Lawes. Lawes 
was a reform minded individual willing to take pro-gressive 
action and his political appointment allowed 
him freedom in his management of Sing Sing. Further, 
he believed in the power of industriousness to reform. 
Chapin’s ambition to build a garden fit well with the 
institutions overall social and political goals of the time. 
In addition, the location of Chapin’s garden within the 
recreation yard was possible in part because of the time 
period in which it was built. At this time, U.S. prisons 
had not yet experienced major rioting by prisoners. 
Since Chapin’s time, prison riots have changed the 
security concerns of custody staff and perimeter guard 
towers must have clear line-of-sight within all recrea-tion 
yards. Finally, Chapin’s contacts outside the prison 
provided the necessary funding and materials to build 
the gardens. 
Contemporary Prison Gardens 
Like the garden at Sing Sing, the contemporary 
Children’s Center Garden and Playground at Bedford 
Hills Correctional Facility was realized due to strong 
support from individuals both within and outside the 
facility. Bedford Hills Correctional Facility (BHCF) 
is a maximum security prison located in the hamlet of 
Bedford Hills, Westchester County, New York about 
12 miles northeast of Sing Sing and 45 miles north of 
New York City. The facility was originally established 
in 1901 as a reformatory for women who were convicted 
of a misdemeanor. Today, approximately 800 inmates 
are incarcerated at BHCF (New York State Archives). 
BHCF, like other New York State facilities, has a 
long history that includes many experimental programs. 
For instance, the institution has included a nursery since 
its inception that continues to operate today. In the cur-rent 
facility, the nursery is one of seven prison-wide 
divisions of the Children’s Center, a program initiated 
more than two decades ago by Sister Elaine Roulet with 
the support of Warden Elaine Lord (Palmer 2005). The 
main goal of the Children’s Center is to help women 
preserve and strengthen relationships with their children 
during their incarceration. In addition to the nursery, 
this process is supported by a parenting center, day care 
center, prenatal center, and child advocacy office. The 
Children’s Center is an agency of Catholic Charities, 
Diocese of Brooklyn and receives a portion of its fund-ing 
through this non-profit agency (unless otherwise 
noted, information about Bedford Hills Correctional 
Facility and the Children’s Center Garden was obtained 
during the author’s visit to the facility in June 2005). 
For a number of years, the Children’s Center imagined 
transforming a courtyard adjacent to the Visitors’ Room 
into an outdoor space for inmate mothers and their visitng 
children. Eventually, the project was willed seed money 
by a long time supporter, but the funds were insufficient 
to complete a full renovation through a private contrac-tor. 
Toni Campoamor, then Director of the Children’s 
Center, committed herself to renovating the space before 
the end of her tenure at BHCF. She recuited the help of 
Program Coordinator, Mary Bostwick, and Libba Claude, 
an outside volunteer who raised most of the required 
funds for the garden. In 2003, university Landscape 
Architecture Associate Professor Daniel Winterbottom 
was contacted about the possibility of involving stu-dents 
in the courtyard design through a university based 
Figure 7. Children entering BHCF to visit their mothers. (Associated Press/K. Willens 1995).
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design/build course. Although the design/build course 
never came to fruition, Winterbottom continued to work 
with the facility and the Children’s Center to develop a 
garden design. 
Warden Lord was particularly encouraging and 
progressive in her thinking about the garden project, a 
factor that helped move the approval process through 
custody review. In addition, higher administrators from 
the state DOC offi ce in Auburn, New York favored 
and encouraged the project. By early 2005, the BHCF 
administration and Children’s Center approved a fi nal 
design. 
In summer 2005, Winterbottom and a team of four 
volunteers, including the author, spent two weeks at 
Bedford constructing the courtyard structures and in-stalling 
plantings. Construction was completed in June 
and the site opened for Children’s Center activities in 
July 2005. The new garden includes arbors, swings, 
large planter boxes, play equipment, and a diverse plant 
palette with mature and newly established trees. 
The original siting of the Women’s Reformatory at 
Bedford Hills left a legacy of historic buildings, ma-ture 
trees, and a history of reform through education 
and training. This established history of programming 
has continued into the present. While there was some 
resistance to the garden, the project was not considered 
unusual within the overall framework of the institution. 
In addition, strong advocacy for the project from prison 
leadership and outside volunteers helped the project 
obtain approval from upper levels of the State correc-tions 
department. 
Also located in New York State, the garden at Rikers 
Island Jails is situated within a different context than 
the Bedford Hills project. 
Rikers Island is located in the East River just north 
of La Guardia Airport in New York City and is con-nected 
to the East Elmhurst neighborhood of Queens 
by a bridge constructed in 1966. When the City of New 
York annexed the land in 1884, the island consisted of 
87 acres, but now spans 415 acres. Originally used as a 
jail farm, the city constructed its first jail facility on the 
island, the Men’s House of Detention, in 1935. 
Figure 8. Constructing the BHCF garden (courtesy BHCF): the garden. 
Figure 9. Completed seating areas (courtesy BHCF).
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Figure 10. Completed seating areas (courtesy BHCF). 
Since that time, corrections facilities on the island 
have grown to 10 separate jail units. The facilities in-clude 
pre-trial detention centers and housing units for 
inmates serving sentences of 1 year or less (New York 
Department of Corrections). Approximately 16,000 
inmates, including both men and women, live on the 
island (Dominguez 2005). 
In 1997, the Horticulture Society of New York 
(HSNY) began GreenHouse, a program providing 
inmates at the Rikers Island jail complex horticulture 
training and work experience in the design, installa-tion, 
and maintenance of gardens. James Jiler, an urban 
ecologist, runs the program for HSNY teaching 85 – 100 
students annually. 
Male and female inmates are not permitted to work 
in the garden simultaneously, so students work in shifts 
– women in the morning and men in the afternoon (CBS 
Morning News 2003). The garden is a little over an 
acre in area and is located between two jail facilities. 
The site is a secure area surrounded by a 10’ cyclone 
security fence. The only individuals entering and leav-ing 
are GreenHouse students, two officers assigned to 
this post, and HSNY employees, including James Jiler. 
The site has been transformed into a series of lush beds 
and borders that included butterfly and bird gardens, a 
medieval herb garden, a vegetable garden, and a native 
woodland garden. 
Built structures include arbors, post and rail fences, 
birdhouses, a gazebo adjacent to a pond and waterfall 
feature, a greenhouse, and a pre-existing brick and 
cinder block building used as an office and classroom. 
Walkways are constructed of gravel and brick. Several 
rabbits are kept near the office and Jiler has recently 
introduced several guinea hens to the garden (donated 
from a correctional officer’s farm). 
Like the BHCF garden, the Rikers Island garden 
has a strong programming component. Horticulture 
classes are primarily taught in the winter months when 
conditions become inhospitable for garden activities. 
During this time, the greenhouse is transformed into 
a carpentry shop where inmates construct birdhouses, 
kestrel and bat boxes, planters, and other wood fea- 
tures for the Rikers garden and city-wide schools and 
parks (Kate Chura, HSNY Vice President, personal 
communication with the author, June 2005). In addi-tion 
to maintaining and expanding the Rikers Garden, 
GreenHouse students grow plants for schools and other 
public entities including libraries in low-income neigh-borhoods. 
Vegetables grown on Rikers are donated to 
cooking classes offered at the Rikers jails and also 
to area homeless shelters. Much of this work is done 
through partnerships with other HSNY programs in-cluding, 
Apple Seed, GreenBranches, and GreenTeam 
(Dominguez 2005). Graduates of GreenHouse receive 
a certificate of completion and are eligible to par-ticipant 
in HSNY’s post-release program, GreenTeam. 
Participants work with the GreenTeam while actively 
pursuing other job possibilities. 
The complexity of prison gardens both in terms of 
plantings and features is partially determined by the lo-cation 
of the garden within the facility. The site location 
of both the Bedford and Rikers garden has a significant 
impact on what activities and design elements can oc-cur 
there. Both gardens are located in secured spaces 
that are only accessible to selected members of the 
inmate population such as participants of the parenting 
program at BHCF and horticulture students at Rikers 
Island. These are small groups that can be screened for 
contraband upon entering and leaving the area. In addi-tion, 
both groups are considered non-violent offenders. 
From a custody viewpoint, these garden locations pose 
fewer security risks. These factors allow both of these 
gardens to have features that would not be favored in 
other areas of the facility including heavily planted 
areas, mature trees, and built structures including ar-bors 
and swings. Although these elements strengthen 
Figure 11. Regional context map for Rikers Island.
Figure 12. GreenHouse garden site context (Courtesy intl.live.local.com). 
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the therapeutic opportunities available in the garden, 
they also limit the number of inmates who are able to 
experience them. 
Custody staff may view various locations within the 
same institution quite differently in terms of security. 
For instance, institutions that house inmates with dif-ferent 
custody levels can have significant variations 
in their security requirements for different courtyards 
within the same facility. Therefore, decisions regarding 
activities and design elements within a garden will be 
made according to the level of security risk perceived 
by staff. Yet, while some security requirements are 
straightforward, such as barring poisonous plants, 
others depend on the shifting attitudes and perceptions 
of the custody staff in charge of site planning for the 
garden. 
In addition, changes in custody leadership can lead 
to changing perspectives regarding the security risks of 
a given garden site. Custody staff, including officers, 
sergeants, captains, and superintendents or wardens, 
want to be considered strict adherents of prison pro-tocol 
by their colleagues and superiors. Gardens are 
often viewed as a privilege that lessens the punishment 
given to inmates by the court system. Superintendents 
that allow gardens at their facility risk being viewed as 
lenient on inmates. The author experienced this aspect 
of working with corrections during the final stages of 
a garden design for a correctional facility in Monroe, 
Washington. After working with the facility for over a 
year to develop designs for a 2-acre courtyard garden 
within the mental health unit, several changes in cus-tody 
leadership significantly altered the garden design. 
As with most prison garden projects, custody leadership 
includine a new superintendent has a key role in the 
selection of the site. The mental health unit director, 
a strong supporter of the project and its therapeutic 
goals, had selected the garden site. Originally, the 
garden was intended as a location for small counseling 
Figure 13. GreenHouse gazebo and naturalistic plantings. Figure 14. GreenHouse vegetable garden.
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sessions, horticulture therapy sessions, and a space for 
the existing horticulture class to expand its vocational 
training. Further, the courtyard garden would be a visual 
enhancement to the unit that could be seen from nearly 
one hundred inmate cells and many staff posts. 
Under the new superintendent’s direction, inmates 
would not be allowed access to the garden and therefore 
most of the intended activities would not be possible 
in this location. Neither could the planting palette have 
the same lush, diversity of plants originally discussed. 
Therefore, the courtyard design was approached as a 
viewing garden that could serve as the first phase of 
the original therapeutic garden design. 
Changes in leadership are not uncommon in the 
U.S. corrections system, particularly following an 
election year as political appointees are established at 
the State-level. Leadership may change several times 
during the course of a garden project. Strong advocacy 
for the garden both within and outside the facility will 
help maintain the integrity and continuity of the project. 
Patience is also useful since an unreceptive atmosphere 
surrounding a project can turn favorable again as time 
passes. For instance, the political and social climate 
within the Monroe facility may, in the future, change 
and become more receptive to the original program 
established under the former superintendent. 
Conclusions 
Prison environments can offer more to inmate and 
staff populations than they often do. The effect could 
be significant for inmates and staff and positively effect 
the lives of those outside the prison complex. As the 
Figure 15. Facility layout for author’s project site in Monroe, WA. 
Figure 16. View of existing courtyard selected by superintendent.
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garden projects at Bedford Hills Correctional Facility, 
the Rikers Island jail complex, and the author’s site 
in Monroe, Washington illustrated, having advocates 
inside and outside the facility can increase the success 
of the project. Internal advocacy is particularly needed 
from at least one key player who is well placed within 
the prison organization and possesses authority. If the 
internal advocate for the project is respected by the 
Figure 17. First phase design for courtyard at Monroe facility. 
Figure 18. View from inmate’s cell into courtyard at Monroe facility.
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staff and perceived as mindful of custody issues, their 
approval of the project can help foster staff confidence 
in the garden. 
Corrections settings offer unique opportunities for 
landscape architects to serve the public good in many 
different ways, particularly through pro bono projects. 
While, the work is difficult, unprofitable, and unlikely 
to meet high design standards, the positive changes it 
can provide are many and desperately needed. Some 
may feel that participating in the design of these facili-ties 
is akin to the perpetuation of these institutions and 
their psychologically damaging environments. Yet, 
these institutions exist now and will continue to persist, 
and probably grow, into the foreseeable future. Gardens 
and other thoughtfully designed outdoor spaces can 
provide an important counterbalance to institutional life 
for both staff and inmates and are worthwhile projects 
to pursue. Landscape architecture cannot solve the 
social and political issues that have caused the United 
States to have the highest incarceration rate in the 
world. However, designers can alleviate some of the 
damage these institutions cause in the lives of millions 
of Americans. 
References 
Associated Press. 1997. Hard Work in Prison Yield Food for 
Inmates’ Tables, and Souls. Seattle Times, August 17. 
CBS Morning News. The Greenhouse Project. Air date April 
20, 2003. 
Conover, Ted. 2001. New Jack: guarding Sing Sing. Vintage, 
New York. 
Dominguez, Maria F. 2005. 2nd Chances: a novel prison 
program in New York City uses nature to teach inmates 
about life’s larger lessons. Audubon, May. 
Hiller, Linda. 2001. Gardening Effort: Project alters prison 
climate. Las Vegas Review-Journal, September 17. http:// 
www.lvrj.com/. 
International Centre for Prison Studies. World Prison Brief. 
http://www.kcl.ac.uk/depsta/rel/icps/home.html. 
Johnston, Lauren. 2004. Bedford Hills Correctional Facilities 
Blazes Trail. Voices Unabridged, May 19. http://www. 
voices-unabridged.org/format/creat_ss_format.php?id_ 
ss_article=203/. Photos by AP/Kathy Willens 1995. 
Lawes, Lewis E. 1932. Twenty Thousand Years in Sing Sing. 
Ray Long & Richard R. Smith, Inc., New York. 
Moore, James M. 2003. The Rose Man of Sing Sing: A True 
Tale of Life, Murder, and Redemption in the Age of Yellow 
Journalism. Fordheim Univ. Press, New York. 
Rice, Jay Stone. 1993. Self-Development and Horticultural 
Therapy in a Jail Setting. Dissertation, Philosophy, the 
Professional School of Psychology, San Francisco. 
Moore, Ernest O. 1981. A Prison Environment’s Effect on 
Health Care Service Demands. Environmental Systems 
11:17-34. 
New York Department of Corrections. Department Overview. 
http://www.nyc.gov/html/doc/html/overview.html. 
New York State Archives. Bedford Hills Institutional Record. 
http://www.archives.nysed.gov/a/researchroom/rr_fam-ily_ 
corrections_descript.shtml#bedford. 
Palmer, Rose A. 2005. Sister Elaine unites prison moms 
with their kids. National Catholic Reporter. http://www. 
natcath.com/. 
Spafford, Anne M. 1991. The Prison Landscape and the 
Captive Audience: Is Nature Necessity or Amenity?, 
Landscape Architecture, University of Illinois, Urbana- 
Champaign. 
West, Marcia J. 1986. Landscape Views and Stress Response 
in the Prison Environment, Landscape Architecture, 
University of Washington, Seattle.

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Therapeutic Benefits of Prison Gardens

  • 1. Designing Therapeutic Environments for Inmates and Prison Staff in the United States: Precedents and Contemporary Applications 1 Landscape architect at HBB in Seattle, Washington, USA. amylindemuth@gmail.com Keywords: Prisons and Therapeutic Environments, American Prison Gardens American correctional facilities are stressful social environments within stark institutional settings. Although these settings are experienced by millions of inmates and staff every day and have negative effects on health, the restorative and thera-peutic benefits that the architecture and landscape could provide are rare­ly given careful consideration by designers and other indi­viduals involved in their planning, construction, or admin­istration. Research has shown that gardens and natural settings can be physically and psychologically beneficial for inmates and prison staff in terms of reducing stress and alleviat-ing mental fatigue. While gardens have been used in U.S. prisons since at least the 19th century for vocational training and therapy, their design has received little consideration. Further, the design and process of creating a garden with restorative and therapeutic qualities in a prison environment has received little attention in the Landscape Architecture literature. This paper discusses the potential benefits of prison gardens as well as the elements necessary to design, implement, and maintain a successful prison garden project. Research into historic and contemporary precedents of prison gardens is discussed as well as the author’s experience developing a design for prison staff and mentally ill inmates within a state facility northeast of Seattle, Washington. 87 Journal of Mediterranean Ecology vol. 8, 2007 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 Journal of Mediterranean Ecology vol. 8, 2007: 87-97 © Firma Effe Publisher, Reggio Emilia, Italy Amy L. Lindemuth1 Abstract American corrections The American penal system touches the lives of millions of Americans every day. Over two million Americans (or 738 per 100,000) are incarcerated in the United States today, the highest rate in the world (International Centre for Prison Studies). Other U.S. prison statistics reveal a system that includes mil-lions of Americans beyond those incarcerated who are involved in and affected by the U.S. prison industry including family members and individuals working in the industry. Although these settings are experienced by millions of inmates and staff every day, the potential to achieve restorative and therapeutic benefits with the architecture and landscape design is rarely supported by administrators and other individuals involved in their planning, construction, or administration. Yet, there are exceptions. Gardens have historically been used for vocational training and therapy in some U.S. prisons. In a few contemporary facilities this tradi-tion continues and has been shown to be physically and psychologically beneficial for inmates and staff. While gardens cannot solve all the health and stress-related issues associated with incarceration, they can soften some of the harmful effects and improve the ability of individuals to cope with life inside and outside these institutions. Through the creation of spaces to reflect and grieve, inmates can heal from the circumstances
  • 2. 88 Journal of Mediterranean Ecology vol. 8, 2007 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 that brought them into the corrections system. From a psychological perspective, the therapeutic qualities found in the gardens may help inmates manage behav-ioral symptoms exacerbated by the sterility, tension, and alienation of the prison environment. For staff, gardens can provide a moment of relief from the harsh social environment of their work place and provide healthful benefi ts in terms of stress reduction. This article will review some of the potential benefi ts gardens can offer within a prison environment. Historic and contemporary prison gardens will be discussed and the strategies they have employed may shed light on how these important elements can be built within the prison landscape. Potential benefits of prison gardens Past research demonstrates that naturalistic settings may offer benefits in terms of stress reduction and improved mental states. In several studies conducted within U.S. correctional facilities, access to views out and the quality of these views has been shown to have a measurable infl uence on the behavior and psycho-logical outlook of inmates and staff. Moore (1981) and West (1986) showed that views out from prison cells have a significant impact on the physical wellbeing of inmates. In particular, Moore found that the views out from the cells (exterior or interior), the cell’s relative Figure 1. U.S. prison population as compared to other nations with highest incarceration rates in the world.
  • 3. 89 Journal of Mediterranean Ecology vol. 8, 2007 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 privacy, and noise level within the cell are correlated with the number of sick-calls to the infirmary. Cells with exterior views, lower noise levels, and/or more privacy logged fewer sick-calls. Using Moore’s meth-odology, West correlated the number of sick-calls to the type of exterior views from inmates’ cells. West’s findings show that inmates with a higher percentage of naturalistic elements visible from their cell make fewer sick-calls than inmates with views dominated by the built environment. In addition, Spafford (1991) sug-gests that view quality within a prison setting affects inmate behavior and staff perceptions. Her research, conducted at two Illinois prisons, showed inmates and staff felt calmer when the facility offered more visually complex views. This research suggests that simply having access to visually complex views can improve the physical and mental health of corrections staff and inmates. In addition, several long-running prison garden programs have noted positive long-term outcomes for participating inmates. Rice (1993) investigated post-release outcomes for 48 participants in the San Francisco County Jail’s horticulture therapy program, the Garden Project. His analysis showed that inmates benefited from involvement in the program both dur-ing incarceration and post-release. Participants reduced negative or self-destructive behaviors in several ways. These changes included reduction in illegal activities (from 66.7% to 25%), fewer friendships with criminal associates, limited reliance on damaging familial rela-tionships, less drug use, and an increased desire for help. Psychological benefits included higher self-esteem and reduced anxiety, depression, and risk-taking behavior. The GreenHouse project on Rikers Island in New York City has seen a recidivism rate of about 10 percent for participants with recidivism overall at Rikers Island jails being about 65 percent (CBS News 2003). Offic-ers at Rikers Island Jails have commented that being in the garden was relaxing for them in addition to having an observable calming and positive effect on inmate behavior (Rikers Island officers, personal communi-cation with the author, June 2005). Spafford (1991) reports this same sentiment from officer responses to written questionnaires regarding the planting areas around their facility. The following quotes from staff and inmates work-ing in and with U.S. prison gardens further suggest the positive outcomes that these landscapes offer: It’s just you and the fl owers. It gets you away from all the drama of the prison, all the gangs, all the gossip and all the other nonsense. - Anna Winston, inmate (as quoted in Associated Press 1997) Sometimes when I am working on the plants, I’m in my own world, thinking about my life and what I did to get here, and it helps me a lot. - Terry Knickerbocker, inmate (as quoted in Hiller 2001) When you walked out in the yard [when I first came here], there were 100 eyes looking at you and it was not a good feeling…I don’t feel that confrontation anymore in the yard and I think it’s the plants. - Glen Whorton, prison staff (as quoted in Hiller 2001). This research suggests that gardens within correc-tional facilities can help reduce stress among inmates and staff by providing more complex, visually engaging views within the prison landscape. Further, individuals interacting with garden plants for prolonged periods of time, whether through active gardening or quiet contemplation, may have the opportunity to experience significant, long-term emotional and psychological changes. Of course, the degree to which these positive benefits can be achieved is partially determined by the richness and diversity of the materials and plantings within the garden. While prison gardens can be rich designs that provide the necessary complexity for a therapeutic experience, garden designers must contend with several factors typical of working in a correc-tions environment. These factors include the historical Figure 2. Regional context map for Ossining, NY. Figure 3. Warden Lewis E. Lawes (left) and Charles Chapin (right). (Lawes 1932; Morris 2003).
  • 4. 90 Journal of Mediterranean Ecology vol. 8, 2007 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 Figure 4. Chapin’s garden in the Sing Sing prison yard (Lawes 1932). context of the site, the physical context of the garden within the facility, degree of advocacy for the project, security concerns and requirements, frequent changes in prison personnel and leadership, and longer time frames for implementing projects. The following historic and contemporary case studies will consider these issues in greater detail. Case studies Sing Sing Correctional Facility The historic gardens at the Sing Sing Correctional Facility in Ossining, New York were made possible due to the particular social and political culture of their time, both within the institution and larger society, and as a result of the relationship between Warden Lewis Lawes and inmate Charles Chapin (in the eastern states, wardens fulfill the same role and responsibilities as superintendents in western institutions). Lawes’ twenty years as warden at Sing Sing were characterized by humaneness, intelligence, enlighten-ment, and a paternalistic attitude toward his wards. Like all warden positions of the day, Lawes’ post was obtained through political appointment allowing him greater flexibility in the management of Sing Sing (Conover 2001). On the other hand, Charles Chapin was a powerful newspaper editor sentenced to Sing Sing in late 1919 for the murder of his wife. Despite his sentence, Chapin maintained ties with many influ-ential contacts on the outside who eventually provided funding and materials for his gardening activities at Sing Sing. In 1921, Chapin requested permission to care for a plot of lawn in the prison’s recreation yard. Lawes granted the request partially due to his long-standing concerns over Chapin’s health. Chapin had spent his first year at the prison listless and depressed and Lawes was eager to find an activity that would occupy him physically and mentally. Chapin continued to request plants, tools, and additional areas for gardening which Figure 5. Chapin’s birdhouse (Lawes 1932). Lawes approved. Eventually he established an extensive garden close to an acre in area. The garden included beds and borders of annuals and perennials, trees, and roses as well as walks and seating used by inmates dur-ing recreation periods. Eventually Chapin and his small crew, fellow inmates who helped maintain the garden, added a massive birdhouse paid for by contributions from Chapin’s wealthy friends on the outside. Chapin’s mental health flourished with his gardens until 1930. In the summer of that year, contractors demolished the garden in preparation for a new drainage system. Lawes felt Chapin was ‘never the same’ (Lawes 1932, 234). He died in December of the same year of bronchial pneumonia. Of Chapin, Lawes wrote: Men have done heroic work within these walls but few of them have left a lasting impress on the spirit of the prison. Chapin accomplished just that (Lawes 1932, 223). Figure 6. Regional context map for Bedford Hills, NY.
  • 5. 91 Journal of Mediterranean Ecology vol. 8, 2007 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 Chapin’s garden came into existence largely due to his own ambitions and political connections as well as the disposition and beliefs of Warden Lawes. Lawes was a reform minded individual willing to take pro-gressive action and his political appointment allowed him freedom in his management of Sing Sing. Further, he believed in the power of industriousness to reform. Chapin’s ambition to build a garden fit well with the institutions overall social and political goals of the time. In addition, the location of Chapin’s garden within the recreation yard was possible in part because of the time period in which it was built. At this time, U.S. prisons had not yet experienced major rioting by prisoners. Since Chapin’s time, prison riots have changed the security concerns of custody staff and perimeter guard towers must have clear line-of-sight within all recrea-tion yards. Finally, Chapin’s contacts outside the prison provided the necessary funding and materials to build the gardens. Contemporary Prison Gardens Like the garden at Sing Sing, the contemporary Children’s Center Garden and Playground at Bedford Hills Correctional Facility was realized due to strong support from individuals both within and outside the facility. Bedford Hills Correctional Facility (BHCF) is a maximum security prison located in the hamlet of Bedford Hills, Westchester County, New York about 12 miles northeast of Sing Sing and 45 miles north of New York City. The facility was originally established in 1901 as a reformatory for women who were convicted of a misdemeanor. Today, approximately 800 inmates are incarcerated at BHCF (New York State Archives). BHCF, like other New York State facilities, has a long history that includes many experimental programs. For instance, the institution has included a nursery since its inception that continues to operate today. In the cur-rent facility, the nursery is one of seven prison-wide divisions of the Children’s Center, a program initiated more than two decades ago by Sister Elaine Roulet with the support of Warden Elaine Lord (Palmer 2005). The main goal of the Children’s Center is to help women preserve and strengthen relationships with their children during their incarceration. In addition to the nursery, this process is supported by a parenting center, day care center, prenatal center, and child advocacy office. The Children’s Center is an agency of Catholic Charities, Diocese of Brooklyn and receives a portion of its fund-ing through this non-profit agency (unless otherwise noted, information about Bedford Hills Correctional Facility and the Children’s Center Garden was obtained during the author’s visit to the facility in June 2005). For a number of years, the Children’s Center imagined transforming a courtyard adjacent to the Visitors’ Room into an outdoor space for inmate mothers and their visitng children. Eventually, the project was willed seed money by a long time supporter, but the funds were insufficient to complete a full renovation through a private contrac-tor. Toni Campoamor, then Director of the Children’s Center, committed herself to renovating the space before the end of her tenure at BHCF. She recuited the help of Program Coordinator, Mary Bostwick, and Libba Claude, an outside volunteer who raised most of the required funds for the garden. In 2003, university Landscape Architecture Associate Professor Daniel Winterbottom was contacted about the possibility of involving stu-dents in the courtyard design through a university based Figure 7. Children entering BHCF to visit their mothers. (Associated Press/K. Willens 1995).
  • 6. 92 Journal of Mediterranean Ecology vol. 8, 2007 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 design/build course. Although the design/build course never came to fruition, Winterbottom continued to work with the facility and the Children’s Center to develop a garden design. Warden Lord was particularly encouraging and progressive in her thinking about the garden project, a factor that helped move the approval process through custody review. In addition, higher administrators from the state DOC offi ce in Auburn, New York favored and encouraged the project. By early 2005, the BHCF administration and Children’s Center approved a fi nal design. In summer 2005, Winterbottom and a team of four volunteers, including the author, spent two weeks at Bedford constructing the courtyard structures and in-stalling plantings. Construction was completed in June and the site opened for Children’s Center activities in July 2005. The new garden includes arbors, swings, large planter boxes, play equipment, and a diverse plant palette with mature and newly established trees. The original siting of the Women’s Reformatory at Bedford Hills left a legacy of historic buildings, ma-ture trees, and a history of reform through education and training. This established history of programming has continued into the present. While there was some resistance to the garden, the project was not considered unusual within the overall framework of the institution. In addition, strong advocacy for the project from prison leadership and outside volunteers helped the project obtain approval from upper levels of the State correc-tions department. Also located in New York State, the garden at Rikers Island Jails is situated within a different context than the Bedford Hills project. Rikers Island is located in the East River just north of La Guardia Airport in New York City and is con-nected to the East Elmhurst neighborhood of Queens by a bridge constructed in 1966. When the City of New York annexed the land in 1884, the island consisted of 87 acres, but now spans 415 acres. Originally used as a jail farm, the city constructed its first jail facility on the island, the Men’s House of Detention, in 1935. Figure 8. Constructing the BHCF garden (courtesy BHCF): the garden. Figure 9. Completed seating areas (courtesy BHCF).
  • 7. 93 Journal of Mediterranean Ecology vol. 8, 2007 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 Figure 10. Completed seating areas (courtesy BHCF). Since that time, corrections facilities on the island have grown to 10 separate jail units. The facilities in-clude pre-trial detention centers and housing units for inmates serving sentences of 1 year or less (New York Department of Corrections). Approximately 16,000 inmates, including both men and women, live on the island (Dominguez 2005). In 1997, the Horticulture Society of New York (HSNY) began GreenHouse, a program providing inmates at the Rikers Island jail complex horticulture training and work experience in the design, installa-tion, and maintenance of gardens. James Jiler, an urban ecologist, runs the program for HSNY teaching 85 – 100 students annually. Male and female inmates are not permitted to work in the garden simultaneously, so students work in shifts – women in the morning and men in the afternoon (CBS Morning News 2003). The garden is a little over an acre in area and is located between two jail facilities. The site is a secure area surrounded by a 10’ cyclone security fence. The only individuals entering and leav-ing are GreenHouse students, two officers assigned to this post, and HSNY employees, including James Jiler. The site has been transformed into a series of lush beds and borders that included butterfly and bird gardens, a medieval herb garden, a vegetable garden, and a native woodland garden. Built structures include arbors, post and rail fences, birdhouses, a gazebo adjacent to a pond and waterfall feature, a greenhouse, and a pre-existing brick and cinder block building used as an office and classroom. Walkways are constructed of gravel and brick. Several rabbits are kept near the office and Jiler has recently introduced several guinea hens to the garden (donated from a correctional officer’s farm). Like the BHCF garden, the Rikers Island garden has a strong programming component. Horticulture classes are primarily taught in the winter months when conditions become inhospitable for garden activities. During this time, the greenhouse is transformed into a carpentry shop where inmates construct birdhouses, kestrel and bat boxes, planters, and other wood fea- tures for the Rikers garden and city-wide schools and parks (Kate Chura, HSNY Vice President, personal communication with the author, June 2005). In addi-tion to maintaining and expanding the Rikers Garden, GreenHouse students grow plants for schools and other public entities including libraries in low-income neigh-borhoods. Vegetables grown on Rikers are donated to cooking classes offered at the Rikers jails and also to area homeless shelters. Much of this work is done through partnerships with other HSNY programs in-cluding, Apple Seed, GreenBranches, and GreenTeam (Dominguez 2005). Graduates of GreenHouse receive a certificate of completion and are eligible to par-ticipant in HSNY’s post-release program, GreenTeam. Participants work with the GreenTeam while actively pursuing other job possibilities. The complexity of prison gardens both in terms of plantings and features is partially determined by the lo-cation of the garden within the facility. The site location of both the Bedford and Rikers garden has a significant impact on what activities and design elements can oc-cur there. Both gardens are located in secured spaces that are only accessible to selected members of the inmate population such as participants of the parenting program at BHCF and horticulture students at Rikers Island. These are small groups that can be screened for contraband upon entering and leaving the area. In addi-tion, both groups are considered non-violent offenders. From a custody viewpoint, these garden locations pose fewer security risks. These factors allow both of these gardens to have features that would not be favored in other areas of the facility including heavily planted areas, mature trees, and built structures including ar-bors and swings. Although these elements strengthen Figure 11. Regional context map for Rikers Island.
  • 8. Figure 12. GreenHouse garden site context (Courtesy intl.live.local.com). 94 Journal of Mediterranean Ecology vol. 8, 2007 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 the therapeutic opportunities available in the garden, they also limit the number of inmates who are able to experience them. Custody staff may view various locations within the same institution quite differently in terms of security. For instance, institutions that house inmates with dif-ferent custody levels can have significant variations in their security requirements for different courtyards within the same facility. Therefore, decisions regarding activities and design elements within a garden will be made according to the level of security risk perceived by staff. Yet, while some security requirements are straightforward, such as barring poisonous plants, others depend on the shifting attitudes and perceptions of the custody staff in charge of site planning for the garden. In addition, changes in custody leadership can lead to changing perspectives regarding the security risks of a given garden site. Custody staff, including officers, sergeants, captains, and superintendents or wardens, want to be considered strict adherents of prison pro-tocol by their colleagues and superiors. Gardens are often viewed as a privilege that lessens the punishment given to inmates by the court system. Superintendents that allow gardens at their facility risk being viewed as lenient on inmates. The author experienced this aspect of working with corrections during the final stages of a garden design for a correctional facility in Monroe, Washington. After working with the facility for over a year to develop designs for a 2-acre courtyard garden within the mental health unit, several changes in cus-tody leadership significantly altered the garden design. As with most prison garden projects, custody leadership includine a new superintendent has a key role in the selection of the site. The mental health unit director, a strong supporter of the project and its therapeutic goals, had selected the garden site. Originally, the garden was intended as a location for small counseling Figure 13. GreenHouse gazebo and naturalistic plantings. Figure 14. GreenHouse vegetable garden.
  • 9. 95 Journal of Mediterranean Ecology vol. 8, 2007 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 sessions, horticulture therapy sessions, and a space for the existing horticulture class to expand its vocational training. Further, the courtyard garden would be a visual enhancement to the unit that could be seen from nearly one hundred inmate cells and many staff posts. Under the new superintendent’s direction, inmates would not be allowed access to the garden and therefore most of the intended activities would not be possible in this location. Neither could the planting palette have the same lush, diversity of plants originally discussed. Therefore, the courtyard design was approached as a viewing garden that could serve as the first phase of the original therapeutic garden design. Changes in leadership are not uncommon in the U.S. corrections system, particularly following an election year as political appointees are established at the State-level. Leadership may change several times during the course of a garden project. Strong advocacy for the garden both within and outside the facility will help maintain the integrity and continuity of the project. Patience is also useful since an unreceptive atmosphere surrounding a project can turn favorable again as time passes. For instance, the political and social climate within the Monroe facility may, in the future, change and become more receptive to the original program established under the former superintendent. Conclusions Prison environments can offer more to inmate and staff populations than they often do. The effect could be significant for inmates and staff and positively effect the lives of those outside the prison complex. As the Figure 15. Facility layout for author’s project site in Monroe, WA. Figure 16. View of existing courtyard selected by superintendent.
  • 10. 96 Journal of Mediterranean Ecology vol. 8, 2007 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 garden projects at Bedford Hills Correctional Facility, the Rikers Island jail complex, and the author’s site in Monroe, Washington illustrated, having advocates inside and outside the facility can increase the success of the project. Internal advocacy is particularly needed from at least one key player who is well placed within the prison organization and possesses authority. If the internal advocate for the project is respected by the Figure 17. First phase design for courtyard at Monroe facility. Figure 18. View from inmate’s cell into courtyard at Monroe facility.
  • 11. 97 Journal of Mediterranean Ecology vol. 8, 2007 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 staff and perceived as mindful of custody issues, their approval of the project can help foster staff confidence in the garden. Corrections settings offer unique opportunities for landscape architects to serve the public good in many different ways, particularly through pro bono projects. While, the work is difficult, unprofitable, and unlikely to meet high design standards, the positive changes it can provide are many and desperately needed. Some may feel that participating in the design of these facili-ties is akin to the perpetuation of these institutions and their psychologically damaging environments. Yet, these institutions exist now and will continue to persist, and probably grow, into the foreseeable future. Gardens and other thoughtfully designed outdoor spaces can provide an important counterbalance to institutional life for both staff and inmates and are worthwhile projects to pursue. Landscape architecture cannot solve the social and political issues that have caused the United States to have the highest incarceration rate in the world. However, designers can alleviate some of the damage these institutions cause in the lives of millions of Americans. References Associated Press. 1997. Hard Work in Prison Yield Food for Inmates’ Tables, and Souls. Seattle Times, August 17. CBS Morning News. The Greenhouse Project. Air date April 20, 2003. Conover, Ted. 2001. New Jack: guarding Sing Sing. Vintage, New York. Dominguez, Maria F. 2005. 2nd Chances: a novel prison program in New York City uses nature to teach inmates about life’s larger lessons. Audubon, May. Hiller, Linda. 2001. Gardening Effort: Project alters prison climate. Las Vegas Review-Journal, September 17. http:// www.lvrj.com/. International Centre for Prison Studies. World Prison Brief. http://www.kcl.ac.uk/depsta/rel/icps/home.html. Johnston, Lauren. 2004. Bedford Hills Correctional Facilities Blazes Trail. Voices Unabridged, May 19. http://www. voices-unabridged.org/format/creat_ss_format.php?id_ ss_article=203/. Photos by AP/Kathy Willens 1995. Lawes, Lewis E. 1932. Twenty Thousand Years in Sing Sing. Ray Long & Richard R. Smith, Inc., New York. Moore, James M. 2003. The Rose Man of Sing Sing: A True Tale of Life, Murder, and Redemption in the Age of Yellow Journalism. Fordheim Univ. Press, New York. Rice, Jay Stone. 1993. Self-Development and Horticultural Therapy in a Jail Setting. Dissertation, Philosophy, the Professional School of Psychology, San Francisco. Moore, Ernest O. 1981. A Prison Environment’s Effect on Health Care Service Demands. Environmental Systems 11:17-34. New York Department of Corrections. Department Overview. http://www.nyc.gov/html/doc/html/overview.html. New York State Archives. Bedford Hills Institutional Record. http://www.archives.nysed.gov/a/researchroom/rr_fam-ily_ corrections_descript.shtml#bedford. Palmer, Rose A. 2005. Sister Elaine unites prison moms with their kids. National Catholic Reporter. http://www. natcath.com/. Spafford, Anne M. 1991. The Prison Landscape and the Captive Audience: Is Nature Necessity or Amenity?, Landscape Architecture, University of Illinois, Urbana- Champaign. West, Marcia J. 1986. Landscape Views and Stress Response in the Prison Environment, Landscape Architecture, University of Washington, Seattle.