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THE POLITICS OF NEGOTIATING GENDER EQUITY IN
BANGLADESH: COALITIONS, GENDERED IDEAS,
INFORMAL NETWORKS
Sohela Nazneen
Research Fellow
Institute of Development Studies (IDS), University of Sussex
PSA Conference, April 10 2017
Focus
 Politics of Negotiating Gender Equity in six countries based on PS typology
 Move beyond the focus on women’s political inclusion
 Focus on Bangladesh and one policy case to highlight:
- Interactions between ruling coalition and policy coalition and what role
informal networks play
- Role of ideas and shared framing in shaping elite commitment
-and the role of transnational discourses and actors
Bangladesh: Women’s Political Inclusion
A Conundrum?
Longstanding vibrant women’s movement
-entry into policy space since 1990 after democratic transition
-gender carries little weight in mainstream politics
Formal politics: visible presence
-Quotas
-Female PM since 1990 onwards and leader of the opposition (dynasty)
BUT
-Women’s growing presence in political and policy space has not increased their
ability to influence policies and gender equity outcome
Bangladesh’s Competitive Clientelism
 Key players since 1990: Political elites (most powerful since 1990s); military;
bureaucracy
 A de facto two party system since 1990: which has heavily politicized public space
and institutions: police, lower judiciary, bureaucracy [recruitment, transfer,
promotion] for survival
--Politicization reduced state capacity
-Powerful executive and weak parliament
-Use of violence for political survival and politicization of space limits women’s
participation in politics/ apprenticeship; frames inclusion in clientelist ways- female
MPs
-Care Taker Government system with ‘suspension of politics as normal’
--The civil society space is politicized [ limits coalition building by women’s org]
Institutions operates in personalized ways
Challengers: rights based NGOs, media, Islamists ( latter’s veto power over certain
issues related to women’s rights)
The Story of the Domestic Violence Act
 A long standing demand since 1980s
-Rooted within women’ previous struggles against violence with mixed results
-Legal aid provision experience since 1980s prompts drafting
 Drafting begins 2002 by women’ groups and complied together by 2006
 Policy Coalition formed in 2007 (25 groups) to lobby CTG
 Bill drafted by policy coalition at Women’s Ministry in 2009—strong
collaboration with the government
 Resistance from Law ministry over content; Islamist groups missing from
scene
 Passed in 2010 within two weeks of being tabled in the parliament
Policy Coalition and Informal Network
 Women’s movement’s ability to navigate clientelist politics
 Form a coherent multi-stakeholder coalition: Citizen’s Initiative Against Domestic Violence
(CiDV) and did the following
- Alliances with key actors within the ruling coalition particularly ‘femocrats’ (Women’s
Minister and Women’s Ministry)
-Access elites e.g. the PM, Women’s minister through personalized relations (information
and inclusion in processes, change framing)
-Informal network/practices played a key role in these interactions
 Women’s Minister lobbied the PM over:
-Institutionalize drafting; keep drafting under her ministry; Content of the law
 PM’s role in limiting contention
-pressure on cabinet members at meetings
-Signal sent to MPs
-
transnational actor/ discourse
 Donors:
-backseat
-funding enabled continuity of actual strategic activities;
-research (evidence)
 Transnational events mattered:
-Bangladesh up for CSW review
 Regional actors and discourses
-Indian and Mayalsian women’s movement
-ideas of cultural resistance is tackeled
Ideas and discourseLevel of idea Type of idea Ideas around gender equity and DV Legislation
Paradigm/
Philosophy
Normative Expanding definition: Domestic violence covers all forms of
domestic relations (not just married couples but blood relations),
provided protection for men; covers all forms of violence
Cognitive
Problem
definition /
programmes
Normative DV as a problem for development, undermining productivity,
economic and social costs of violence (CARE and others)
Cognitive Research to show level of the problem with DV in Bangladesh by
academics and Women’s org (legal aid data in 2002; also DHS 2007)
Policy ideas/
solutions
Normative Legislation required to provide women with the option where they
do not want to file criminal charges against the husband under anti
dowry law but need protection and also right to residence
Cognitive Legal aid, shelters run by CSOs showed that practical responses were
already available and working in Bangladesh; also the donor funded
MSVAW project set up OSC
Implementation progress
 Marked by delays and lack of capacity
 Lack of executive interests clear
 Disconnect between key actors in adoption and implementation
 Key delivery agencies increasingly politicised (police, judiciary)
Implication
• The adoption and implementation of DVA reflects the following about how
broader dynamics of Bangladesh’s shifting PS influence promotion of gender
equity initiatives:
– Suspension of electoral/ party politics created space to raise ‘contentious agenda’ by
policy coalitions
– Holding power of the women’s movement matters and is effected by changes in
holidng power of other actors
– Relatively easy for ruling coalition to adopt ‘water-downed’ policies with no political
cost that enhances their int’l legitimacy BUT
– Difficult to implement contentious policies that do not grease the wheels
– Informal and personalized relations key in adoption
– Ideas matter
– Transnational matters: How regional women’s mvt actors matter

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The Politics of Negotiating Gender Equity in Bangladesh: Coalitions, Gendered Ideas, Informal Networks

  • 1. THE POLITICS OF NEGOTIATING GENDER EQUITY IN BANGLADESH: COALITIONS, GENDERED IDEAS, INFORMAL NETWORKS Sohela Nazneen Research Fellow Institute of Development Studies (IDS), University of Sussex PSA Conference, April 10 2017
  • 2. Focus  Politics of Negotiating Gender Equity in six countries based on PS typology  Move beyond the focus on women’s political inclusion  Focus on Bangladesh and one policy case to highlight: - Interactions between ruling coalition and policy coalition and what role informal networks play - Role of ideas and shared framing in shaping elite commitment -and the role of transnational discourses and actors
  • 3. Bangladesh: Women’s Political Inclusion A Conundrum? Longstanding vibrant women’s movement -entry into policy space since 1990 after democratic transition -gender carries little weight in mainstream politics Formal politics: visible presence -Quotas -Female PM since 1990 onwards and leader of the opposition (dynasty) BUT -Women’s growing presence in political and policy space has not increased their ability to influence policies and gender equity outcome
  • 4. Bangladesh’s Competitive Clientelism  Key players since 1990: Political elites (most powerful since 1990s); military; bureaucracy  A de facto two party system since 1990: which has heavily politicized public space and institutions: police, lower judiciary, bureaucracy [recruitment, transfer, promotion] for survival --Politicization reduced state capacity -Powerful executive and weak parliament -Use of violence for political survival and politicization of space limits women’s participation in politics/ apprenticeship; frames inclusion in clientelist ways- female MPs -Care Taker Government system with ‘suspension of politics as normal’ --The civil society space is politicized [ limits coalition building by women’s org] Institutions operates in personalized ways Challengers: rights based NGOs, media, Islamists ( latter’s veto power over certain issues related to women’s rights)
  • 5. The Story of the Domestic Violence Act  A long standing demand since 1980s -Rooted within women’ previous struggles against violence with mixed results -Legal aid provision experience since 1980s prompts drafting  Drafting begins 2002 by women’ groups and complied together by 2006  Policy Coalition formed in 2007 (25 groups) to lobby CTG  Bill drafted by policy coalition at Women’s Ministry in 2009—strong collaboration with the government  Resistance from Law ministry over content; Islamist groups missing from scene  Passed in 2010 within two weeks of being tabled in the parliament
  • 6. Policy Coalition and Informal Network  Women’s movement’s ability to navigate clientelist politics  Form a coherent multi-stakeholder coalition: Citizen’s Initiative Against Domestic Violence (CiDV) and did the following - Alliances with key actors within the ruling coalition particularly ‘femocrats’ (Women’s Minister and Women’s Ministry) -Access elites e.g. the PM, Women’s minister through personalized relations (information and inclusion in processes, change framing) -Informal network/practices played a key role in these interactions  Women’s Minister lobbied the PM over: -Institutionalize drafting; keep drafting under her ministry; Content of the law  PM’s role in limiting contention -pressure on cabinet members at meetings -Signal sent to MPs -
  • 7. transnational actor/ discourse  Donors: -backseat -funding enabled continuity of actual strategic activities; -research (evidence)  Transnational events mattered: -Bangladesh up for CSW review  Regional actors and discourses -Indian and Mayalsian women’s movement -ideas of cultural resistance is tackeled
  • 8. Ideas and discourseLevel of idea Type of idea Ideas around gender equity and DV Legislation Paradigm/ Philosophy Normative Expanding definition: Domestic violence covers all forms of domestic relations (not just married couples but blood relations), provided protection for men; covers all forms of violence Cognitive Problem definition / programmes Normative DV as a problem for development, undermining productivity, economic and social costs of violence (CARE and others) Cognitive Research to show level of the problem with DV in Bangladesh by academics and Women’s org (legal aid data in 2002; also DHS 2007) Policy ideas/ solutions Normative Legislation required to provide women with the option where they do not want to file criminal charges against the husband under anti dowry law but need protection and also right to residence Cognitive Legal aid, shelters run by CSOs showed that practical responses were already available and working in Bangladesh; also the donor funded MSVAW project set up OSC
  • 9. Implementation progress  Marked by delays and lack of capacity  Lack of executive interests clear  Disconnect between key actors in adoption and implementation  Key delivery agencies increasingly politicised (police, judiciary)
  • 10. Implication • The adoption and implementation of DVA reflects the following about how broader dynamics of Bangladesh’s shifting PS influence promotion of gender equity initiatives: – Suspension of electoral/ party politics created space to raise ‘contentious agenda’ by policy coalitions – Holding power of the women’s movement matters and is effected by changes in holidng power of other actors – Relatively easy for ruling coalition to adopt ‘water-downed’ policies with no political cost that enhances their int’l legitimacy BUT – Difficult to implement contentious policies that do not grease the wheels – Informal and personalized relations key in adoption – Ideas matter – Transnational matters: How regional women’s mvt actors matter