This study examined maternal involvement in children's homework longitudinally when children were in 1st and 3rd grade. It analyzed factors that contribute to maternal homework help, the effects of help on academic achievement and the mother-child relationship, and tensions caused by joint homework. The study found that maternal homework help had no effect on academic achievement. Mothers of weaker students helped more, especially in 1st grade. Help was related to the mother's belief in its value and personal gratification from helping, but increased emotional costs and tensions with the child, particularly for poorer students. Help and the mother's gratification and beliefs decreased from 1st to 3rd grade as demands increased.

1. JOURNAL OF APPL
IED DEVEL
OPMENT
AL PSYCHOL
OGY, zyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONM
18,207-227 (1997) ISSN 0193- 3973
All rights of re produc tion in a ny form re se rve d. 0 1997 Able x Publishing Corpora tion
Ante c e de nts and Conse que nc e s of
Mate rnal Involve me nt in Childre n’s
Home work: A L
ongitudinal Analysis
IRIS LEVlN
Tel-Aviv University Israel
RACHEL LEVY-SHIFF
Bar Ilan University
TALYA APPELBAUM-PELED, IDIT KATZ, MAYA KOMAR
Tel-Aviv University Israel
NACHSHONMEIRAN
Ben Gurion University
Many pare nts are c onc e rne d with the de sirability of he lping the ir c hildre n with home -
work. Mothe rs a nd the ir c hildre n’s te a c he rs fille d out que stionna ire s twic e , whe n
c hildre n we re in 1 stand 3rd grade . T
he c hildre n did so in 3rd grade . Corre la tion matric e s
we re analyze d by a L
ine a r- Struc tura l Re la tions mode l (L
ISREL
). T
he pre dic tions of 3rd
grade by 1 st grade variable s we re te ste d by hie ra rc hic a l re gre ssions. Mate rnal he lp with
home work ha d no e ffe c t on the c hild’s ac ade mic a c hie ve me nt. Mothe rs of we a ke r
stude nts he lpe d more with home work, partic ularly in the 1st grade . In both grade s,
mate rnal he lp was re la te d to he r pe dagogic al be lie f in the va lue of he lping a nd to he r
pe rsonal gratific ation from he lping . He lping inc re a se d mate rnal e motiona l c osts a nd
c a use d te nsions be twe e n he r a nd the c hild, partic ularly whe n the la tte r was a poor
stude nt. He lping de c re a se d with grade , as did mate rnal gratific ation a nd pe dagogic al
be lie f.
Manyparents view the fosteringof their children’scognitiveabilityand academicsuccess
as a parental goal of primary importance(Chen & Stevenson, 1989;Chen & Uttal, 1988;
Elkind, 1981, 1987;Smilansky& Fisher, 1982;Smilansky& Shefatya, 1982;Stevenson,
Chen & Uttal, 1990;Teichmann, Gollnitz & Gohler, 1975).Many parents also share the
Dire c t all c orre sponde nc e to: Iris L
e vin, Sc hool of Educ a tion, De pa rtme nt of De ve lopme nta l Aspe c ts
in Educ a tion, T
e l Aviv Unive rsity, T
e l Aviv, Israe l, 69978 <IRISL
@CCSG.T
AU.AC.IL
>.

2. 208 LEVIN ET AL
belief, abundantly supported by research, that time spent on homework preparation and the
degree of homework completion and accuracy, have positive effects on academic achieve-
ment (Anderson, 1986; Cooper, 1989a; Frederick & Walberg, 1980; Keith, 1986; Paschal,
Weinstein & Walberg, 1984; Rutter, Maughn, Mortimore, Ouston & Smith, 1979; Walberg,
Paschal & Weinstein, 1985). Nevertheless, this belief is either contradicted or put in doubt
by a number of studies that have found no clear effect of homework on achievement (Check
& Ziebel, 1980; Cooper, 1989a, 1989b; Heller, Spooner, Anderson & Mimms, 1988). This
is most notably the case in elementary school, although homework may be beneficial for
other reasons, such as enhancing good study habits (Heller et al., 1988).
Despite inconsistent results concerning the gains of homework, the current trend is to
give more homework than in previous decades, to recommend its systematic evaluation by
teachers, and to consider it a factor in students’ grading (Epstein, Polloway, Foley & Patton,
1992). Parents who believe in the positive academic effects of homework or who are aware
of this trend in schools, become increasingly concerned with children’s homework prepara-
tion (Liberman, 1983; Maertens & Johnson, 1972; Smilansky & Fisher, 1982; Stevenson et
al., 1990; Teichmann, Gollnitz & Gohler, 1975).
It is unclear, however, whether it is desirable that parents take an active role in helping
their children with homework. Whether such help improves the child’s academic achieve-
ment, and what its effects are on the parent-child relationship and the well-being of each
party remain obscure. Our study examines these issues.
There are some studies suggesting that parental help with homework boosts the child’s
achievement. For instance, an intervention study increasing parental feedback on homework
enhanced homework completion and improved test scores (Maertens & Johnson, 1972).
Results of intervention studies, though, should be cautiously interpreted when generalized,
because the extent and nature of help are determined experimentally rather than initiated and
conducted by the parent. A conclusion supportive of homework was also reached by some
cross-cultural studies, whereby the higher academic achievements of various cultural groups
(e.g., Chinese or Japanese versus North Americans) has been partly attributed to greater
parental involvement in homework (Chen & Stevenson, 1989; Chen & Uttal, 1988).
However, these findings are inconclusive since cultural variations in parental involvement
are confounded with a host ofcultural and familial factors relevant to scholastic performance.
Other studies have suggested that helping with homework has no positive effect on
achievement. Correlations between the extent of parental help and children’s grades were
found to be either negligible or negative (Chen & Stevenson, 1989; Epstein, 1983, 1988;
Miller & Kelley, 199 1; Wolf, 1979). These results were interpreted as reflecting a tendency
to help those children who are prone to fail. This interpretation is supported by evidence that
poorer students and those with learning disabilities or behavior disorders have more
problems with homework than other students (Anesco, Schiock, Ramirez & Levine, 1987;
Bryan & Nelson, 1994; Epstein et al., 1992; Salend & Schiff, 1989).
It should be noted that parental help may cultivate undesirable tendencies such as
dependency or helplessness in the child. If, in addition, helping with homework raises tension
between parents and children and causes frustration and disappointment, it may be counter-

3. MATERNAL INVOLVEMENT 209
productive to the child’s functioning in school, and moreover, to their general well-being
(Epstein, 1988; Fleisher & Ohel, 1977; Smilansky, Fisher & Shefatya, 1986).
Our study analyzed the factors that contribute to maternal help with homework, the effects
of such help on scholastic achievement and its emotional cost to the mother, and factors that
contribute to tensions raised between mother and child in the context of joint homework
preparation. These issues reflect our view that parental involvement in homework should be
evaluated as affecting the child’s learning, and family relations as well.
Parental concern over the child’s achievement increases once the child enters formal
schooling, when criteria for success and failure are comparative and formal. We studied
mother and child dyads longitudinally, in the first and third grades. First graders and their
mothers were studied because the issue of helping with homework is often initially faced at
this stage. Assessments were repeated when the children reached third grade, since by then
a particular routine may have been established. Mothers were studied, rather than both
parents, since they are frequently the parent more involved in child-care (Bailey, 1994;
Cowan & Cowan, 1988; Fagan, 1994; McBride & Mills, 1993; Neck & Kingston, 1984;
Radin & Goldsmith, 198 l), including assistance with homework (Appelbaum-Peled, 1992;
Smilansky et al., 1986).
We proposed a number of homework-related variables and a model of their interrelations.
The variables examined were the mother’s evaluation of her child’s learning difficulties, the
effects she attributed to helping with homework on her child’s well-being, the gratification
she experienced as a result of this help, the emotional cost she paid by helping, and her
workload outside the home. We also included teachers’ evaluations of the children’s
scholastic achievement.
We had three interrelated goals. GOAL 1 was to test individual stability over time in
homework-related variables. Our expectations were twofold: that homework-related vari-
ables would show stability across time, while changing in a particular direction with
increasing grade. The stability hypothesis was based on frequent findings that aspects of
parenting, including parental evaluations of child’s academic achievement, often show
substantial stability over time (Hart & Risely, 1992; Howes & Hamilton, 1992; Sink, Bamett
& Pool, 1993; Tubman & Lerner, 1994). Thus, mothers of first graders who help more, who
evaluate their children as having greater learning difficulties, who attribute more positive
effects to helping, who derive more gratification from helping, who pay a higher cost by
helping, and who work longer hours outside the home, will continue to do so relative to other
mothers, when the child is in third grade.
The predicted group change from first to third grade was based on the assumption that in
first grade children undergo a transition to the competitive arena of school, facing the
difficulty of yielding to demanding regulations, and the challenge of mastering complex
cognitive skills (Entwisle, Alexander, Pallas & Cadigan, 1988; Itskowitz, Strauss &
Fruchter, 1987). In such times of transition, children can be expected to need help, and
mothers to respond to this need. Hence, mothers were expected to help more with homework,
to derive more gratification from helping, to attribute more positive effects to helping, to
report a lesser cost of helping, and work fewer hours outside the home when their child is

4. 210 LEVIN ET AL
in first grade. As to their evaluation of the child’s learning difftculties, no hypothesis was
presented, since learning problems can either decrease with adjustment to school, or increase
as a result of growing cognitive demands.
Our second goal was to examine a model of the dynamics of helping. This model has
three main foci: factors affecting the extent to which mothers help their children with
homework, the effect of maternal help on the child’s scholastic functioning, and the
emotional effects of helping on the mother.
According to this model, the extent of maternal help with homework depends on three
exogenous factors. First, it depends on the child’s scholastic standing as evaluated by the
teacher: the poorer the child’s functioning, the more the mother would help. Second, helping
depends on her pedagogical beliefs concerning its effects: the greater the mother’s faith in
the benefits of helping, the more help she would provide. Finally, maternal help depends on
resources such as time and energy, limited by her workload: the more she worked outside
the home, the less she would help.
According to the model, two endogenous factors mediate helping with homework:
maternal perception of the child’s academic difficulties, and maternal gratification derived
from helping with homework. We expected that the poorer the child’s scholastic functioning
assessed by the teacher the more she or he would be perceived by the mother as having
academic difficulties (Vitaro, Gagnon & Tremblay, 199 1). This is due both to communica-
tion between parents and teachers regarding the child’s functioning in school, and to the
independent but partly common information that parents and teachers have on the child.
Because the mothers have independent information on the child, we expected maternal
perception of the child’s academic functioning to have a unique contribution on her helping
with homework.
Finally, we assessed the emotional cost paid by mothers, via reports of the extent to which
they felt nervous, disappointed or helpless, as a consequence of involvement in homework.
According to our model, two endogenous variables were expected to affect emotional cost:
extent of helping, and child’s scholastic achievement. We expected mothers to pay a higher
emotional cost the more they helped, and the lower their child’s scholastic achievement.
Our third goal was related to mother’s and child’s tensions created by each other’s
homework-related behaviors. We examined whether the extent of maternal involvement and
the child’s scholastic functioning, along with other variables, affected tensions of the mother
and her third grade child.
In sum, our study focused on factors affecting maternal involvement in homework,
consequences of that involvement in terms of achievement and of parent-child relations, and
the stability and change of the target dynamics.
METHOD
Participants
Mothers of 92 children studying in four classrooms took part in the study when the children
were in first grade (Time 1) and again when they were in third grade (Time 2). Fourteen

5. MATERNAL INVOLVEMENT zyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWVUT
211
mothers participated in Time 1 only, and 12 mothers in Time 2 only, either because children
changed schools or because mothers refused to participate. The only information we have
on the 11 refusing mothers was their children’s level of scholastic achievement as evaluated
by teachers. In this respect, there was no difference between participating and refusing dyads.
In the third grade the children were interviewed as well.
The schools were urban state schools in the greater area of Tel Aviv, Israel, selected for
serving a heterogeneous population, mainly of middle- to upper-middle socio-economic
strata. In Time 1, the mean ages of mothers and fathers were 35 and 39, respectively. Most
of the families were intact, with 85% and 82% of the parents married, in Time 1 and 2,
respectively.
Mothers and fathers did not differ significantly in education, assessed in Time 1 (average
schooling years both of mothers and of fathers was 13, paired t (93) = .54, ns), with 46%
partially or fully having completed high-school and 53% having completed higher education.
Occupational levels (Roe, 1956) of mothers and fathers were classified in Time 1 into six
levels by two independent reliable judges, (Y= .95,p < .OOl) and did not differ significantly
(paired t (86) = 1.48, ns). Respectively, 28% and 37% ofmothers and fathers had professional
or managerial occupations, 15% and 25% were semi-professionals, 22% and 21% were
skilled workers, and 16% and 14% semi-skilled or unskilled workers. The rest were
unemployed. Results were similar in Time 2.
The work load outside the home was substantial for many mothers. In Time 1 and 2
respectively, 84.5% and 94% worked outside the home, on the average 32 and 35 hours per
week, with 64% and 69% working full time. Most fathers worked more days (paired t (93)
= 2.2 1, zyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
p < .OO1) and more hours (paired t (93) = 4.05, p < .OO1) per week, than mothers in
Time 1 and 2.
The sample was equally divided into boys and girls. The mean ages in first and third
grade, respectively, were M= 6.3 and M= 9.3, and the respective ranges, 6-7 and 9-l 0. The
mean number of children in a family in Time 1 was 2.22. Among the target children, 60%
were first born and 25% second born.
Middle class in Israel is assumed to resemble similar strata in Western countries. Research
carried out by the first author suggests that the population ofour sampled children is regularly
involved in activities assumed to promote problem-solving and learning skills. The children
are often read to, from a very young age, and play games that involve arithmetics (Rum-
mikub, Monopoly) and reading (e.g., Magnetic letters, Scrabble, Trivia). A substantial
proportion of the population owns personal computers with educational software.
Four female homeroom teachers who taught the children in the first grade, and four who
taught them in the third grade were individually interviewed.
Questionnaires
Maternal Help. Each mother was asked to evaluate the extent to which she helped her
child prepare homework, on a l-5 scale: never, rarely, sometimes, frequently, or daily. She
also evaluated the extent of paternal involvement in homework on the same scale.

6. 212 LEVIN ET AL
Maternal Gratification and Cost. The questionnaire included 15 items describing the
mother’s personal gratification and 15 describing her emotional cost related to helping with
homework. The two types of items were randomly interspersed. Each mother ranked the
extent of her agreement with each statement, on a l-5 scale, from “not at all” to “to a great
extent.” A principal component analysis with rotation was conducted on all items in grade
one. The first and second components accounted for 30.3% and 23.1% of the total variance.
A third component, accounting for 5.5% of the variance, was ignored. The “gratification”
and “cost” items loaded mainly on the first and second components respectively. One item
was deleted since it failed to get high enough loadings on either component. Scores were
highly reliable: Cronbach’s c1 = .94 and .92 for gratification in first and third grades
respectively, and a = .92 and .94 for cost.
Items l-3 illustrate the assessment of gratification, and 46 the assessment of cost:
Helping my daughter- 1. Strengthens the bond between me and my daughter; 2. Deepens
my knowledge of myself; 3. Constitutes a mission and a destiny for me; 4. Is a severe test
to my patience; 5. Induces in me a feeling of helplessness; and 6. Involves a feeling of
disappointment.
Maternal Attribution of Helping Effects on her Child. Each mother evaluated the
potential effects on her child of intensive help with homework, by ranking how much she
agreed with each statement, on a l-5 scale, from “not at all” to “to a great extent.” The
questionnaire included 16 items, with six positive and 10 negative effects randomly ordered.
A component emerged that explained 54.0% of the variance, and all the items had moderate
to high loadings on that component. The questionnaire was found highly reliable: Cronbach’s
a = .97 and .96, for first and third grades, respectively.
Two positive and two negative items illustrate the questionnaire: I believe that my
intensive helping (almost daily) with my son’s homework-l. Could encourage him to
develop good learning habits that would help him work independently; 2. Could improve
his grades, thereby increasing his motivation to study independently; 3. Might cause my son
to become dependent on me; and 4. Might induce a feeling of helplessness in him.
Maternal Perceptions of Child’s Learning Difficulties. Each mother was asked to
evaluate to what extent her child had specific difficulties considered relevant to academic
functioning, on a l-5 scale, from “not at all” to “very much.” The difficulties included
domain-specific learning difficulties, attention deficits and immaturity. The questionnaire
consisted of 14 items. A principal component analysis with rotation was carried out in grade
one. The first component accounted for 43.2%. Eight items related to learning difficulties
had high loadings on this component. The second component, which accounted for 12.5%
of the total variance was ignored. Scores were found to be highly reliable: Cronbach’s zyxwvutsrqponmlkj
a =
.91 and X3 in first and third grade, respectively.
The following items illustrate the questionnaire: To what extent does your daughter have
each of these difficulties? 1. Without help she will accumulate learning deficiencies that will
make it hard for her to progress in the future; 2. It is difficult for my daughter to acquire
reading skills.

7. MATERNAL INVOLVEMENT 213
Child’s Scholastic Standing Ranked by Teacher. Each teacher assessed her students’
achievements in reading, in mathematics, and in homework, on five levels, placing 7%, 23%,
40%, 23% and 7% of the students on the lowest to highest rank, respectively. Thus, the
distribution approximated a normal one and was equal for all teachers.
Homework teachers’ ranking of young children has often been found to be related to
achievement in school (Alexander, Entwisle & Dauber, 1993). By relying on teachers’
rankings, rather than on grades, we overcame the problem of individual difference between
teachers, in both grading average and distribution. In addition, teachers of lower grades in
particular sometimes use grades to encourage poorer students. Our ranking system was
intended to be free of such bias, and enables us to treat the different teachers’ scores as
comparable.
To ensure common criteria for assessment across teachers, the criteria were defined in
stereotypical terms. Reading was defined as “the ability to decode and comprehend written
material”; mathematics as “the ability to comprehend and solve arithmetic and word
problems”; homework as “preparing homework systematically and thoroughly.” Children’s
scores were summed across the three rankings, and could range from 3 to 15; the higher the
score the better the evaluated functioning. The internal reliability of the combined score
across the three rankings was high, Cronbach’s a = .82 and .87 in first and third grade,
respectively.
Third Grade Questionnaires
Informal conversations with mothers following interviews in first grade, revealed that
helping with homework often raised considerable tension in many families. Hence, we
prepared three questionnaires for the third grade, one for the child and two for the mother,
to explore interrelations between our variables and the tensions created by helping. Follow-
ing are the details of these questionnaires:
Child’s SelfReported Tension. The questionnaire included 16 items, each composed of
two parts. In the first part, children were asked to rank on a l-5 scale, from “almost never”
to “always,” the frequency with which their mother did certain things while helping. In the
second part, children were asked to indicate to what extent these behaviors caused them
tension, on a l-5 scale, from “not at all” to “very much.” Three items illustrate the
questionnaire:
la. Mother erases answers that seem wrong to her. lb. When this happens I get upset;
2a. Mother checks my notebook to see that I didn’t forget to do any homework. 2b. when
this happens I get nervous; 3a. Mother says that I finished my homework too quickly.
3b. When she says so, it gets on my nerves.
A tension score was derived by multiplying the ranked frequency by the ranked degree
of tension. The internal reliability of the score was high: Cronbach’s zyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYX
a = .8 1.

8. 214 LEVIN ET AL.
Child’s Tension as Reported by Mother. The questionnaire was composed of the same
items as the previous one, rephrased from the mother’s perspective and answered by her.
For instance, la. I tell my daughter that she finished her homework too quickly. 1b. When
I say so, it gets on her nerves.
A tension score, derived by multiplying the ranked frequency by the ranked degree of
tension, was found internally reliable, Cronbach’s c1= .87.
Maternal Self Reported Tension. The questionnaire included 24 items, each composed
of two parts. In the first part, mothers were asked to rank on a l-5 scale, from “very rare”
to “always,” how often a specific act of their child occurred when helping with homework.
In the second part, mothers were asked to describe to what extent this behavior caused them
tension, on a l-5 scale, from “not at all” to “very much.” Three items illustrate the
questionnaire:
la. My son puts off homework for “later.” 1b. When he does this, I get nervous; 2a. My
son argues with me over the right answer. 2b. When he does this, I get upset; 3a. I explain
to my son and he does not listen. 3b. When this happens, I get frustrated.
A tension score, derived by multiplying the ranked frequency by the ranked degree of
tension, was found internally reliable: Cronbach’s a = .93.
Attributed Reasons for Change in Helping. Mothers of third graders were asked how
much help they were providing in comparison to when the children were in first grade, on a
l-5 scale from “much less” to “much more.” Three questionnaires were prepared, one
proposed reasons for reducing, one for increasing, and one for not changing the extent of
help. Each mother filled out the questionnaire which suggested reasons for what she reported
to have done.
Since most mothers reported decreasing the amount of help from first to third grade, only
this questionnaire was analyzed. Mothers ranked the extent to which each reason for
decreasing help suited them, on a l-5 scale, from “does not suit me” to “suits me very much.”
The questionnaire consisted of 17 items, which underwent a principal component analysis
with rotation. Five components emerged, accounting for 65% of the variance, the major two
accounting for 24% and 18% of the total variance.
The first factor referred to disappointment with helping. Two examples follow, including
loadings on this factor: I currently help less than in first grade 1. Since it does not assist or
promote my son anyhow (.85). 2. Because it causes irritation and disputes between me and
my son (.75). The second factor referred to the child’s decreased need for help, and is
illustrated by two examples: 1. Because my daughter copes well with her homework on her
own (.87). 2. Because my daughter needs my help less (.85).
Procedure
Mothers and children were interviewed in their homes. Each mother filled out the
questionnaires on her own, at her own pace, in the presence of one interviewer, whose role

9. MATERNAL INVOLVEMENT 215
was to clarify questions and to ensure that no item would be overlooked. Questionnaires
came in two parallel versions, one referring to a son, the other to a daughter, to increase their
relevance to the mother. Each child was subsequently interviewed by the same interviewer.
To secure confidentiality no one was present besides the interviewer and interviewee. The
teachers performed the rankings in their homes or at school, under the guidance of the
interviewer. The interviewers were female students ofpsychology or educational counseling.
RESULTS
Helping with Homework: Reported Frequency
A remarkable proportion of mothers were involved with their first grader’s homework. A
total of 10% reported helping every day, 27% frequently, 30% sometimes, 28% infrequently,
and only 4% reported never doing so. While involvement decreased with time, it remained
substantial in the third grade, with 2% helping every day, 10% frequently, 39% sometimes,
4 1% infrequently, and only 8% never taking part.
Mothers reported paternal help on the same scale, A 2-Way ANOVA of 2 (Parent: mother
vs. father) X 2 (Grade: 1st vs. 3rd) on extent of helping, indicated that mothers reported
helping more than the fathers (F( 1,403) = 56.76,~. < 001) and that helping decreased with
grade (F(1,403) = 14.75,~ < .OOl), with no significant interaction. The following analyses
deal only with mother’s helping in homework preparation.
Stability and Change from First to Third Grade
Substantial stability emerged on all variables from first to third grade. Table 1 presents
significant correlations, ranging from moderate to high, between corresponding variables
measured in the two grades.
TABLE 1
Mean Scores and Standard Deviations by Grade, Pearson Correlations and t-Test Between
Grades (n=92 Per Grade)
Variable
Grade 1 Grade 3
M SD M SD r t
Maternal help
Maternal gratification
Maternal cost
Help effects
Learning difficulties (by
mother)
Maternal work hours
Scholastic achievement
(by teacher)
15.10 3.57 12.30 3.30 ,59*+*x ,,,****
41.20 15.39 35.29 13.57 .53**** 4 02****
26.50 10.51 24.24 11.25 .53**** 2:04**
46.48 18.92 39.73 18.03 .34*x** 3,04*x*
8.59 3.33 9.52 4.89 .39**** -1.90x
29.18 14.19 32.49 13.92 .57**** -2.29**
3.03 .86 3.07 .97 .60**** -.50
No&Maternal work hours was computed only for the 82 mothers working outside the home.
*p < .06, **p < .05, ***p < .Ol, ****p < .OOl.

10. 216 LEVIN ET AL
Despite this stability, group change from first to third grade appeared on all variables.
Comparisons drawn by t-tests between mean scores on the corresponding variables assessed
in the two grades revealed significant differences on all variables except one which was
nearly significant. When the children were in third grade, as compared to two years earlier,
mothers helped less with homework preparation, received less gratification, paid a lower
cost by helping, attributed fewer positive effects of helping on their child’s well- being, and
spent more hours working outside the home. On the average, mothers tended to view their
children in third grade as having more learning difficulties 0) < .06) than in first grade. Since
teachers assessed the entire class’s academic achievement according to normal distribution,
the mean scores were practically identical in grades one and three.
Empirical Model for Testing Maternal Involvement in Homework
Using the model of maternal involvement as the basic empirical model, we analyzed the
correlation matrices for first and third grades separately with the statistical package of
Linear-Structural relationships (LISREL VI program; Jiireskog & S&born, 1984). The
exogenous variables, which were not meant to be explained by the model (i.e., variability
assumed to be determined by causes outside the model), were the child’s scholastic
achievement evaluated by the teacher, maternal attributions of help effects on her child, and
mother’s working hours outside the home.
The endogenous variables, whose variability was explained by the model, were maternal
perceptions of the child’s learning difftculties, and maternal gratification. The outcomes of
the model consisted of behavioral and emotional variables affecting the mother-child
interactio-amely, maternal help with homework and mother’s cost of this help.
Table 2 presents intercorrelations between the variables, for the first and third grades
separately.
It shows a substantial stability across grades in the relations among variables. Variables
which significantly correlated in grade one, often correlated in grade three as well. In both
grades, extent of mother’s help was positively related to her gratification from helping, and
to her attribution of positive effects of helping on her child. Mothers provided more help if
they drew personal gratification from helping, and if they believed that helping was
advantageous to the child. Helping was negatively related to the teacher’s evaluation of the
child’s scholastic achievement; mothers of poorer students helped their children more.
Mother’s gratification from helping was positively related to her belief that assistance
had a beneficial effect on her child; the more gratification derived from helping, the stronger
the belief that it was good for the child. Mother’s emotional cost was related to the child’s
academic achievement; she suffered more from helping if she evaluated the child as having
learning difficulties, and if the teacher evaluated him/her as a poor student. Finally, maternal
evaluations of the child’s academic achievement was related to the teacher’s ranking of
his/her scholastic standing.
The LISREL estimates (maximum likelihood) for direct and indirect effects of exogenous
and endogenous variables with the outcome variables, in first and third grades, are presented
in Table 3.

11. MATERNAL INVOLVEMENT 217
TABLE 2
Wiihin Grade Intercorrelations:
n = 106 First Grade; n = 92 Third Grade
2 3 4 5 6 7
Grade MG MC HE LD WH SA
1. Maternal help
2. Maternal gratification
3. Maternal cost
4. Help effects
5. Learning difficulties
1st
3rd
1st
3rd
1st
3rd
1st
3rd
1st
3rd
.59***
.32**
-.-
-.-
6. Working hours 1st
3rd
7. Scholastic achievement (teacher’s report)
.22* *38*+x
.12 &I***
.I6 .46***
-.lO .23*
-.- .13
-.- -.I2
-.-
-.-
.I6
.22*
.I3
-.I0
.54***
.51***
.16
.I6
-.-
-.-
-.16
.I2
-.03
-.04
-.06
-.I2
.07
.02
.04
.03
-.-
-.-
-.35***
-.21*
-.20*
-.02
-.28**
-.31**
-.ll
-.14
-.40***
-.60***
.08
-.I9
Notes. *p < .05, **p c .Ol, ***/I < .OOl.
Figures 1 and 2 display only the significant path coefficients for the revised models for
first and third grade.
With regard to the first grade (Figure I), the adjusted goodness-of-fit index of the model
was .94, x2 (7) = 4.47, p = .61. This suggests a good fit to the data, and the model can be
considered validated. Over 43% of the variance of maternal help and over 36% of maternal
cost were explained by the measures of the model.
Maternal helping with homework in first grade was predicted by five variables. The
variables which contributed directly and positively were maternal gratification from helping,
and maternal attributions of positive effect of assistance on the child. The more she derived
gratification from helping and the more she believed that her help would enhance her child’s
well-being, the more help she provided. The variables that contributed directly and nega-
tively were the child’s scholastic standing as evaluated by the teacher, and the mother’s
working hours outside the home. The more highly the teacher evaluated the child’s scholastic
achievement and the more the mother worked outside the home, the less she helped. The
variable that contributed to help indirectly was maternal attribution of helping, and maternal
gratification. The more positively she evaluated the effects of help, the more gratification
she derived, the more help she provided.
The cost of maternal help was significantly predicted by three variables. The two variables
that contributed directly and positively were maternal perception of her child’s learning
difficulties and the amount of help given. The more learning difficulties perceived and the
more help given, the higher the cost. The variable that contributed indirectly was the child’s

12. 218 LEVIN ET AL
TABLE 3
Direct and Indirect Effects of Maternal Help with Homework and Maternal Cost
Indicator
First Grade
Maternal help
Maternal gratification
Help effects
Learning difficulties
Working hours
Scholastic achievement
Third Grade
Mother’s help
Mother’s gratification
Help effects
Learning difficulties
Working hours
Academic achievement
Maternal help Maternal cost
direct indirect direct indirect
-.- -.- .16* .oo
.48*** -.oo .oo .oo
.15* .22* .oo .08
-.Ol -.Ol .56*** -.Ol
-.14* -.03 .oo .03
-.24** -.07 .oo -.26**
-.- -.- .Ol .oo
.26** .oo .oo .02
.35** .07 .oo .04
.I7 -.06 .51*** .Ol
.lO -.03 .oo -.05
-.04 -.I0 .oo -.31**
/Vote. Values for direct and indirect effects are unstandardized coefficients.
*p < .05, **p < .Ol, ***,, < .OOl. zyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFED
Figure 1. Revised model for maternal help and maternal cost for first grade. (Only the
significant test coefficients ore presented, p < .05.)

13. MATERNAL INVOLVEMENT 219
(3
Working zyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
HOW-S
Mother’s zyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWV
U
cost
Figure 2. zyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
Re vise d mode l for mate rnal he lp and mate rnal c ost for third grade . (Only the
signific ant te st c oe ffic ie nts a re pre se nte d, p < .05.)
scholastic standing as evaluated by teachers, mainly through maternal perception of the
child’s learning difficulties. The lower the teacher rated the child’s achievement, and the
more the mother perceived the child as having learning difficulties, the higher her cost.
With regard to the third grade (Figure 3), the adjusted goodness-of-fit index of the model
was .86, x2 (7) = 11.78, zyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
p = .08. This suggests a modest tit of the model to the data. Over
29% of the variance of maternal help and over 26% of maternal cost were explained by the
measures of the model.
Maternal help with homework in the third grade was predicted by two variables which
had a similar effect in the first grade. The variables that contributed directly and positively
were maternal attributions of help effects, and maternal gratification from helping. The cost
of maternal involvement was significantly predicted by two variables which had a similar
effect in first grade. The variable that contributed directly and positively was maternal
perception of the child’s learning difficulties. The variable that contributed indirectly was
the child’s scholastic achievement as evaluated by teachers mainly through maternal percep-
tion of the child’s learning difficulties.
Several paths found to be significant in the model for first grade were insignificant in the
model for third grade. This alone does not mean that the two models are significantly
different. To test for the difference between paths, the grades were compared directly using
a multisample analysis (Joreskog & S&born, 1984), in which the matrices were forced to be
equal over grades. The resulting chi-square statistics, x2 (34) = 118.75, p < .OO1, indicated
that the paths in the models for the first and third grades were in fact significantly different.

14. 220 LEVIN zyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
ET AL
Changing the Extent of Help from Grade 1 to 3.
A substantial proportion of mothers, 65.4%, reported decreasing help from first to third
grade. This result adds reliability to our finding that mothers’ direct reports of amount of
helping in third grade, were lower than the direct reports in first grade. Only the reasons for
decreasing extent of helping were analysed. Two major factors emerged, one pertaining to
disappointment from helping and the other to the child’s decreased need for help. These
reasons help interpret the difference between models for helping in the two grades. Other
factors, like teacher’s decreased request for help or mother’s decreased motivation to help
accounted for lesser variability, and were considered marginal.
Prediction from Grade 1 to Grade 3
To assess the predictive contribution of the variables from first grade to the explained
variance in third grade on the child’s scholastic standing ranked by teacher, maternal
involvement in homework, and maternal cost, three separate multiple regression analyses
were performed using a two-step hierarchical procedure. In each of the regression analyses,
the predictor variables entered the regression equation in a stepwise fashion, after the
corresponding measure from grade one was entered into the equation in the first step. The
predictor variables were maternal gratification, maternal cost, perceived help effects, mater-
nal perception of learning difficulties, and maternal working hours. This strategy made a
change score out of the third grade score, partialling from it all variance shared with the
corresponding score in the first grade (Cohen & Cohen, 1983).
The child’s scholastic achievement assessed by the teacher in third grade was predicted
by the child’s achievement in the first grade (l3 = 59, p < .OOl) explaining 34% of the
variance, and by the mother’s attribution of help effects (l3 = -.20, p < .02) explaining 2.8%
of the variance. Better students in grade one continued to be better students in grade three.
In addition, the weaker the maternal inclination to attribute positive effects to helping in
grade one, the stronger the child’s scholastic improvement in grade three.
To more specifically examine the prediction of third grade achievements we conducted
separate analyses of achievement in reading, mathematics, and homework performance. As
above, in each of the regression analyses the predictor variables entered into the regression
equation in a stepwise fashion, after the corresponding measure from grade one was entered
into the equation in the first step. Children’s reading level in third grade was predicted only
by their reading in first grade (p = .54, p < .OOl) explaining 29% of the variance. Better
readers in first grade continued to be better readers in third grade. Children’s level in
mathematics in third grade was predicted by their mathematics level in first grade (l3 = 54,
p < .OOl) explaining 29% of the variance, and by the mother’s gratification (l3 = -. 19, p c:
.03) explaining 4% of the variance. Better students in math in grade one continued to be
better students in math in grade three. In addition, the less the maternal gratification in grade
one, the more the child’s math improved in grade three. Child’s performance on homework
in third grade was predicted by homework performance in first grade (l3 = .42, p < .OOl)
explaining 2 1% of the variance, and by the mother’s attribution of help effects (p = -.20, p
< .03) explaining 4% of the variance. Students performing better on homework in grade one
continued to perform better in grade three. In addition, the less the mother was inclined to

15. MATERNAL INVOLVEMENT 221
attribute positive effects to helping in grade one, the more her child’s performance on
homework improved in grade three. To summarize, the only consistent and substantial
predictor of third grade performance was the child’s performance in grade one, indicating
marked stability in scholastic achievement over time.
The most interesting finding of this study was that maternal help with homework in grade
one had no significant effect on the child’s changing scholastic achievement in grade three,
neither positive nor negative (p =-.09, ns). To examine this finding more carefully, separate
analyses were carried out on the effects of helping on reading, mathematics, and homework
performance. Maternal help with homework in grade one had no significant effect on the
child’s changing scholastic achievement in grade three in reading (p = -. 14, ns), math (p =
-. 11, ns), and homework performance (p = .O1, ns).
Maternal help with homework in grade three was predicted by her helping in grade one
(p = .55,p < .OOl), explaining 3 1% of the variance, and by her attribution of help effects (p
= .21, p < .02), explaining 3.6% of the variance. Mothers who tended to participate in
homework preparation in grade one continued to do so, relative to others, in grade three. In
addition, the more positively the mother rated the effects of assistance in first grade, the more
she tended to increase help in third grade.
Maternal cost in grade three was predicted by the cost in grade one (p = .53, p < .OOl),
explaining 28.6% of the variance, and by her perception in grade one of the child’s learning
difficulties (p = .29, p < .009), explaining 5.9% of the variance. Mothers who tended to
perceive helping as costly in grade one continued to do so in grade three, with the perceived
cost increasing in third grade if the child had learning difficulties.
Frequency and Intensity of Tensions
Three measures of tension created by the homework situation were assessed: child’s self
reported tension, child’s tension reported by the mother, and maternal self reported tension.
The intercorrelations were all significant 0, < .OOl). The correlation between the mother’s
and child’s reports of child’s tension was Y= .35. The correlation between the child’s and
mother’s tensions, both reported by the mother, was Y= .74. The correlation between self
reports of mother’s and child’s tensions was r = .43.
To assess the relations between the variables related to the homework situation and the
child’s and mother’s tensions, three separate regression analyses were carried out. Stand-
ardized beta weights and explained variances for the regression analyses are presented in
Table 4.
The variables explained 2 1% ofthe child’s selfreported tension, F(7,75) = 2.92,~ -=z
.009,
55% of the child’s tension as perceived by the mother, F (7,75) = 13.18, p < .OO1, and 40%
of maternal self reported tension, F (7,75) = 7.35, p < .OOl. More specifically, child’s self
reported tension was found to be significantly related to maternal helping with homework;
the more the help, the more tension reported. Child’s tension as perceived by the mother was
significantly related to the mother’s emotional cost as well as to maternal help; the higher
the maternal cost and the more she helped, the more she perceived the child to be tense.
Finally, self reported maternal tension was associated with both cost and gratification; the
higher the cost and the lower the gratification, the more tension reported.

16. 222 LEVIN zyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDC
ET AL
TABLE 4
Regression Analyses Predicting Child’s and Mother’s Tensions (n = 92)
Child’s tension-self Child’s tension- Mother’s tension-self
reported p reported by mother p reported p
I. Maternal help .25* .34*** .I1
2. Maternal cost .16 .66*** .47***
3. Maternal gratification -.07 -.I2 -.21*
4. Learning difficulties .20 -.07 .I3
5. Help effects .05 -.Ol .02
6. Working hours .07 .I1 .06
7. Scholastic achievement .02 .Ol -.02
R2 .21 .55 -40
Note. p = Standardized regression coefficients.
*p < .05, **p < .Ol, ***/I c .OOl.
DISCUSSION
The growing support for increasing the homework load, for promoting its role in the learning
process, and for involving parents in its preparation, is based on the claim that homework
provides a bridge between school and home, thereby improving both the child’s academic
achievement and well-being (Epstein et al., 1992). Our study illuminates the disadvantages
of parental involvement in homework.
Previous studies, whether correlational or interventional, could hardly provide a rigorous
response to the straightforward question, whether parental help actually improves the child’s
academic achievement (Cooper, 1989a, 1989b). Correlations fall short of providing causal
interpretations, while interventions are not representative of spontaneous help, from the point
of view of who helps, why, how much and how. Longitudinal studies, looking at the effect
of naturally occurring help on the change in academic achievement from one grade to
another, provide a better founded response. Our study, the first to use this methodology, did
not find that maternal help had any effect, positive or negative, on the change from first to
third grade.
Such help may be ineffectual for a number of reasons. Good-to-average students do not
need help in coping with regular assignments. Poor students may need help but their parents
may lack the skills needed to teach children with learning difficulties and/or behavioral
problems. For such children, helping may even be counterproductive, increasing frustration
and helplessness.
Our finding that maternal helping with homework has no effect on the child’s changing
academic status, should be limited on two grounds. It can probably be generalized to
populations represented by our sample: young elementary schoolers, from a middle- to
upper-middle class. Since homework preparation, was found to have little effect on achieve-
ment in elementary school but grew productive, in middle and secondary school (Cooper,
1989a, 1989b), it may be the case that parental help similarly becomes fruitful only at a later

17. MATERNAL INVOLVEMENT 223
stage. In the same vein, help given to socially disadvantaged children may be more
productive than to middle-class children, since the former are often less prepared for school
tasks (Levin, Share & Shatil, 1966; Norman & Breznitz, 1992). However since mothers in
general may lack the subject-matter knowledge required to teach older children, disadvan-
taged mothers may be particularly ill-prepared (Stevenson et al., 1990).
The decline in help given from first to third grade was attributed by mothers to two factors:
disappointment from its effectiveness and a decrease in the child’s need for help. Mothers
who decreased help often expressed disbelief in its promoting the child’s learning, or
reported concern over its causing disputes between them and their children.
The change from first to third grade in homework-related variables suggests a growing
separation between mother and child, manifested in decreasing behavioral and emotional
involvement of mothers in their children’s school work, and perhaps in their day-to-day
activities as well. Mothers were less emotionally involved with homework, drawing less
gratification from helping and paying a lower emotional cost. Their belief in their positive
influence decreased, as evidenced by their more frequent claims that helping discouraged
independence and promoted helplessness in the child. In line with this interpretation, as
children grew older mothers increased the number of working hours outside the home.
Flexible parenting, believed to promote child’s development, involves a gradual separa-
tion between parent and child, adjusted to the child’s growing cognitive and emotional
competencies. Consistent with this conception, the factors in our study that predicted
maternal helping with homework, revealed changes from first to third grade.
In first grade those children who were evaluated as poorer students by their teachers,
received more help from their mothers. Helping was also related to the mother’s workload
outside the home: the less she worked, the more she helped. In grade three both these relations
became insignificant. This may mean that mothers became less responsive to their children’s
scholastic needs through help with homework. This was probably because their conviction
that their assistance would be beneficial had decreased.
In both grades degree of helping was related to maternal pedagogical beliefs and
gratification. Mothers provided more help if they drew more personal gratification from
helping, and if they believed that helping was advantageous to the child. This indicates that
maternal help is affected by her concern both with the child’s and her own needs. Both factors
decreased with time, as mothers on average received less gratification, and perceived fewer
positive effects.
Previous research of parental involvement in homework, has not considered its effect on
parental well-being and family relations. We studied maternal cost-disappointment, frus-
tration, fatigue, and the like-associated with homework-related variables. In both grades,
the child’s scholastic standing as reported by the teacher, and the mother’s evaluation of
hisker academic difficulties, were related to maternal cost. Mothers helping poorer students
paid a greater cost. Thus, involvement is most difficult for the parent when it seems most
needed for the child.
In first grade only, the degree of helping also affected cost: mothers who helped more,
paid a higher cost. The fact that this relation decreased or disappeared by third grade may

18. 224 LEVIN ET AL
indicate that with time, the degree of maternal helping per se, was less detrimental. Cost
became uniquely related to the child’s learning difficulties, increasing the particular risk to
mothers of poorer students.
Mother-child interactions within the context of homework were examined via the child’s
and mother’s tensions. Correlations between self reported tensions by mother and child, and
maternal reports of child’s tension indicate that both sides reciprocally suffer in this
interaction: Mothers who grow tense when helping increase tension in their children, and
vice versa. It seems plausible that behaviors that increase the tension of one party will invite
behaviors that raise tension in the other, in a vicious circle. This interpretation is further
supported by the relation between maternal cost and tension; When the mother reported
experiencing costs, she also reported that she and the child were suffering tension in the
context of helping with homework.
The child’s tension, whether reported by him/herself or by the mother, was also related
to the amount ofmaternal help. When mothers were more frequently involved, the interaction
aroused more tension in the child.
The main findings of this study can be summarized in four conclusions: that maternal
help with homework has no effect on the child’s academic functioning; that such help is
given mostly to poorer students whose mothers perceive them as having learning difficulties
and needing help; that helping increases both maternal cost and tensions between mother
and child, and that the amount of helping, emotional cost of helping, and the child’s academic
functioning remain quite stable from first to third grade. These conclusions lead to a serious
dilemma.
One might conclude that maternal, and probably parental helping with homework, should
be discouraged. This conclusion is not easily given nor accepted, particularly when the child
seems to need help in coping with academic tasks. It becomes even more problematic in light
of current educational policies. Educational authorities advocate giving more homework,
and stress its significance as part of formal education; the importance of homework for the
child’s scholastic success subsequently increases (Epstein et al., 1992). Furthermore, main-
streaming children with learning difficulties and/or behavioral problems enlarges the popu-
lation of students who have persistent problems with homework (Foley & Epstein, 1993).
Two types of solutions suggest themselves: either to provide professional help and relieve
parents of this burden, or to work with parents on improving this socio-cognitive transaction.
However, professional help is less accessible than parental help, and too costly to solve a
problem so widespread. Helping parents to better cope with this task may therefore be the
most fruitful solution.
A few studies have involved tutoring mothers of children with homework problems
(Anesco & O’Leary, 1982; Kahle & Kelley, 1994; Miller & Kelley, 199 1). Tutoring proved
beneficial in developing routines and coping strategies, increasing homework completion,
and sometimes enhancing accuracy. These results, though, should be viewed as preliminary,
since the samples were small and the homework improvement effect on scholastic achieve-
ment was not tested.

19. MATERNAL INVOLVEMENT 225
We suggest to carefully study parental involvement in its natural context, to determine
how and when it is beneficial both for the child and for parent-child relations. The insights
gained should be disseminated among child psychologists or educational counselors, in
training them to provide guidance and support for parents. Furthermore, these insights should
be made general knowledge, accessible to parents through public channels. Thus, a problem
which frequently troubles parents and children, may approach a solution,
Acknowledgment: This is working paper no. 97-4 ofthe unit of Human Development and
Education at Tel Aviv University.
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