The Adaptive Strategies of the I’waks of Kayapa

1. The Adaptive Strategies of the I’waks of Kayapa
A cursory glance at the adaptive strategies of the
I’waks of Kayapa shows at least two definite practices: shifting
cultivation or slash and burn, and wet or dry agriculture, but
these depend upon which culture center is mentioned. The
environmental conditions determine to a large extent the kind
of economic activities involved in each territory. It may be
said thus, that while a number of practices is generally shared
by the I’waks, there are slight differences in the manner by
which economic activities are done.

2. Since the communities are nestled in plateaus or at the foot of
mountains, the swidden cultivation system is practiced. A farming
cycle also depends on which crops are grown. Moreover, land
utilization varies.
In Alang-Salacsac for instance, a greater part of the territory is
given to pastureland (70%), about 20% is forest, 7% is given to
gardening, while a negligible 3% is to wet agriculture. Although there
may be a vast acreage that can be made available for cultivation,
water supply is a problem.
The problem of water supply in Alang-Salacsac makes swidden farming (slope
gardening) account to only about 7%.

3. Pastureland in Alang Salacsac comprise about 70% of the land area. These man-
made structures are used to barricade the cows and keep them from leaving the place.

4. About 20% of the total land area of Alang-Salacsac is forestland.

5. The very location of the sitios in Alang Salacsac ward of potential
rainfall; and since the crops are rain fed, the people need a catch basin
from which water can be drawn for irrigation purposes. Unfortunately,
doing so requires a huge cash outlay which the community cannot afford
at the moment.
Meanwhile, Amelong-Labeng, an upland barangay with an
elevation of more than a thousand meters above sea level supports 15 %
pitak or rice land and about 85% garden or upland agriculture. It also
abounds in grasslands which is good for grazing animals like cattle and
goats. The forestland is a protected area because it is a watershed. This
is where much of their requirements for firewood is obtained. Plastic and
metal pipes transport water from the source to the field; while a tank
enclosed in hollow blocks serves as a storage or reservoir.
Water storage

6. Water from natural springs make it possible to cultivate rice in terraces in
Amelong-Labeng (about 15% of the land area while swidden fields are about 85%)
Swidden Fields
Site clearing for swidden fields

7. Talnag, Buyasyas Kayapa Buyasyas, Sta Fe
Buyasyas both in Kayapa and Sta. Fe has about 75-80%
agricultural land, 25% forestland, and about 5% of pastureland.
Some 75% is cleared by way of slash and burn. Of this 50% is
maintained vegetable gardens while 35% is dry agriculture.

8. On the other hand, Li’bawan and Tuyungan in Kayapa
Proper West utilize at least 40% of the land area to agricultural
activities while a greater part (60%) is forest land. Yet even, if
this were so, intensive farming is observed because of the
availability of fertile soil and the abundance of water supply.
These adjacent sitios in Kayapa Proper West are two of the oldest culture
centers of the I’waks located at the foot of the Caraballo mountain ranges
Sitio Li’bawan
Sitio
Tuyungan

9. The gradual elevation, some flat terrain at the lower portion of the valley, and
the abundance of water supply from natural springs account for the extensive
farming activities . Most I’waks from these sitios are farmers until some
agricultural areas were passed to the migrants.

10. Whichever way land is utilized, the following constitutes a typical
cycle for I’wak swidden cultivation. Swidden farming of rice begins with the
clearing of selected fields, a process known as pan-uma in January or
February. Trees are first felled after which cut brush are made to dry for a
week or two, then burned immediately.
Debris and ash resulting from burning are spread or left on the soil
for it to absorb nutrients. Panlablab, or soil cultivation lasts for a week. To
ascertain that land is very well prepared for planting, the I’wak farmer does
the bangdal (or plowing) to break, mishanum the soil; this is further
loosened, pag-as and finished with saluysoy or suyod. Inasmuch as the
rains are still frequent this time, the I’wak prepares or does the kamma,
plant bed in three days.
Mandamon(To weed)
Dabdab (Clear site)
Burned swidden site

12. The digging, cuelo of holes is done in a day; and shortly
thereafter, planting or tannaman/mantuned of seeds follows.
Sustained monitoring is done in between the planting and harvesting.
This includes weeding, damon or panlinis, occasional watering,
panhibog or maintaining checkdams, or irrigation to assure a good
harvest. This is repeated at least 3 or 4 times before the harvest,
panburas occurs in October.

13. I’waks of the aforementioned sitios are quick to point that
harvesting of palay depends upon the variety planted: the long-range
requiring about 5-6 months of waiting, and the short about 4 months. For the
latter thus, the next cycle occurs in June. Although rice has replaced taro
and gabi as staple, seldom do the I’waks harvest rice surplus; in fact, the
harvest usually fails one to six month’s short of families’ annual rice
requirements. It is for this reason that gardening of taro or sweet potato is
maintained the whole year to assure them of sustenance and survival.

14. Horticultural activities either by the slopes of mountains
or in cleaned plots complements wet or dry agriculture.
Although the methods employed are similar to the above, again,
the cycle depends on which crops are maintained. Taro and
sweet potato are planted anytime of the year and the I’waks
only have to wait for five months before the harvest is ready.
What is good about the production of both is that the
yield lasts for a year. It is true however, that the first harvests
are often the best and most profitable; as the months stretch
into a year, the harvest is not so good particularly in summer,
when water is scarce. What is left of the harvest thus, is set
aside and serve as fodder for animals like pigs.

15. Simple fence such as
this keeps the native
pigs and other animals
from going astray.

16. In Amelong-Labeng animal and agricultural products are brought to the market
every Wednesday because it is market day at the town proper. Women trek the
mountains at least 4 times a month depending on the yield. They usually carry with
them a kayabang or basket of sweet potato weighing about 15 kilos, which sell at 15
pesos a kilo.
With this amount, they buy rice, salt, or vegetable oil which is just about what
they need since vegetables are obtained from the gardens. In the same territory, cardis
(garden peas), patani , tabungao and karabasa (gourd family), repolyo (cabbage),
sitting beans and Baguio beans abound. At Boyasyas sweet peas, sitting beans,
tomatoes, pepper, ginger, and peanuts are common, while coffee and bananas intercrop
with their gardens.
The products are
transported using
sacks, Kayabang and
or by simple
cartwheels

17. Baguio Beans Taro & other rootcrops
Sweet Potato
Tomato
Upland Rice
In the same territory, cardis (garden peas, patani (lima beans), tabungao
& kalabasa (gourd family), repolyo (cabbage, sitting beans and Baguio
beans abound. At Boyasyas, sweet peas, sitting beans, tomatoes,
pepper, ginger, and peanuts are common, while coffee and bananas
intercrop with their gardens.

18. Intercrop of rice and
Weeding Tomato
tomato
Plantations
Li’bawan farmers tend their farms more than
eight hours a day

19. The same are produced in Alang-Salacsac, with cassava on the side. At
Li’bawan and Tuyungan, the variety in garden produce is further enhanced
by the cultivation of tomato, cucumber, and watercress.
Swidden fields
abound in
Besong and in
some nearby
sitios of other
barangays

20. Upland gardens are thus given over to the extensive cultivation of
sweet potatoes; in the valleys like Li’bawan and Tuyungan, a more intensive
method is followed using both mixed cropping and crop rotation. Households
generally cultivate at least one of each garden type.
The choice for which crops to rotate depends on the season and the
soil on which these are maintained. Some of these like beans and cucumbers
take 45 days to mature; cauliflower about 65 days, while peanuts take some
four months.
A multi-crop of String
Beans, Baguio Beans, Rice,
Banana & Lemon in Besong
Cabbage fields
abound in Besong

21. Whichever is produced,
gardening or bangdal, starts with
bukwal, or the clearing of a garden
plot. Damon or uprooting of grass
followed and drying or dadbab comes
next.
To even out the soil, kalpagan
or pagpag is done, which requires Bangdal
breaking the soil loose. Only when this
is through that tanem or planting takes
place. While weeding or damon pre-
occupied the I’wak between cycles,
maintenance required the use of
fertilizers (traditionally using organic
materials) along with the regular
watering of the plants.
Pagpag/Kalpagan Damon
(To lossen the soil)

22. In places where there is little water like Alang-Salacsac, this is
done manually while in places more blessed with it, sprinklers do the job.
Several rolls of PVC pipes are
utilized to transport water for
household and agricultural
consumption.
Water Sprinkler

23. Meanwhile, two natural springs
supply the essential water to
Li’bawan and Tuyungan farms
aside from the river at the
lower portion of the valley.

24. Protecting the gardens from occasional pests like birds or rats also
keep the people busy. Scarecrows are of makeshift materials ranging from
old clothes, to plastic bags or nets, etc. At Tuyungan, used tin cans bored
with holes on both ends and thread with a piece of string are used in place
of scarecrows. As the cans dance with the rhythm of the wind, the birds are
driven away. The more resilient ones are dealt with slingshots from an irate
gardener.
Shooing/scaring birds out from the field

25. At Boyasyas the bayya-ong, a bamboo
mouse trap is used by the I’waks to
control rats in the farms.
The farmer leaves a piece of sweet
potato inside the bamboo trap and
once the rat trips the bamboo coil,
the pin will be removed and the
string pulls up and catches the
mouse by its neck.

26. Kinobet de Leon illustrates how a bayya-ong (Bamboo mouse trap) is done.

27. The Bayya-ongs are then positioned in various areas of the fields
to trap as many mice as possible.

28. In histories past, rituals played a significant role in the farming cycle. Peralta
in his study for instance observed the key position of taro and pigs in said rituals.
I’waks look back to fond memories of butchering pigs on several occasions, the
reason why ritual houses called “abunan” are maintained. It was here where
relatives converged and partook in the meat which was offered in the “purong”, a
ritual done to assure that a newly opened garden will last awhile and yield a bountiful
harvest.
About August or September, the “sab-ong” was practiced to celebrate the
first harvest of taro. A pig is butchered followed by the cooking of the gathered root
crops which was shared and eaten with the neighborhood. The farmer who brings
home the first harvest is welcomed by a ritual called “bunongan” which again is
done in a common household. Finally, the “chakwag” was celebrated for the
community harvests, which was done slowly to fend off immediate consumption.
Abunan in Alang - Salacsac

29. But the prioritization of needs and the perceived lack of practicality
given the expenses surrounding the celebration made the conduct of rituals a
mere survival of the past. In communities where there is the presence of a
Baptist or Protestant church, harvest festivals are celebrated with the pastors
in chapels or in churches administering.
It is no wonder that the political head of Alang-Salacsac would
insinuate how better off the socialization be with the butchering of a pig or
two. At Amelong-Labeng, the Barangay Captain could afford to butcher a
small pig to welcome our presence since the raising of native pigs
complements the agricultural activities. Interestingly, dogs too are raised in
sizeable numbers not only to serve as companions in the gardens but also
because dog meat is a source of additional income.
Chapel of Baptist
Ministry in Labeng

30. In a set up where fields and gardens have to be
monitored time and again, a sexual division of labor is in
place, although informants claim that agricultural activities are
shared by both sexes most of the time. They also draw the line
between tasks that are heavy and those that are menial.
As such, clearing particularly the felling of trees, the
preparation of seed beds, digging ditches or check dams are
the exclusive province of males. Weeding and harvesting
meanwhile is female turf especially with certain types of
vegetables that necessitate gentle hands.
At Boyasyas, elders say that planting and harvesting still
follow the “ammoyo or chinahonan” or community work,
akin to “bataris or bawid” where members of the community
are hired to do the labor.

31. Site clearing and burning of
selected swidden fields are
usually done by males.

32. Manlinis (Cleaning) and
Mandamon (weeding)
maintenance are usually
done by females ( aside from
doing household chores).

33. 1. Bayo or Rice Pounding
2. Ta-ep – Elimination of Rice Husks
3. Ready to cook rice
It is common among I’wak family
members to share in the labor before
any fruits of production can be
consumed or shared by the household.

34. At Li’bawan and Tuyungan, the well-off or I’waks with
bigger lands to cultivate hire labor per dia or per day.
Children’s participation in the agricultural cycle is seen from
their typical roles as errand boys or girls, or in performing
household chores like washing of dishes or clothes or taking
care of their younger siblings while their parents are out in the
field. Sometimes they are asked to plant if not to shoo the
birds away. This explains why the dropout rate among
children in the schools of Kayapa is high given the odd jobs
that they have to do. The elderly like in the past continue the
tradition of passing on to the young oral histories of the past.

35. Alang- Salacsac Farm Implements
There is little industrial art among the I’waks save from the
garden tools and farm implements which are either homemade
or obtained from the markets. The details that go into the
farming cycle necessitate a tool or equipment appropriate for
the process. Such range from…

36. Tuyungan & Li’bawan Farm Implements

37. Man-made “carts” are used
to transport chopped off
firewoods, vegetables, and
other heavy products from
one place to another.
Tiger grass for softbroom-making

38. The practice of swidden agriculture has given the I’waks a more
settled way of life. Generally houses about 3-4 meters in size, and 200-
500 meters apart are located where the gardens are. This enables the
household owners to tend their gardens or fields without having to walk long
distances, save for those whose garden plots are laid along slopes of the
mountains. Informants say that they do not find any difficulties with this
except during the harvest time when crops planted in higher elevations
required a longer duration of gathering. Dwellings are constructed such that
spaces beneath the floor are left open for the domestication of animals
like pigs, ducks, chickens, or dogs as the case may be.
I’wak Traditional Houses from the 6 Culture Centers

40. Pig
Goat
Domestication of animals is a significant part of
I’wak subsistence
Chicken
Carabao

41. Buyasyas Upland Rice
Basically, the I’wak people have self-sustaining household economies. Production is
geared towards household consumption but in the later years, outside trade/exchange
has been encouraged. As a result, introduction of rice as a staple food replaced the
traditional taro/sweet potato food. But even at present, these crops are still cultivated
Crop rotation has also guaranteed them a stable source of food supply.
Although it was already mentioned that rice harvests may fall several
months short, the availability of taro and sweet potato the whole year
round compensates for what is lacking. A household (a nuclear family)
then is able to eat three regular meals with rice as staple (particularly at
Boyasyas, Li’bawan, and Tuyungan).

42. In periods when the families ran out of rice, sweet potato or taro
becomes a replacement. Otherwise in Amelong-Labeng and Alang-Salacsac
sweet potato remains a staple. Viands range from camote or taro tops or
beans dashed with a few slices of meat.
Poultry is eaten occasionally. With the onset of trade and their
interaction with people in the mainstream, the I’waks like anyone else eat
canned goods, noodles, biscuits etc. a far cry from those days when they
were totally dependent on taro production and consumption.
Sweet Potato Taro & other rootcrops

43. The presence of one or two retail stores at least in each
culture center has allowed their use of fragrant and laundry soap,
shampoo, condiments, instant coffee, lard, salt, even junk food with
money obtained from farm produce. It is given thus, that crops from
either the fields or the gardens are first and foremost for home
consumption.
I’waks claim that for smaller family sizes (3-5 household
members) food gathered is enough. It is a reality however, that many
I’wak households have on the average 6 to 8 children (the biggest
being 11) and this is where food source and consumption become a
problem.

44. For those able to produce surpluses, they have entered the
market sphere. Many of them have taken advantage of improved road
access by planting cash crops. Here they contribute to local economy.
Crops are hauled to the town proper then brought to the vegetable
terminal at Bambang. Like any upland producer, however, they haggle
for reasonable prices and have to deal with the law of supply and
demand. More often in their desire to get their goods disposed with, they
become prey to prices dictated by the middlemen.

45. This is the reason that farming becomes intensive. They realize that their
yields are not comparable to crops produced with commercial fertilizers.
They admit thus, that since crops maintained organically do not sell fast as
middlemen prefer robust-looking farm produce, they are forced to invest in
farm inputs like commercial fertilizers, high-yield varieties etc.
Pineapples
Chayote
Sweet Potato Tomatoes abound in Li’bawan

46. Rice & Cucumber intercrop

47. The first harvests then go to paying for farm inputs for the succeeding cycle. In
the economic equation, part of the proceeds go to household needs like rice,
clothes and at other times medicines for those who get sick. For those located
in mountainous terrains, the absence of farm to market roads adds to their
economic burden. Since trekking the mountain trails take a solid one or two
hours, and bringing the produce to the terminals requires the services of
Jeepney drivers, they have to pay freight rates that soar high during the rainy
season when roads are at their worst.

48. Gardeners too, have to contend with seasonal problems like the onset
of heavy rains or typhoons during the wet season (July to September) or
the shortage of water in summer particularly at Alang Salacsac. Farmers
complain about crops getting rotten and no longer commanding
competitive prices once they reach the market. Thus, while they are
able to generate income enough to tide them over the next cropping,
often they ran into debts particularly when their produce do not sell
high.
Part of their frustration is that while they are able to feed their families,
seldom are they able to send their children to school. Those that do
attend school finish until high school or two years in college, since the
problem is always with sustaining them. It is for this reason that some
go to other places to look for odd jobs (like being hired helpers or
laborers or working in mines) that can at least send money home. Also,
the problem is worsened by the fact that the schools are located in
distant places like in Tuyungan and Li’bawan so that children almost
always drop out from classes because of exhaustion.

49. Moreover, their timidity also gets in the way when negotiating for things or
matters that affect them. It is revealing however, that they attempt to get
integrated into the mainstream by actively participating in political and
social assemblies at the barangay level. This gives them a measure of self-
fulfillment and security that their representatives speak in their behalf. As
such in spite of their relative poverty, they are not burdens to the local
government.

50. In tropical developing territories, shifting cultivation in its many diverse
forms remains a pervasive practice (En. Wikipedia:2010). That it has
survived today in places like those occupied by the I’waks shows that it is
a flexible and highly adaptive means of production. But knowledge
such as this has been subjected to a lot of criticisms particularly from
others’ impression that it has contributed much to the degradation of the
forest. Critics are quick to judge the practice as destructive since they do
not see past the clearing of forests and the felling of trees and do not
perceive “often ecologically stable cycles of cropping and fallowing”
(http://en.wikipedia.org: 2010) Joseph Cornell and Michelle Miller (of
Washington Environmental Information Coalition) point out that:
“in areas which have not experienced rapid population growth
and where sufficient lands exists, swidden has proven more sustainable
and about as productive as more energy-intensive methods”

52. Although at the moment, the research team has only a crude
estimate as to the number of residents occupying I’wak territory,
(the team is currently doing a census survey of the I’waks in their
culture centers), it is safe to say that their population has not
increased significantly as to endanger their enclaves. Moreover, as
indigenous peoples familiar with indigenous knowledge, the I’waks
are very sensitive and caring of their environment. Being able to
cultivate the soil properly and over a sufficiently large area, their
swidden result in “a mosaic of agricultural, secondary and relatively
undisturbed ecosystems that imitate more closely natural
disturbance regimes than does mechanized modern agriculture”.
Since they retain several crop species in each field along with useful
trees, such a practice has been shown to have characteristics
conducive to biodiversity conservation (Cornell and Miller:2007).

54. Having cultivated these fields over a period of time, I’waks have
knowledge essential to the conservation and management of their
environment. Knowing which crops to plant at a particular time, nurturing
them with organic fertilizers, or with very little intervention, they get a “few
years’ worth of annual crops, and finally a full-fledged cash tree crop
plantation that eventually give way to the regrowth of the natural forest”
(Cornell and Miller: 2007).
Moreover, the fact that they grow different varieties of crops enables them
to minimize the risk of harvest failure (Tebtebba:2008). Having learned to
plant new crop varieties (from taro and sweet potato), along with the
domestication of animals (with the shift from its major function as food for
rituals to food for home consumption), they have ensured their survival
over the years. Furthermore, their awareness of which crops to plant with
specific soils have made them selective of forest lands to clear.
Familiarity with more recent techniques of cultivation like sloping land
technology has enabled them from keeping the mountain sides from
erosion. The use of contour lines in some areas has guaranteed safe
cultivation and the promise of better harvests. Keeping vegetable
production at a minimum with enough surplus to dispose at the market
protect the lands from overuse. As such, “contrary to the image of
primitive Third-World farmers irresponsibly destroying precious forest,

56. Contour Lines: To prevent soil erosion

57. On the other hand, there are a number of changes which the I’wak farmer has
to contend with if he is to ensure the proper and continued use of this centuries-
old practice: the use of commercial fertilizers as well as machines for intensive
cultivation. Although they admit that the use of commercial fertilizers
guarantees that their crops command higher prices, (and which they do to a
minimum), this runs counter to the traditional way of doing things which as
earlier stated has done much to keep soil nutrients intact. The facility with
which machines have brought about the clearing of lands could tempt the I’wak
into using the technology to hasten the clearing of more lands with wanton
disregard for environmental conservation.
Extensive farming activities in Li’bawan necessitate the use of modern farm
equipment such as hand tractor and a rice thresher for post production.

58. This is in the light of the “unconscious” neglect of passing on to the next
generation indigenous knowledge held in esteem. It helps thus, that some of
the children that go to state colleges or universities earn degrees in
agriculture rather than become professionals elsewhere in the future. But
like those in the mainstream longing for material advancement and financial
security of their children, I’waks wish that their children finish something
else.
Moreover, although respondents say that the local government pursues
agricultural policies deemed to improve the market value of crops produced,
there seems to be the absence of a direct consultation with them on how
best to address issues such as this.
Although the government has been active in providing access roads, the
I’waks yet have to make local officials realize that there is more to building
structures that to aggressively address problems to assure the latter of
continuously “improving land directly engaged in swidden instead of
increasing areas under slash and burn cultivation”.

59. Subject Adaptability/Application to other areas of study
This study about the I’waks maybe integrated in the following
courses namely:
Lessons on Ecology – Ecology is the scientific study of the relation of living
organisms with each other and their surroundings. The I’waks’ harmony with
nature sustained them for many generations. Until now, the I’wak culture centers
have sustained both biotic as well as abiotic components that generate and regulate
the ecosystems in the place which provided goods and services that helped
sustained their general well-being.
Lessons on Anthropology - Anthropology is the scientific study of the origin and
behavior of man, including the development of societies and cultures. The study on
the ethno-ecological adaptation of the I’waks of Kayapa tried to trace the growth
and development of the I’waks as a people in several culture centers, growth in
population, including patterns of movement as part of their adaptation and coping in
a fast changing world; Likewise, using the approach of synchronic as well as
diachronic methods, it takes into account the I’waks presence in relation to other
societies or tribal groups in the old administrative region of I’tuy and details the
I’waks’ adaptive strategies considering the changing signs of the times.

60. Lessons on History - History is the discovery, collection, organization, and
presentation of information about past events. In an attempt to reconstruct I’waks’
history, tracing of reliable secondary sources entailed pouring over documents
written by Spanish chroniclers and friars which were translated in English by
American authors. But these entries were far and between, hence oral history had
also been used particularly to validate information taken from secondary sources.
Lessons on Sociology - Sociology is the study of society which uses various
methods of investigation and critical analysis to develop and refine a body of
knowledge about human social activity, often with the goal of applying such
knowledge to the pursuit of social welfare. The study on the I’waks utilizes largely
a qualitative approach in documenting their ethno-ecological adaptation and see
how these adaptive strategies have changed or were sustained overtime, providing
an explanation of the importance of such a technology in their over-all survival as
a people. It also takes into account the I’waks socio-economic activities.
Selected Lessons on Agriculture - Agriculture is the cultivation of animals,
plants, and other life forms for food, fiber and other products used to sustain life.
Since Agriculture is the key implement in the rise of sedentary human civilization,
a documentation on the I’waks’ adaptive strategies on this aspect, whereby
farming of domesticated species created food surpluses that nurtured their
development of civilization may serve an excellent example .

61. CONCLUSIONS
Based from the above discussion of findings, the following conclusions
were arrived at:
1.The I’waks of Kayapa, Nueva Vizcaya are an ethno-linguistic group which from
the documentary sources are a people that practice shifting cultivation, and wet
agriculture, and these economic activities have sustained them for many
generations;
2.On the basis of a semi-census survey, I’wak culture centers are found in the
mountain enclaves of Barangays Besong, Alang-Salacsac (Bileg, Lower & Upper
Bolo, Landing & Alang) Kayapa Proper West (Tuyungan & Li’bawan), Amilong-
Labeng (Poblacion, Cawayan, Sayuding, Saguipat), Ansipsip (Dumolpos), Buyasyas,
Kayapa (Talnag, Mataba, Parago) and Buyasyas, Sta Fe (Kapangan, Bocaog);
3.Given the physiographic make-up of these culture centers, the I’waks have
adapted themselves to the environment through the practice of swidden and wet
agriculture. These economic activities depended upon which culture center is
mentioned. Thus far, it may be said thus, that while a number of practices is
generally shared by the I’waks, there are slight differences in the manner by which
economic activities are done.
4.Since most I’wak communities are located in man-made and or natural plateaus
or at the foot of mountains, the swidden cultivation system is largely practiced
except in those centers which have gradual land elevations and which abound in
water, where wet agriculture (Li’bawan and Tuyungan) is practiced. A farming
cycle depended on which crops are grown. Moreover, land utilization varies. Some

62. 5. Rituals played a significant role in the farming cycle of the I’waks but
the prioritization of needs and the perceived lack of practicality
given the expenses surrounding the celebration made their conduct
a mere survival of the past;
In a set up where fields and gardens have to be monitored time and
again, a sexual division of labor is in place. The I’waks also draw the
line between tasks that are heavy (men) and those that are menial
(women);
Children’s participation in the agricultural cycle is seen from their
typical roles as errand boys or girls, or in performing household
chores like washing of dishes or clothes or taking care of their
younger siblings while their parents are out in the field;
There is little industrial art among the I’waks save from the garden
tools and farm implements which are either homemade or obtained
from the markets;

63. The practice of swidden agriculture has given the I’waks a more settled
way of life.
Dwellings are constructed such that spaces beneath them are left open
for domestication of animals; Crop rotation also guaranteed the I’waks
a stable source of food supply. The availability of taro and sweet potato
the whole year round compensates for what is lacking during the lean
months.
6. In their overall survival as a people, the I’waks have to contend with
some conditions brought forth by the changing signs of the times
namely:
a. While originally producing agricultural outputs only for home
consumption, the I’waks have entered into the market sphere to deal
with surplus products, having bigger families with growing needs; they
haggle for reasonable prices and have to deal with middlemen. More
often in their desire to get their goods disposed with, they become prey
to prices dictated by the middlemen

64. b. For those located in mountainous terrains, the absence of farm to market
roads adds to their economic burden. The I’waks have to pay high freight
rates especially during the rainy season when roads are at their worst;
they have to contend with seasonal problems like the onset of heavy
rains or typhoons during the wet season or the shortage of water in
summer;
c. While the I’waks are able to feed their families, seldom are they able to
send their children to school. Those that do attend school finish until high
school or two years in college, since the problem is always with
sustaining them.
d. I’wak’s timidity also gets in the way when negotiating for things or
matters that affect them.
e. As indigenous peoples familiar with indigenous knowledge, the I’waks are
very sensitive and caring of their environment.
f. Having learned to plant new crop varieties (from taro and sweet potato),
along with the domestication of animals (with the shift from its major
function as food for rituals to food for home consumption), they have
ensured their survival over the years.

65. RECOMMENDATIONS
1.To ensure the proper and continued use of this centuries-old practice of swidden
farming and wet agriculture which supported the I’waks for many generations, the
use of commercial fertilizers as well as machines for intensive cultivation must have
to be minimized. It is therefore, strongly recommended that government agencies
both national and local, spearhead a rigorous information dissemination drive about
the right and proper way of doing swidden fields and wet agriculture;
2. Since the facility with which machines have brought about the clearing of lands
could tempt the I’wak into using the technology to hasten the clearing of more
lands with wanton disregard for environmental conservation, informal education,
trainings and workshops among the I’wak gardeners and farmers can capacitate
them in assessing their knowledge in the light of the “unconscious” neglect of
passing on to the next generation indigenous knowledge held in esteem by past
I’waks;

66. 3. It helps that some of the children that go to state colleges or universities earn
degrees in agriculture rather than become professionals elsewhere in the
future. But like those in the mainstream longing for material advancement and
financial security of their children, I’waks wish that their children finish
something else. Scholarship grants and other educational opportunities for the
I’waks therefore is a much needed relief and support given the financial
constraints of majority of the I’waks;
4. Moreover, although respondents say that the local government pursues
agricultural policies deemed to improve the market value of crops produced,
there seems to be the absence of a direct consultation with them on how best
to address issues such as this. A periodic consultation should therefore, take
place with agriculturists assigned at the municipality so that measures to
improve crop produce may be taught, with the view of sustaining the people at
the same time protecting the environment.

67. 5. Compared to Amelong-labeng, Buyasyas, Kayapa Proper West and Besong,
Alang-Salacsac experiences water shortage; It is therefore highly
recommended that non-governmental organizations, private and state
agencies alike look into the possibility of establishing linkages with the local
government Unit of Kayapa to address this problem of the I’waks of Salacsac as
part of their CSR;
6. The building of water reservoirs for natural springs and planting trees in
watershed areas are also strongly recommended for these things can preserve
and trap the much needed water for household and agricultural consumption
rather than continuous flow of water that result to wastage;
7. Since the high elevation, the cold climate of most I’wak culture centers, and
market demands, affect crop production, the exploration of other crops that
can thrive in these areas aside from the usual vegetables or crops being
planted is very much recommended and;
8. Above all, since it has been proven historically that the I’wak people is one of
the original settlers of Kayapa, Nueva Vizcaya, a more comprehensive and
dynamic integration of this group of people in the political, socio-economic and
moral fibers/spheres of society be made for the preservation, protection,
promotion of their indigenous knowledge, systems and practices for their
growth and development as a people.

68. REFERENCES
Blair & Robertson, eds. “The Philippine Islands”
Bonifacio, Ramos V. 2003. “ The Abong: A Witness to the I’waks Simplicity,
Tranquility, and Accord with Nature,” Journal of Northern Luzon, Vol.
Xxxi (January – December, 2003)
Castillo, Rayda Joy B. 1999. “Ethnography and Life Cycle of the I’waks,”
Journal of Northern Luzon, Vol. 28-29 (July 1999 – Jan. 2000)
Cornell, Joseph D. 2007. “Slash & Burn,” Encyclopedia of Earth. Washington
D.C.,: Environmental Coalition, National Council for Science & Environment
Ember & Ember, 1997. Anthropology. Prentice Hall: Simon & Scheuter (Asia)
Pte Ltd. 317 Alexandra Road, Singapore
Keesing, F. 1962. “The Ethnohistory of Northern Luzon” , Stanford University
Press: Stanford, California, USA
Peralta, Jesus T. 1982. “I’wak Alternative Strategies for Subsistence: A Micro-
Economic Study: The Iwak of Boyasyas, Nueva Vizcaya, Philippines.”
Anthropological Papers, National Museum, No. 11. Manila: National Museum
Peralta, Jesus T. 1977. “The I’wak,” Filipino Heritage; The Making of A Nation,
Metro Manila: Lahing Pilipino
Scott, William H. 1988. Trans. from Antolin F. , “Notices of the Pagan Igorots in
the Interior of the Island of Manila”, UST Press: Manila, Philippines
TEBTEBBA Foundation, 2008. “Guide on Climate Change & Indigenous
People”, Valley Printing Specialist: Baguio City, Philippines