Unit 3 sections a and b grammar and style sentence styles

Unit 3: Sections A and B:
Grammar and style
Sentence styles: development and illustration
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ENG 380: Stylistics
Section A:
Grammar and style
‹#›
ENG 380: Stylistics
the grammar of a language = rules
grammatical rules of a language are the language as they
stipulate the very bedrock of its syntactic construction.
intimidating area of analysis because it is not always easy to
sort out which aspects of a text’s many interlocking patterns of
grammar are stylistically salient.

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ENG 380: Stylistics
sentence (or clause complex)
Clause (most important)
phrase (or group)
word
morpheme
Grammar rank scale (hierarchy)
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ENG 380: Stylistics
Several important functions of language can be found in any
clause:
tense
polarity
Mood (declarative, interrogative or imperative)
Core or nub (central idea/point)
The Clause
‹#›
ENG 380: Stylistics
It is a defining characteristic of clause structure that its four

basic elements are typically realised by certain types of phrases.
Basic Clause Structure:
Subject (usually filled with a noun phrase)
Predicator (always filled with a verb phrase)
Complement (usually filled with a noun or adjective phrase)
Adjunct (usually filled with an adverb or prepositional phrase)
Clause Structure
‹#›
ENG 380: Stylistics
The woman feeds those pigeons regularly.
Our bull terrier was chasing the postman yesterday.
The Professor of Necromancy would wear lipstick every Friday.
The Aussie actress looked great in her latest film.
The man who came to dinner was pretty miserable throughout
the evening.
Identify the elements of clause structure
‹#›
ENG 380: Stylistics
Method 1: Look for placement, and ask “wh-” questions.
Subject

Who/What?
In front of the verb
Finding the Complement:
Who/What?
After the verb
Finding the Adjunct:
How/When/Where/Why?
After the verb
Method 2: Add a ‘tag question’ to the declarative form of a
clause.
Narrows the subject down to a single pronoun
Identifies auxiliary verbs, tense, etc.
Testing for Clause Constituents
‹#›
ENG 380: Stylistics
Mary’s curious contention that mackerel live in trees proved
utterly
unjustified.
Form a tag question.
Example: tag question
‹#›
ENG 380: Stylistics

Coordination:
“My aunt and my uncle visit the farm regularly, don’t they?”
Two entities/people coordinated with “and”
Apposition:
“The winner, a local businesswoman, had donated the prize to
charity, had she?”
Two phrases referencing the same entity/person (the winner, a
local businesswoman)
Testing for Clause Constituents: An Example
‹#›
ENG 380: Stylistics
Variations in Interrogatives
Subject-Predicator Inversion
“Do” Insertion
Variations in Declaratives
Subject-Predicator only
Double Complements (direct object and indirect object)
Any number of Adjuncts
Mary awoke suddenly in her hotel room one morning because of
a knock on the door.
Clause Structure Variation

‹#›
ENG 380: Stylistics
Ellipsis
Predicator is eliminated in context because of a previous
reference
This is called a ‘minor clause’
A: “Where are the keys?”
B: “In your pocket!”
they form an important locus (place) for stylistic
experimentation.
‹#›
ENG 380: Stylistics
Section B:
Sentence styles: development and illustration
‹#›
ENG 380: Stylistics
Consists of one clause
Stylistic use:
Frenetic/Urgent
Fast-paced

The Simple Sentence
He ate his supper.
He went to bed.
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ENG 380: Stylistics
“I tried to examine myself. I felt my pulse. I could not at
first feel any pulse at all. Then, all of a sudden, it seemed to
start off. I pulled out my watch and timed it. I made it a
hundred and forty-seven to the minute. I tried to feel my heart. I
could not feel my heart. It had stopped beating.” Three Men in a
Boat
Style description and its effect:
Most sentences are made of single independent clause. This
style gives a sense of speed and urgency which helps to show
the anxiety of the character as he examines himself.
Example
‹#›
ENG 380: Stylistics
Consists of two or more independent clauses
Coordination shows equal status
Coordinating conjunctions

And (direct coordinator)
But (adversive coordinator)
Or
So
For
yet
Stylistic use:
Symmetry, connection
Popular in junior readers
and nursery rhymes
The Compound Sentence
He ate his supper
he went to bed.
and
‹#›
ENG 380: Stylistics
Consists of one independent clause and two or more subordinate
clauses
Asymmetrical/subordinating relationship
Subordinating conjunctions
When
Although
If
Because
Since
The Complex Sentence (Type 1): subordination
When he had eaten his supper,
he went to bed.
although he had just eaten his supper.

He went to bed
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ENG 380: Stylistics
Consists of one main clause and one embedded (downranked)
clause
Embedded Relationship
The Complex Sentence (Type 2): embedding
She announced that
he had gone to bed.
‹#›
ENG 380: Stylistics
Equivalent constituents
Adjuncts and/or subordinate clauses placed both before and
after the Subject/Predicator
“Tomorrow, and tomorrow, and tomorrow,
Creeps in this petty pace from day to day” (Macbeth, V.v.19–
20).
Trailing constituents
Adjuncts and/or subordinate clauses placed after the
Subject/Predicator
“You walked with me among water mint
And bog myrtle when I was tongue-tied” (Longley 1995).

Anticipatory constituents
Adjuncts and/or subordinate clauses placed before the
Subject/Predicator
“On my right hand there were lines of fishing-stakes resembling
a mysterious system of half submerged fences” (Conrad 1995
[1912]: 1).
Constituent Types
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ENG 380: Stylistics
Un-elaboration of the noun “fog”: undifferentiated,
undetermined.
Restricted verbal development in main clauses. one key element
is omitted (finite) which provides tense, polarity and person. On
going process.
Trailing constituents. subordinate clauses and Adjuncts of
location. It refers to the fog? Or to the river? Indeterminacy.
Gradual narrowing of spatial focus
Internal foregrounding: by creating a different Subject element
and by shifting the lexical item ‘fog’ to the right of the
Predicator in the sixth sentence.
Stylistics features of Charles Dickens’s novel Bleak House

‹#›
ENG 380: Stylistics
Style comes from the totality of interrelated elements of
language
rather than from individual features in isolation.
Summary
‹#›
ENG 380: Stylistics
Simpson, P. (2004). Stylistics: A Resource Book for Students
(2nd ed.). London: Routledge. ISBN 9780415644969 (print
edition).
References

‹#›
ENG 380: Stylistics
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ENG Stylistics
Assignment 1 (5 points)
Purpose:

The purpose of this assignment is to assess your understanding
of the four basic elements of clause structure (subject,
predicator, complement, and adjunct).
Answer the following questions. (5 Points)
I. Identify the subject, predicator, complement, and adjunct in
each of the following clauses. (2.5 Points)
1- I couldn't find the word in the dictionary.
2- Fog and ice are making the roads very dangerous.
3- Her husband was driving the car at the time of the accident.
4- Many residents must travel long distances to a grocery store.
5- He is a distinguished professor of law at the University of
Illinois.
II. There are TWO tests for elements of clause structure.
Explain in detail and support your answer with examples.(2.5
Points)
Answer
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With My Best Wishes
1
t ~.: '..
3 ~ Killer Profiles

~ '
{'
I
The murderers we interviewed were not representative of men
who kill
~~I their partners in one important respect: none of them had
also killed them-
selves. For two of the men, this had not been for lack of trying.
Immedi-
', ately after strangling and stabbing his partner, one man had
plunged the
same knife into his neck and slashed both wrists. In an attempt
to finish
Himself off, he had then attempted to stab himself in the chest.
By that
point, however, he had been too weak from loss of blood to
penetrate his
rib -cage and passed out. This man had survived only due to the
rapid re-
sponse of the EMTs. I will describe this man, Allen, in more
detail in the
later section about the suicidal type of killer. The other killer
who had
attempted suicide had shot himself in the chest immediately
after shoot-
ing his partner in the neck and head. He was hospitalized for
two months
in recovery. In profiling the suicidal type of killer, I will draw
from other
research findings.

Including the men who we characterized as suicidal, I found all
thi~-ty-
one killers could be classified under at least one of five broad
types. These
types were jealous, substance abusing, materially motivated,
suicidal, and
career criminal. I also found that there was considerable overlap
among
these types. We classified more than half of the men as
belonging to more
than one of these types. The laxgest overlaps were between the
jealous
and the substance abusing types. There was also a considerable
overlap
between the career cruninal and the materially motivated types.
I will say
more about these overlaps in the section about men who pose
multiple
threats.
'There are any number of alternative ways that killers, like any
other
individuals, could be classified. One possible classification
scheme would
35
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be according
to personalit
y type. I did
not undertak
e to classify t
he killers
in this manne
r because it
is already lrn
own that murd
erers have m
any per-
sonality type

s. I wished i
nstead Co foc
us on assess
ments of beh
avior and
attitude. Tho
ugh there mi
ght be some
value to asse
ssing which
pexsonality
types are mos
t common; th
e added time
it would hav
e taken to ad
minister
personality a
ssessment too
ls would hav
e been at the
expense of t
he struc-
tured intervi

ews and the a
ttitude and be
havior measu
res.
~
Similarly, I d
zd not attem
pt to categori
ze the killers
formally acc
ord-
ing to mental
health diagn
oses. One re
ason was tha
t this also wo
ald have
been time co
nsuming and
at the expen
se of other i
nformation. S
econdly,

:̀~
classification
s based on ps
ychopatholo
gy are notor
iously hard
to under-
stand and im
practical for
those who i
ntervene in d
omestic viole
nce cases,
_~
and even mo
re so for the
general publ
zc. For insta
nce, to say th
at some
l
killers have
narcissistic pe

rsonalities o
r even anti-s
ocial ones is
useless as
' '
a guide for a
ssessing dan
gerousness s
ince most pe
ople charged
with as-
k:
'
~~'
sessing dange
r do not use,
and are not q
ualified or tra
ined to use, p
sycho-
_ .l diagnostic me
asures. One
such measure
, for instanc

e, is the psych
opat,~ic
4. ;
checl~list.l Th
is is used by
farensic psy
chologists a
nd other trai
ned crimi-
;; .
nal justice w
orkers to ass
ess for psych
opathy, one
major aspec
t of anti-
,.~~ '
social person
ality disorde
r. It is know
n that high p
roportions o
f violent

~~
~'~. +
offenders, pa
rticularly kil
lers, have su
ch traits.2 Wh
ile some of
these are
~, ~'
behavior trait
s, such as chr
onic lying an
d exploitativ
e behavior, ot
hers are
more subjec
tive, such as
the Lack of r
emorse or gu
ilt for one's
actions,
t
glibness or s

uperficial cha
rm, having a
grandiose se
nse of self-w
orth, be-
f
~ ~ >,
ing irrespons
ible, and hav
ing shallow
affect. Discer
ning these tr
aits is not
,~w~ ~
only difficul
t for the Iay
public but als
o among law
enforcemen
t profes-
'~~~
sionals, and
among train

ed therapists
as well. Ev
en the short
ened ver-
~x;-:" '
sion of the p
sychopathy
checklist tak
es at least on
e hour to co
mplete b}~
'~a ;
a trained pro
fessional. Us
ually those j
udged to be
high in p
sychopathic
~2~ -
traits have a
lready amply
demonstrate
d their high

potential fox
violence
~<
and fox other
crimes agai
nst people. P
erhaps the m
ost useful
aspect o'
~ off~;
such diagnos
tics is to ma
tch the indi
vidual with
the form of
treatmer~,
z ~ ~ ~1iat might b
e most effect
ive. It is comm
only advise
d that indivi
duals wt,~
t ~~.i

~~
F> , ~..
~'
~ 7
are assessed
eo be high in
psychopath
y will not be
nefit from
outpatie,~~
~,
~, ~,
~ '- < 2
£
therapy and
should only r
eceive treatm
ent in a highl
y structured
enviro ~'
~, ~ ~
'
ment. Furthe
r discussion

of psychopat
l~y will be pr
ovided in th
e sectic
r ;;
~̀~:~ ~,~ ~ ;.~;n-
about materia
lly motivated
and career c
runinal types
of fillers.
36 ( TNhy Do
They Kill?
ways ~
th~k ~~
ships,
ilePS.
beh~v
were ,
~aulr~
killer;

consi,
.lea]
[Most
cater
5,.,;~' cam' a -
,-r
~ ~
~ ~ l h~ [C
t~ ̀~ ( )
(:
~ 1
t 1
h ~'~,
~ ~ ~y f
~.
t
-~. ~i~ ~K ! 'i
.I I I ~r ~Y 2 'v h~
~(

_s ou ht to cafe orize killers accordin to their behavior
atterns
I g gg P
',
'~,
2~[
1
.n
relationship histories more than on their psycholo
gical cliaracteris- k r, ;;' " w ~'
and
Tics. These behaviors are easily di
scernable for victims of abuse as well ~ ~ ".
as those who work with them. In classif
ying each killer, I relied upon ; , ~ ,'
has own testimony as well as police repor
ts and newspaper accounts of I:~ ' ~`~.
murders. Such accounts often provided backgroun
d information, such
~~~
~ ~ , ~ ' ̀
the
~. x

as quotes from witnesses and friends and relative
s of the victims. These i ~ ;
witnesses often had informarion about the perpetrator's
prior abuse of the
deceased. I also had access to each killer's criminal record,
as well as trial
transcripts in some cases. To confirm the validity of each of
the categories
of killer, I relied upon information from the victims of attem
pted homicide
that we interviewed. From these interviews, a more detailed
picture of
perpetrators of near-fatal abuse emerged. Demographically, the
perpet
ra-
tors of attempted homicide were very similar to the killers.
Judging fro
m
their victims' accounts, they also exhibited similar attitudes,
expectations,
and patterns of abuse. The killers and near-killers were also
similar in
their rates of substance abuse and mental health problems, as
well as their

exposure to violence in their upbringings. The more detailed
information
provided by victims of attempted homicide, particularly about
perpetra-
tors' abusive behavior, was indispensable in. completing the
picture of
men who kill. In this way, the victims of attempted homicide
served as
"stand-ins" for those women who could no longer speak.
Each of the five types of killers profiled had somewhat
distinctive
ways of meeting women and of forming intimate relationships. I
found
that each type also had unique patterns of behavior within those
relation-
ships, as well as unique complaints and grievances toward their
part-
ners. Though all five types of perpetrators exhibited abusive or
coercive
behavior toward their partners, it seemed to be motivated by
factors that
were unique to that particular style. Moreover, the fatal and
near-fatal as-
saults appeared to be triggered by these same factors. For each

type of
killer, I found that the man's short-term triggers were not new
but were
consistent with his longtime grievances toward the woman he
killed.
Jealous Type
Most of the killers carne across as extremely jealous. This was
the largest
category of killers, with seventy-one percent fitting the criteria
for mem-
Killer Profiles ~ 37
s,- - - -
~ _ W -,'~
~:
<̀.
~~E
~.
$~M
',
,~
t~~-.

4? -~_~
~̀ ~,
~
~,Q
bership. It
is probabl
e that the a
ctual perc
entage is h
igher, but
we did not
have suffi
cient infor
mation ab
out some o
f the kille
rs to scree
n them in a
s
jealous typ
es. Accord
ing to info
rmation fr
om the vic

tims of att
empted ho-
nnicide tha
t we inter
viewed, ezg
hteen of t
he twenty p
erpetrator
s (or 90%
)
were extr
emely jeal
ous, The c
ziteria I u
sed for cat
egorizing
a killer as
a
jealous ty
pe include
d the follo
wing four
characteris
tics and be

haviors:
1) The pe
rpetrator f
requently
had jealou
s suspicio
ns that his
partner wa
s sexually
involved o
r intereste
d in others.
He was
preoccupi
ed with th
ese jealou
s thoughts.
2) He fre
quently ma
de jealous
accusation
s to his pa
rtner, and

frequently
asked jea
lous quest
ions.
3) He oft
en made a
ttempts to
confirm hi
s suspicio
ns by moni
toring
the victim'
s whereabo
uts and ac
tivities.
4) He'd c
ommitted
at least on
e act of ab
use oz vio
lence towa
rd the
victim or t
oward her

alleged ro
mantic par
tner in res
ponse to hi
s
jealous su
spicions a
r beliefs.
All twenty
-two of the
killers wh
om we cha
racterized
as extreme
ly jealous
e~ibited
at least th
ree of the a
bove chara
cteristics.
It is impor
tant to not
e

that criteri
a number t
hree by its
elf did not
qualify a k
iller as be
ing jealou
s
since his m
onitoring
may have
had anothe
r motive be
sides jealo
usy. Some
of the kill
ers, especi
ally the m
aterially
motivated
ones, mon
itored the
ir

victims' a
ctivities n
ot with an
y jealous n
otions but
with inten
t to over
see
their activ
ities. The
purpose w
as not to
confizm o
z disconfi
rm a jeal
ous
suspicion
but to dete
rmine whe
ther the vi
ctim was f
ollowing
through o
n

things tha
t he expec
ted of her.
For examp
le, several
killers ad
mitted th
a(
they often
monitored
their part
ners' spen
ding. Othe
r killers s
aid that
they
often moni
tored thei
r partners'
social act
ivities to
ensure tha
t they w
e+ -

not associ
ating with
people th
e znen con
sidered to
be "a bad
in8uen
cc
Often thes
e "bad infl
uences" m
eant peopl
e who migh
t seek to t
ake steps
~~
end the rel
ationships.
One killer
admitted
that he for
bade his
partner
fro,

seeing cer
tain relati
ves whom
he said h
ad "put id
eas in her
head a
bs~-
being a ba
ttered wom
an." Seve
ral of the
ottzer kill
ers said t
hat they
~~ ',~
often liste
ned in on t
heir partne
rs' teleph
one conver
sations
with frie
' ''s

and relati
ves to moni
tor what
might be d
isclosed a
bout the
women's
tivities an,
d plans. So
me killers
seemed n
ot to worr
y about
tl~e ex
iste L°
38 ( Wh
y Do The
y Kill?
x
~"
e
C

we did not r
them in as
m ted 'P ho-
(or 90%) ~
killer as a
~viors:
~~
s !'i ,
was
d ~
~itoring
i
E.
u'd the
to his
jealous
to note
jealous
~. Some
d their
>versee
ealous
igh on
~d that
~t they
were
:nce."
eps to
from
about

~ had
of another man as much as the possibility that the victim would
end the
relationship. These men could be said to be possessive more
than jealous.
] will say more about possessive control and stalking in later
chapters.
In many cases, the killer's monitoring of the victim appeared to
have
a dual purpose: to confirm a jealous suspicion and also to look
for signs
of compliance or noncompliance on her part. In determining
whether
certain killers fit the jealous profile, it was necessary to go
beyond their
self-assessments about jealousy since many downplayed any
jealous ten-
dencies. Even some of the men who claimed to have killed their
partners
in a "jealous rage" avowed not to be abnormally jealous
individuals. As
one killer put it, "I'm a reasonable man but she drove me to be
jealous
with what she was doing." This man cited no solid evidence that

his part-
ner was being unfaithful, though he had continuously spied
upon her and
sought to verify her accounts of her activities. During this man's
murder
trial, the victim's family and friends strongly refuted his claims
that she
had been having an affair and said that the victim had often
complained to
them about his jealousy.
Killing from Jealous Rage?
One of the most popular and persistent ways that the media
portray do-
mestic homicides is as "crimes of passion" in which a jealous
husband
kills an unfaithful .wife and sometimes her lover as well.
Unfortunately,
both investigators and reporters sometimes glibly offer this
phrase as an
explanation, as if to distinguish these killings from others that
are por-
trayed as more "heinous" and "cold blooded." But is that ever
the whole

story? When a murderer claims to have killed out of jealous
rage, this
should never be accepted at face value. When domestic violence
has been
part of the equation, the man's accusation of the woman's
infidelity must
be examined within the context of an abusive relationship. Was
the killing
a moment of "temporary insanity" prompted by the killer's
discovery of
an affair? Or was it the final culmination of possessive control
and escalat-
ing violence within the relationship?
To answer this question, I examined each case in which the
killer
:ends claimed that the murder had been primarily prompted by
his partner's in-
s ac- i volvement with another person. Thirteen of the thirty-one
killers (65%
ence ~ of the jealous type of killers and 41% of the total) made
such claims. It
E Killer Profiles ~ 39
should be no
ted, howevex

, that twelv
e of Chese m
en said that
the warder
also had bee
n prompted
by the victi
m's decision
to end the
relationship.
Seven of th
ese victims h
ad already
separated fro
m their futu
re killers an
d
an. eighth, w
ho had neve
r lived with
him, had br
oken off any
contact wit
h

him. Interes
tingly, only o
ne of the thi
rteen men wh
o claimed to
have killed
out of a jeal
ous rage had
been convic
ted of mansl
aughter. Sev
en were con-
a
victed of fir
st degree mu
rder while
the remaizun
g five were
convicted of
second degr
ee murder. T
his means th
ere was ove

rwhe3ming
evidence tha
t
these men, c
laiming to ha
ve killed in
a jealous ra
ge, had in fa
ct acted with
considerable
premeditatio
n.
One killer,
Dennis, cla
imed to hav
e found an
unused cond
om on
his estrange
d wife's nig
ht table, pro
mpting him
to stab her i
n the chest.

{
Strong evid
ence of prem
editation, h
owever, was
presented
at Dennis's
murder trial.
The couple
had separa
ted a year e
arlier when
his wife, Su-
F
san, took ou
t a restrainin
g order and f
iled for div
orce. Over th
e year befor
e
her death, Su
san had acc

used Dennis
of violating
her restzain
ing ordex by
entering her
house on th
ree different
occasions wh
en she wasn
't there and
by making t
hreatening p
hone calls o
n two other
occasions.
Susan had b
e-
gun dating a
nother man
shortly befor
e her divorc
e fxom Denni
s was final-

ized. Meanwh
ile, Dennzs'
s gambling
problem ha
d escalated t
o the point
where he was
tens of thou
sands of doll
ars in debt.
According t
o the police
investigatio
n of Susan's
homicide, D
ennzs carri
ed a hunting
knife with
him when he
broke into h
er house on
the evening
he killed he
r, There was

also eviden
ce that Dennz
s had made
several pho
ne calls to tr
ack Susan's
whereabouts
that day. Th
e medical ex
aminer repo
rted that Sus
an had been
stabbed at l
east nine tim
es.
In eight of t
he cases whe
re the killers
claimed to
have killed o
ut of a
jealous rage
, there is no
independen

t evidence t
hat their part
ner had been
involved wit
h someone el
se. In four o
f these cases
, friends and
lor zelatives
of the decea
sed provided
strong test
imony to tb.e
contrary, sa
ying that aa
y
rnfzdelzties o
n the victim
's part had b
een solely i
n the imagin
ation of th
e

jealously po
ssessive perp
etrator. Tab
le 3.1 summa
rizes our fin
dings abou
t
this.
In some cas
es, it was ha
rd to discern
whether th
e killer since
rely be-
lieved that h
is partner ha
d been inv
olved with s
omeane else
or whethe
r
his 'allegatio
ns were fabr

icated in ord
er to win s
ympathy fro
m others, i
n-
cluding cour
t juries. Far
some of the
killers, their
continual
allegations
of
infidelity ap
peared To hav
e been a ma
jor part of
their attempt
s to cont
rol
40 ~ tivtzy Do ~Q
y Wit?
~~

n
y'
3,4
C,
(~ i `~ _
43~ ~:
i ci-~
'Y
~ ~
<~
ti~
y t l
4 ~
I.
~ ~N~ ~ 1~K .
: i "mil
fi, r r
;.
k ~~}
-

:~ ~E
'•411
5. ,"_ ~y~`f
7
'~
l~'y~%
... s'~~'v "
X
i^ ..
~~7 ~.. f.
y-'~
Table 3.2: Find
ings relevant to the kill
ers' claims
} i
of killing out of a
jealous rage
A
Total number of men
claiming to
.~'

~ _'.'
have killed out of a jea
lous rage
13 (42%)
~ ~ kS
N=31
~ c z~r
Of these thirteen man:
Number convicted of fir
st degree murder
7
Number convicted of se
cond degree murder
5
Number convicted of mansl
aughter
1
There is evidence the victim
was involved with
someone else
5 (38%)
There is no evidence the victi

m was involved with
~
someone else
8 (62%) ~
and to isolate their partners
socially. Many victims o
f severe abuse said
I'
that their abusers' frequent
allegations had caused them
to curtail or cease
contact with friends and rela
tives. One victim said, "I
just gave np with
my friends anyway because if
I did make an effort to see th
em, he would
always badger me with questio
ns and make my life miserab
le."
For battering men, their jeal
ousy provides a nearly per

fect excuse
for their abusive behavior, maki
ng it appear "crazy" or irr
ational rather
than deliberate or calculating.
Some batterers go so far as to
proclaim that ~
their extreme jealousy is evid
ence of their deep devotion a
nd passion for
their partners. In explaining hi
s jealous rages, one young m
an told his
girlfriend, "I wouldn't do the
se things if I didn't love you so
much:'
Jealous Thoughts and Behav
iors
According to the victims of sev
ere abuse that we interviewed
, the vast ma-
jority of their abusers displa

yed extremely jealous behavi
or. Nearly 90%
of the women said that they we
re subjected to frequent jeal
ous questions
and accusations, often accomp
anied by abusive behavior su
ch as monitor-
ing, stalking, and threatening o
r committing vzolence. At l
east half of the
women said that their partners
checked their clothing for
signs of sexual
activity. Table 3.2 presents fi
ndings about how victims ra
ted the jealous
feelings of their abusive part
ners.
In some instances, the abusi
ve men's lists of imagined r
omantic rivets

KiIler Profiles ~ 41 i
i, ,,.r,.t
,.:
F
■
Table 3.2: SeYiously ba
ttered women's ratings
of their partners' jeal
ousy
Percentage
of victims
who said "yes"
How jealous did your partner
He was very
get of your relationships with
jealous or 89
members of the opposite sex?
extremely jealous
In general, how jealous of a
He was very

person do you think your partne
r jealous or
7
was?
extremely jealous
In response to the following
scenarios, how jealous do you
think your partner would be
— We were at a bar together and
He would be
another man invited me to dance
moderately to 83
but I politely said no.
extremely jealous
—When buying something at
a He would be
convenience store, I laughed at
moderately to 69
something the store clerk said.
extremely jealous
N=35
are very long, extending even
to members of the victims'

families. Nearly
one-quarter of the victims
we interviewed said that thei
r abusers had ac-
cused them of sexual interest
in their own relatives. The
women said they
found this particularly distress
ing since these accusations
were sometimes
accompanied by demands
that they stop having contact w
ith the relative.
Three women said that they
regretted telling their abusers
about their past
traumatic experiences with
incest since it subsequently le
d to allegations
that they had been complicit
with the sexual acts or tha

t they continued
to have interest in the relat
ive who abused them. In on
e case, the bat-
terer beat up the vicfiim's fat
her who had sexually abused
her as a child.
This led to the victim beco
ming further alienated from
her mother and
siblings.
42 ~ why Do zney emu?
■
Case Exam
~<I 1~nAw th
It was the
Emmit was thi
nursing home
twice previous
wife and one b

ended badly di
had threatened
mit insisted th
about it." Emr
date, when Lc
husband with
f
sistence, Lour
parents. Louis
failed marriage
Emmit confro:
driveway. Afte
Emmit, Louise
After one mar
hirn and the ne
i
now, Emmit h
working in an.
couple bought

Suspicion
ously urged h~
After about fr
~ the seasonal se
worked odd jc
ing all their bi
back to school
she resumed ~
By mid-1
fair because sl
incident in ea
x se; - ,:, -,_::.> ~ _ <': rte='
_ _
.,<.,z
{.5~' _ ~`
~~"s} y
Case Example 1
"I knew that I couldn't trust her
.

It was the same way with my sec
ond wife."
Bmmit was thirty-nine and
Louise twenty-nine when they first met a
t the
nursing home where they we
re both working. Emmit had been marri
ed
twice previously and Louise
once. Emmit had two children by his fir
st
wife and one by his second. Emmi
t said that both of these prior marriages
ended badly due to infidelity on each
ex-partner's part. Conceding that he
had threatened violence and someti
mes hit or pushed each ex-partner, Em-
mit insisted that these were "natural
reactions to their cheating and lying
about it" Emmit's first jealousy to
ward Louise appeared after their first
date, when Louise admitted that she
was still living with her estranged

husband with whom she had atwo
-year old son, Brian. At Emmit's in-
sistence, Louise filed for divorce two mon
ths later and moved in with her
parents. Louise's parents were negativ
e toward Emrnit because of lus two
failed marriages and urged Louise to stop
seeing him. In response to this,
Emmit confronted Louise's father, havi
ng a "fist fight" with him in the
driveway. After Louise's father filed a ch
arge of assault and battery against
Emmit, Louise decided to find an apartm
ent in which to live with her son.
After one month in the new place, Emm
it convinced Louise to live with
him and the new couple found a larger
apartment several towns away. By
now, Emmit had taken a new job at a
car rental agency and Louise was
working in another nursing home in the
same town. Within one year, the
couple bought their first home and thei
r son Benjamin was born.

Suspicious of Louise's relationship
s with co-workers, he continu-
ously urged her to quit her job so tha
t she could be a full-time mother.
After about five years of this, Louise
reluctantly quit her job to work at
the seasonal seafood restaurant that Emix
ut had purchased. Though Emmit
worked odd jobs during the winter mon
ths, the family had difficulty pay-
ing all their bills and fell into debt. L
ouise convinced Emmit to let her go
back to school so she could pursue her n
ursing license. At the same time,
she resumed work as a nurse's aide at a
nursing home.
By mid-1994, Emznit began to suspe
ct that Louise was having an af-
fair because she was coming home l
ate on some evenings. After orie such
incident in early September, he deman
ded to know where she had been
Killer Profiles ~ 43

.:.,:, M` F,; .~ x
i
S t mk'~. Sit `2 s
A. s
~1~t~
._ .. ..
,.. ~ r .. _~
,Y., t~s~ s
'_._. _._._
_ ..__ __..... ._'_
_~...,_..>~ ,_ i
i ..__..
_ ~., i.._.,_~~
._
and she insisted that
she had been shoppin
g. He rifled her purs
e looking
for a store receipt, an
d finding none, grabb
ed Louise by the shir
t while

calling her a liar. He
demanded that she L
eave, and in response
, Louise
took the two children
to stay with her paren
ts. The following da
y, Louise
returned with the pol
ice to geC some of har
belongings. Meanwhil
e, Em-
mit has spoken with s
everal neighbars who
all sought to assure
him that
Louise had been faith
ful to him. Fu11 of re
morse, Emmit drove to
Louise's
work the next day to
leave flowers and a n
ote of apology on the
windshield

of her car. Louise cal
led him that evening a
nd Emmit begged her
to return.
Louise agreed to do
so on the condition t
hat Emmit stop makin
g jealous
accusations. Two days
later, however, EmrrLi
t's suspicions return
ed when
Louise was one hour
late convng home fr
om work. They had a
loud ar-
gument in which Em
mit accused Louise of
neglecting the house
and she
accused hzm of being
short with the childre
n. During this conflict
, Emmit t

knocked over several
pieces of furniture an
d pushed Louise into a
wall.
On September 22, Emm
it drove by Louise's
workplace late in the da
y
to verify whether she
was working late as s
he had told hizn over t
he phone.
When he arrived at th
e nursing home, he n
oticed Louise getting i
nto a car t
with a man. He follo
wed the other car from
a distance until they
pulled `
into a Dunkin Donuts
. In a jealous rage, Em
mit appxoacl~ed the pai
r in the j

parking lot, yelling a
nd threatening to kill
both of them. Louise
insisted `
that the other man wa
s just a co-worker and
they had just been pic
king up
donuts for a meeting at
work. Emmit caLted
her a liar, telling her,
"If you
want to destroy our m
arriage, then goodby
e:' He then drove to L
ouise's
parents house and told
her father that Louise
was having an affair. R
eturn-
ing home, he told th
e same thing to twelv
e-year-old Brian, who
quickly

left to visit a friend.
Emrnit then loaded his
shotgun with the inte
ntion of
shooting himself but
stopped when Brian
returned home with hi
s friend.
After putting the shot
gun away, Emmit ga
thered up nearly eve
rything
that Louise owned, ma
king numerous trips
out to the back yard,
where
he placed her clothing
, shoes, jewelry, pict
ures, and. other keepsak
es into
a pile. With Brian ques
tioning what he was d
oing, Emmzt poured
gasoline

on the pile, setting it a
blaze. Fearing what w
ould come next, Brian
$ed to
a neighbor's house. M
eanwhile, Emmrt cal
led Yus brother, Ronal
d, to te11
him what had happened
. Ronald came over to
see the sti11-burning pi
le and e
convinced Emmit to co
me over to his house in
order "to calm down."
Ron-
aldtold Emmit, "If you
don't trust Louise, yo
u should just divarce he
z." He
44 ~ Why Do They Kil
l?
j ~ _

1cy~,r ~ t ~ ,,^c~~- ~` ~
°' k ~. X~'~ .~~ t~So.~` 4 ~ ~I`3 c ~.`J 0 gx~~ ,it ,~ t .~ ~ ~ ; ~
.~,, ,r t ~.L k F~ . C ~4r -t
L ,c ~ ~,r ~~ .~ ,(7 r T' r..̀ ~ti~ kh f ~Sl ~ ~ 3
nt ;~f ~ --- ,
::
.~.. ~..,. .~.~r=
., .Le ey. ~ tea,,. Pik, .~F~ t _~~'~
_ ~~
r
took Enunit out to dinner, bnt Emmit was continuousl sobbin
and couldY gnot eat. Emmit returned home to find the police.
The police told him that
Louise had taken out a protective order that barred him from
being in the
house and from having any contact with Louise. The police also
informedEmmit that there would be a court date at 9:00 tl~e
next morning for ahearing to determine whether the restraining
and vacate order should becontinued. They transported Emmit
back to Ronald's house. That evening,Ronald and his wife
continuously sought to assure Emmit that Louise had ~not
cheated on him
On his way to court the following day, Emmit stopped at the
bankwhere he cleaned out the joint checking account. At the
court hearing,Louise told the judge that she feared Emmit due to
his violent jealousy.The judge continued the restraining order,
warning Emmit that he was notallowed to have any contact with
Louise, Brian, ar Benjamin. A hearingwas set for ten days later

to determine whether the restraining order wouldbe extended for
a year and to determine whether Emmit would be allowedto
have child visitations. After the court hearing, Emmit stopped
back atthe barilc to tell them he would stop making mortgage
papments on thehouse as well as loan payments on Louise's car.
Emmit spent the rest ofthe day at his restaurant.
That evening, Emrnit and Ronald planned to attend a party to be
heldat a Chinese restaurant by a friend of the family. Knowing
that Louisehad also been invited, Emmit went out to purchase a
new suit in hopes ofimpressing her at the party. Arriving early
at the party, Emmit was arixiousto see Louise despite her
restraining order against him. He arrived at 5:45,and not seeing
Louise, went to the box where he had four rum and …
3/7/2016 1
Profiling Abusive Men and
Confronting Myths
David Adams, Ed.D.
Emerge
www.emergedv.com
3/7/2016 2
WHO ATTENDS EMERGE?
Abuser Education Program

0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
Courts Child
Welfare
Self/Other
Agency
% Clients
3/7/2016 3
WHO ATTENDS EMERGE?

Responsible Fatherhood Program
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
50
Courts Child
Welfare
Self/Other
Agency
% Clients

3/7/2016 4
Myth 1:
1) Abusive men are easy to identify:
- Come across as angry, hot tempered,
“macho” or having a criminal record
3/7/2016 5
Reality
Most abusers are never identified
Most project a different persona
outside the family
Only a small proportion are arrested
Only ¼ are generally violent
3/7/2016 6

3/7/2016 7
Translation:
14-year old boy:
“I am not going to judge him for his
actions since he gave me my life, but
he is irresponsible”
3/7/2016 8
Myth 2:
2) Abusers have a problem with anger
3/7/2016 9
Reality
Domestic Violence is more about control
than anger

3/7/2016 10
Myth 3
3) Batterers lack skills
- anger management skills
- communication skills
- conflict resolution
- psychological awareness
3/7/2016 11
Reality
Abusiveness is a skill, encompassing
- control
- manipulation
- image maintenance

3/7/2016 12
Manipulation
Manipulation tactics often include,
- discrediting victim
- blaming victim
- divide and conquer family/friends
- undermining
- bargaining
- minimizing and denying
3/7/2016 13
Myth 4
4) Abusers often suffer from low self
esteem

3/7/2016 14
Reality
Narcissism is the more common
issue
White and Gondolf (2000) 50% on narcissistic
spectrum vs 26% on insecure/dependent spectrum
3/7/2016 15
Myth 5
5) The majority of abusers have mental health
problems
3/7/2016 16
Reality
Most do not have mental health problems.

Gondolf (2000)
3/7/2016 17
Personality Profiles
White and Gondolf (2000)
MCMI-III profiles of 100 abusers attending batterer
intervention:
• 59% had low personality dysfunction
• 23 % had moderate personality dysfunction
• 18% had severe dysfunction
3/7/2016 18
Personality Profiles (con’t)
Low Personality Dysfunction (59% of total):
Subgroups

1) Narcissistic/conforming style 34%
2) Avoidant/depressive style 22%
3) Atypical style 3%
3/7/2016 19
Moderate Personality Dysfunction (23% overall):
Subgroups
1) Antisocial disorder 12%
2) Narcissistic disorder 6%
3) Atypical disorder 5%
3/7/2016 20
Severe Personality Dysfunction (18% overall):

Subgroups
1) Paranoid disorder 8%
2) Borderline disorder 4%
3) Thought disorder 4%
4) Atypical disorder 2%
3/7/2016 21
Overall Personality Profiles
1) Narcissistic/conforming (low) 34%
2) Avoidant/depressive (low) 22%
3) Antisocial Disorder (mod) 12%
4) Paranoid Disorder (severe) 8%
5) Narcissistic Disorder (mod) 6%
6) Borderline Disorder (severe) 4%
7) Thought Disorder (severe) 4%

3/7/2016 22
Myth 5
5) Abusers who express remorse are more
likely to change
3/7/2016 23
Reality
Abusers commonly attempt to
manipulate interveners, with
- Denial and minimization
- Excuses
- Quick fix strategies
- Expressions of remorse
Remorse and apologies are part of the
cycle of abuse

3/7/2016 24
Excuse-making
Most common excuses used by abusers:
1) “She provoked me”
2) “I lost control”
3) Good intentions (e.g. “I just wanted her to see
how unreasonable she is”, “Its because I care
so much”)
4) Stress, Frustration
5) Alcohol or drugs
3/7/2016 25
Excuse-making
Most Common Excuses:
6) Self-defense

7) Jealous rage
8) Insecurity
9) Being tired
10) “It was an accident”
3/7/2016 26
Examples of “provocation”
(from Emerge intake files)
“She won’t keep her mouth shut”
“She has a big mouth”
“She always has something to say”
“She doesn’t talk to me respectfully”
“She won’t listen”
“She’s not sexual enough”
“She was being like a slut”
“She doesn’t respond quickly enough”

3/7/2016 27
Award for most Excuses
Description of violent incident:
“I grabbed her and pulled her arm and
threatened to kill her”
What was your reason for doing this?
“I was drunk and I was sleeping at two in the
morning when the incident started. I felt
rejected. I was angry and drunk. She
pushed my arm after I touched her and I
lost control”.
3/7/2016 28
Myth 6
6) It the violence has only occurred once,
there isn’t a pattern

3/7/2016 29
Reality
Most often, the first incident that comes
to light isn’t the first incident
Both the victim and the abuser may be
minimizing
There may be a prior history of
nonphysical abuse
3/7/2016 30
Myth 7
7) Abusers don’t change
3/7/2016 31
Reality

Outcomes of abuser intervention programs are
quite positive
- program completers are 2-4 times less likely to
re-offend
- In Massachusetts, outcomes for certified batterer
intervention programs are better than anger
management programs, and substance abuse
only interventions
- Outcomes are enhanced with strong support of
referral sources
3/7/2016 32
Myth 8
8) Just because a person has abused his
partner doesn’t mean he is a bad parent
3/7/2016 33
Reality
There are two important aspects of parenting:
1) How you treat your children

2) How you treat the other parent of your children
Children are greatly affected by both of these
Boys who grow up witnessing their fathers
seriously abusing their mothers are 10 times
more likely to grow up to become abusers --
M.Strauss
3/7/2016 34
Parenting Problems of Abusers, #1
Physical Abuse of Children
- 40-70% physically abuse children
Heightened Risk for Child Sexual
Abuse
3/7/2016 35

Exposing children to abuse of the
mother
3/7/2016 36
Psychological Abuse
- rigid or inappropriate expectations
- verbal abuse
- inconsistent contact/attention
- favoritism
3/7/2016 37
Parenting Problems, #4
Psychological Abuse (continued)
- emotionality
-enlisting children as spies

- verbally abusing mother to
children
3/7/2016 38
Undermining Mother
- countermanding her rules, limits
- criticizing the mother
- enlisting children as spies
- manipulating visits
3/7/2016 39
Undermining the Mother (continued)
-filing child abuse reports
- legal harassment of mother
- withholding child support
- replacing the mother

Bar Journal - December 1, 1999
Identifying the Assaultive Husband in Court: You Be the Judge
By: David Adams, M.Ed.
Reprinted by the New Hampshire Bar Association with
permission of The Boston Bar Journal, a
publication of the Bar Association. David Adams is Co-founder
and President of Emerge: A Men’s
Counseling Service on Domestic Violence. He is a nationally
known expert on counseling
assaultive husbands.
Individual and institutional suppression of the truth frequently
run parallel courses in history. Even when the
truth is not actively suppressed, it is sometimes resisted because
of the low status of its tellers. Such is the
case with wife abuse. The ability of individual perpetrators to
conceal or justify their violence has been
facilitated by a criminal justice system that has historically
ignored or blamed the battered woman (Taub &
Schneider, 1982: New York Task Force on Women in the
Courts, 1986). But the criminal justice system is
not alone in letting the abusive man off the hook. The
downplaying of domestic violence and the tendency to
blame victims have been well documented among social service
providers, medical personnel, clergy, and
the media (Schechter, 1982). Too often, those who are in a
position to intervene have failed to educate

themselves about wife abuse. Biased preconceptions about men
and women have impaired nearly
everyone’s ability to identify wife abuse and consequently, our
ability to hold abusers responsible for their
violence. Even our questions betray a preoccupation with the
victim’s choices and responsibilities rather
than those of the perpetrator. We ask, "Why does she put up
with it ?" rather than "Why does he beat her?"
Finding the truth means moving beyond popular stereotypes and
learning to ask the right questions. Court
officers must be especially careful to ask plaintiffs whether they
fear potential reprisals from the defendant in
reporting domestic assaults.
As frightening as domestic abuse is, the experience of publicly
disclosing it has been compared to stepping
off a cliff. Disclosure not only puts the battered woman at
greater risk for retribution from her abuser but it
also severely jeopardizes her social and economic security.
Research shows that, far from being irrational,
these fears are well-founded. Women are most likely to be
murdered while attempting to report abuse or to
leave an abusive relationship (Sonkin 1985; Browne, 1987).
Many battered women report that their
husbands have repeatedly threatened to kill them if they call the
police or attempt to leave. Those who treat
the abusive man confirm that the violence often escalates once
the woman attempts to end the relationship.
The abuser’s threats of continued physical abuse are often
accompanied by economic threats. These
commonly include threats to withhold child support and to
sabotage her job plans. Some men make threats
that are specific to the children, exploiting their wives’ fears of
losing the children once they report domestic
abuse.

Most battered women’s fears about calling the police or seeking
court protection are logical reflections of her
past experience with her abusive spouse. What appears from the
outside as an irrational pattern of "crying
wolf;" becomes much more understandable when one identifies
the specific scare tactics of the abuser.
These, combined with inconsistent and sometimes hostile
responses from the criminal justice system,
reinforce the battered woman’s fears that there is no real escape
from the abuse.
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE ABUSIVE HUSBAND
The following descriptive profile of the abusive husband is
provided to help criminal justice workers become
more sensitive to the concerns of battered women and more
knowledgeable (and hence, less vulnerable) to
the manipulation patterns of the abusive man. The profile is
drawn not only from victim accounts and
research findings but also my twelve year experience as a
counselor of abusive men at Emerge: A Men’s
Counseling Service on Domestic Violence, in Cambridge,
Massachusetts. Founded in 1977, Emerge was
the first program of its kind in the nation. Each characteristic
listed has implications for all those who are in a
position to identify abusive behavior and prescribe solutions.
1. Discrepancy in public versus private behavior
Men who batter their wives often do not come across to those
outside the family as abusive individuals.
Often, the abusive man maintains a public image as a friendly,
caring person who is a devoted "family man".
This good reputation often leads neighbors and friends to

conclude that his wife is exaggerating when she
reports physical abuse. Police responding to these reports may
be swayed by the calm demeanor of the
perpetrator. By contrast, his wife may seem more agitated and
hysterical, leading police officers to conclude
– falsely – that she is the more aggressive party. This false
picture is often repeated in court. Dressed in a
suit and accompanied by counsel, the male defendant frequently
comes across more credibly than the
female plaintiff. This is especially true when the perpetrator is a
professional man. In such a case, the
picture the plaintiff paints of her husband’s behavior may seem
inconsistent with his stature in the
community. Approximately one-third of the men counseled at
Emerge are professional men who are well
respected in their jobs and their communities. These have
included doctors, psychologists, lawyers,
ministers, and business executives. Police and court officers
must look beyond the popular image of the
abusive man as an easy-to-spot brute. While some abusers bear
some resemblance to this stereotype, most
do not.
2. Minimization and denial
Living in a society that undervalues domestic life, abusive men
do not expect their abusive behaviors toward
women to be taken seriously. One man said it had never
occurred to him that he could be arrested for such
a "minor thing:" This man’s attitude that men’s ill-treatment of
women doesn’t belong in the public sphere,
does not exist in a social vacuum. It is mirrored by recent
public debates about the relevance of how public
men treat their wives, particularly when allegations of wife
abuse or infidelity are made. It is reflected by the
historical reluctance of police and courts to intervene in

"domestic disturbances" (Roy, 1977).
Few, if any, abusive husbands characterize themselves as men
who beat their wives. A recent informal poll
of clients at Emerge revealed that few men, even the most
severe abusers, had thought of themselves in
those terms. The abuser’s tendency to minimize problems is
comparable to the denial patterns of alcohol or
drug abusers. Problem drinkers minimize their drinking by
favorably comparing their own consumption
pattern to "worst case" alcoholics - those who drink bottles of
hard liquor on the street. Many battering
husbands similarly minimize their violence by comparing it to
"brutes who beat their wives every day."
Besides spurning the "wife beater" label, most abusive men
underreport their violence. Research studies of
violence reporting patterns among husbands and wives have
found that husbands are more likely than
wives to underreport their own violence (Szinovacz, 1983;
Browning & Dutton, 1986). For instance,
husbands are more likely to count even severe acts of violence
(e.g., choking, punching, beating someone
up) as self defense rather than violence (Brygger & Edleson,
1984). Frequently, what abusers report as self-
defense is in reality violent retaliation. While some men
rationalize their violence, others merely lie about it.
The previously mentioned poll of Emerge clients found that
many had lied about their violence when asked
by neighbors, relatives, and police.
3. Blaming others
Perhaps the most common manipulation pattern of the abusive
man is to project blame for his violence onto
his wife. In treatment programs for abusers, statements li ke "she
drove me to it:" "she provoked me:" "she

really knows how to push my buttons" are common. Statements
like these reveal the abuser’s attempts to
divert attention away from his own behavior and choices.
Abusers in the early stages of treatment resist self
criticism by projecting responsibility for their violence onto
others (Adams, 1988). This is similar to the
alcoholic’s tendency to blame other people, things and
circumstances for his drinking. The abusive husband,
like the alcoholic, presents himself as a victim.
Too often, interveners get caught up in talking about the
victim’s behavior. This is a disservice to the abuser
because it reinforces his denial of responsibility. When the
topic of discussion shifts to his partner’s
behavior, the abuser is prevented from recognizing that he has
choices in how he responds to her, and that
some choices are more constructive than others. Often, the
abuser manipulatively seeks allies in his
attempts to monitor and police his wife’s behavior. Abusers in
later stages of treatment are able to critically
identify this as a lack of respect for their partners. One man
said "I could never accept her the way she was;
I always felt 1 had to ‘correct’ her. And it was easy to find
other people to agree with me:" (Emerge, 1989).
4. Controlling behaviors
Advocates for battered women have pointed out that wife abuse
is more than isolated acts of physical
violence. It is a cohesive pattern of coercive controls that
include verbal abuse, threats, psychological
manipulation, sexual coercion, and control over economic
resources (Dobash & Dobash, 1979; Schechter,
1982). The co-existence of these other controlling behaviors

serve to remind the victim subliminally of the
potential for physical abuse (e.g., yelling, threats, angry
sulking) and to undermine her independence. The
abuser’s frequent criticisms of his wife erode her confidence in
her own abilities. One abusive husband said
he constantly tore down his wife’s self-confidence because "I
felt threatened whenever she felt good about
herself." This man’s wife said that it was only when she got
support and validation from others that she
began to trust that she could make it on her own. Social
isolation is another tactic used by abusers to
undermine their wife’s autonomy (Walker, 1984). Accusations
of infidelity or of "neglecting the family" serve
to manipulate the woman into curtailing her contacts with
friends, coworkers, and relatives.
5. Jealousy and possessiveness
Many battered women report that their husbands make frequent
jealous accusations. For some abusers, this
jealousy has an obsessive quality. These men constantly monitor
their wife’s whereabouts. Their
surveillance activities often continue (and escalate) when their
wives leave or attempt to end the
relationship. These may include following her around,
interrogating the children, eavesdropping on
telephone conversations, and making frequent telephone calls to
monitor her activities.
It bears repeating that pathological jealousy of this kind is not
evident in all men who abuse their wives. Its
presence should be seen as a significant indicator of potential
homicidality (Sonkin, 1985). Closely related to
this is extreme possessiveness which is often manifested by the
abuser’s unwillingness to accept the end of
the relationship. Women who leave this type of man are

subjected to ongoing harassment and pressure
tactics, including multiple phone calls, homicide or suicide
threats, uninvited visits at home or work, and
manipulation of the children.
6. Manipulation of children
There is considerable variation among abusive husbands on
whether their violence extends to the children.
While child abuse is as frequent or more frequent than wife
abuse for some abusive husbands, others have
strong prohibitions against hitting their children. Regardless of
whether children are directly abused, children
are adversely affected by being exposed to wife abuse
(Kalmuss, 1984). Children exposed to abuse are
more insecure, more aggressive, and more prone to depression.
Children in this situation commonly feel
divided loyalties between their mothers and fathers. Research
shows that childhood exposure to wife abuse
is a significant predictor of future wife abuse (Hotaling &
Sugarman, 1986).
Courts are often asked to decide custody and child visitation
issues when battered women file for protective
orders. Judges must be wary of the manipulation patterns of the
abuser in making these decisions. For
instance, abusive husbands commonly misuse child visitations
as a way of gaining access to their wives.
Abuse of child visitations not only compromises the battered
woman’s safety but also has an adverse
emotional impact on the children. Some abusers use their
children as emissaries who are responsible for
spying on mom’s activities or for convincing mom to ‘let Daddy
come home.’ Some abusers contest custody
or child support agreements as a bargaining tactic, designed to
coerce their partners to reconcile or to drop

criminal complaints. Prosecutors and judges should routinely
encourage battered women to seek
modification of child visitation agreements if such agreements
are being abused, or if the child’s or woman’s
physical safety is being jeopardized.
7. Substance Abuse
Research studies have varied findings about the degree of
overlap between spouse abuse and substance
abuse. One study found 70% of men arrested for domestic
battery showed evidence of alcohol or drug
abuse (Roberts, 1987). A survey of women who sought refuge in
shelters for battered women, found that
48% reported that their abusive husband abused alcohol. This
variation in findings is attributable to the use
of differing criteria in assessing the batterer’s use or abuse of
substances. There is also evidence to suggest
that: police are more likely to arrest a batterer when there is
also evidence that he is under the influence of
alcohol or drugs (Kantor & Straus, 1986).
Despite the high correlation, experts in the domestic violence
field agree that alcohol or drug use does not
cause men to batter their wives (Coleman & Straus, 1983).
Acting as a socially approved disinhibitor, alcohol
use becomes a convenient excuse for some men to hit their
wives. The battering husband who abuses
alcohol has two problems for which he must take responsibility.
Alcohol or drug treatment alone will not stop
the batterer’s abusiveness. Recovering alcoholics exhibit high
rates of abusive behavior. Despite this, one
study found that courts in one state refer most alcohol/drug
abusing batterers to alcohol or drug treatment

programs only - without also referring to specialized batterer
treatment programs (Roberts, 1987). Because
probation officers and judges have been more sensitized to
alcohol and drug problems, there is a danger of
focusing exclusively on the substance abuse when the substance
abuser is also abusive toward his wife.
When the problems coexist, it is critical for the individual to be
evaluated for both kinds of treatment.
8. Resistance to change
Like substance abusers who are still in the denial stage, most
abusive husbands lack internal motivation to
seek counseling or to change their behavior. It is estimated that
less than 1% of men who batter are referred
to specialized treatment programs for abusers. Approximatel y
20% of Emerge clients are court-ordered to
attend the program. Though the rest, technically, are self-
referred, most of these have sought counseling
only once it became clear that their relationship will not
continue unless they attend. For most of these men,
the problem as they see it is that their wives have left them, not
that they have been violent. Initially, the
abusive man bargains with his wife to change as little as
possible (Adams, 1989). For instance, he may
agree to attend one week of counseling in exchange for
returning home or having criminal charges against
him dropped. Fifty percent of Emerge clients drop out of
treatment within the first month, a figure that is
consistent with other programs. Some drop out as soon as they
reconcile with their wives. Others drop out
as soon as it becomes clear that a reconciliation isn’t possible.
The typical battering man, like the alcoholic
brings a ‘quick fix’ mentality to counseling. His desire to
restore the status quo outweighs his desire to
change.

SUMMARY
For court workers to become aware of abusive behavior patterns
does not condemn the abuser’s chances
for change. On the contrary, this insight helps interveners resist
the abuser’s manipulation patterns and
more realistically appraise his suitability for rehabilitative
efforts. Clearly, some perpetrators pose too great a
danger to their wives for the courts to release them into the
community. Assessments for potential lethality
should be made in every spouse assault case. In my experience,
the men who do make significant changes
are those who accept legal sanctions and persevere with
counseling. These men respect their wives'
decisions concerning the amount and nature of contact she
wishes to have with them. He learns to focus on
his own rather than her behavior. Much depends on the public
sanctions that the abuser encounters along
the way. Courts have a critical role to play in this. They
determine whether the abuser attends a treatment
program, how long he stays in the program, and whether the
victim’s safety is ensured while he attends the
program.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Adams, D. (1988), "Counseling men who batter: A profeminist
analysis of five treatment models,’
in M. Bograd & K. Yllo (eds.). Feminist Perspectives on Wife
Abuse, Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.
Adams, D. (1989). "Stages of anti-sexist awareness change for
men who batter," In L. Dickstein
& C. Nadelson (eds.), Family Violence, Washington, D.C.: Appi
Press.

Bannon, J. (1975), "Law enforcement problems with intrafamily
violence," paper presented at
American Bar Association Convention.
Browne, A. (1987), When Battered Women Kill. New York:
Free Press.
Browning, J. & Dutton, D. (1986), "Assessment of wife assault
with the conflict tactics scale:
using couple data to quantify the differential reporting effect,"
Journal of Marriage and the Family
48: 375-379.
Brygger, M.P. & Edleson, J. (1984), "Gender differences in
reporting of battering incidents,"
Unpublished paper presented at the Second National Conference
for Family Violence
Researchers, Durham, N. H.: University of New Hampshire.
Coleman, K. & Straus, M. (1979), "Alcohol abuse and family
violence." in E. Gottheil & K. Druley
(eds.), Alcohol, Drug Abuse and Aggression, Springfield. IL:
Charles Thomas.
Dobash, R. & Dobash, R. (1979). Violence Against Wives. New
York: Free Press.
Hotaling, G. & Sugarman, D. (1986). "An analysis of the risk
markers in husbands to wife
violence: The current state of the knowledge," Violence and
Victims. 1 (2): 101-124.
Kalmuss. D. (1984). "The intergenerational transmission of

marital aggression" Journal of
Marriage and the Family, 5 (4). 11-19.
Kantor, G. & Straus, M. (1986). "The drunken bum theory of
wife beating." Speech presented at
the National Alcoholism Forum Conference an Alcohol and the
Family, San Francisco.
New York Task Force on Women in the Courts (1986),
"Summary of report by New York Task
Force on Women in the Courts," New York Law Journal,
(April): 17-25.
Roberts, A. (1987), "Substance abuse among men who batter
their mates: The dangerous mix."
unpublished paper. Indianapolis, IN: School of Social Work,
902 West New York St. Indiana
University.
Schechter, S. (1982), Women and Male Violence: The Visions
and Struggles of the Battered
Women’s Movement, Boston: South End Press.
Sherman, L. & Berk, R. (1984), "The specific deterrent effects
of arrest for domestic assault,"
American Sociological Review. 49 (April): 261-272.
Sonkin, D., Martin, D. & Walker. L (1985), The Male Batterer:
A Treatment Approach, New
York: Springer Publishing.
Szinovacz, M. (1983). "Using couple data as a methodological
tool: The case of marital
violence," Journal of Marriage and the Family. 45: 644-644.
Taub, N. & Schneider, M. (1982), "Perspectives on women’s

subordination and the role of law,"
In D. Kairys, (ed.), The Politics of Law: A Progressive Critique,
New York: Pantheon Books.
Walker, L. (1984), The Battered Woman Syndrome, New York:
Springer Publishing.

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