The document discusses U.S.-China strategic relations and tensions over Taiwan. It summarizes a Pentagon report on China's growing military capabilities and China's protests against the report. It also discusses Vice President Biden's recent visit to China to boost relations and reassure China on economic issues. However, tensions remain over Taiwan, which the U.S. is legally obligated to aid defensively, despite China's stance that Taiwan is part of China.

1. U.S.-CHINA STRATEGIC RELATIONS
“TOGETHER WE FIGHT: TOGETHER WE PROSPER”
KESHAV PRASAD BHATTARAI
In a news conference held at Pentagon top US defense official – Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense
Michael Schiffer said on Wednesday that the pace and scope of China‟s sustained military capability will
have a destabilizing outcome upon the regional military balances, with increased risk of misunderstanding
and miscalculation, and that it was likely to contribute to regional tensions and anxieties. Schiffer was
briefing the media on a new Defense Department Report on military and security developments in China
delivered to US congress on August 24. The top Defense official for East Asia also said that “The United
States welcomes a strong, prosperous and successful China that contributes to international rules and
norms and enhances security and peace both in the Asia-Pacific region and around the globe”.
Further he admitted China‟s focus on military modernization programs for Space, cross-strait contingency
military preparedness against Taiwan and China‟s maritime territorial claims in the South China Sea – an
area where roughly 50 percent of the worlds trade travels. The Report under “Cyber warfare Capabilities”
has claimed that “in 2010 numerous computer systems around the world including those owned by the U.S.
government, were the target of intrusions some of which have originated within the PRC.” Further it has
accounted that cyber war fare capabilities being developed by China is in consistent with authoritative
Chinese military writings “Science of Strategy” and “Science of Campaigns” identified as “integral to
achieving information superiority and an effective means for countering a stronger foe”. The 84-page
Report –slightly thicker than last years--submitted to the Congress has detailed on Chinese aircraft
carrier, submarines, new surface combatants designed for anti-surface and anti-air warfare, construction
of a major naval base on Hainan Island complete with enough capability to accommodate a mix of ballistic
missiles and its next-generation fighter prototype. The aircraft includes stealth attributes, advanced
avionics and super cruise-capable engines.
Two days later, China‟s Defense ministry lodged a strong protest against the newly released U.S. report,
claiming that it has distorted facts, made groundless assertions on China‟s policies on space and cyber
security. The Chinese government has also alleged the report interfered with China‟s internal affairs by
talking about cross-strai security issues between Chinese mainland and Taiwan and also has ignored China‟s
adherences to the path of peaceful development, and its national defense policy - defensive in nature.
DELIVERY OF THE REPORT AND BIDEN’S VISIT TO CHINA
The annual report on “Military and Security Developments Involving Peoples‟ Republic of China 2011” ,
submitted before the Congress; immediately after the U.S. Vice President Joseph R. Biden‟s visit to China,
seems overshadowing the significance of his visit. According to his senior Security advisor Tony Blinken -
Biden‟s nine days long Asia tour covering China, Mongolia and Japan, was a part of a major Asian Strategy in

2. intensifying U.S. role in Asia as a Pacific power whose interests are inextricably linked with Asia‟s economic
security and political order. Biden during his visit was reported to have boosted strategic trust between
the two countries, addressed China‟s wary concerns over its debt to US and arms sale to Taiwan as well as
convince Chinese leaders that a rising and prosperous China was in the best interest of American economy
rather than a challenge. All top level Chinese leaders including President Hu Jintao, Premier Wen Jiabao
and Vice President Xi Jinping in their meetings with Joe Biden expressed their firm commitment to build
China-U.S. relationship based on mutual respect, trust and in the best interest of both the Chinese and
American people. They also agreed to look beyond the differences for the development of the bilateral
ties featuring brighter cooperation and partnership at a time when the world is suffering from mounting
instabilities and uncertainties coupled with grim challenges to global economy.
Besides strengthening bilateral relations, Biden‟s China visit was significant for other reasons too. It was
aimed to build a bond of trust with Vice President Xi Jinping expected to succeed President Hu Jintao as
the party Chief next year and take-over as the President in 2013.
The visit also meant to give a message to Chinese government that they need not worry about US debt and
its economy as China only owns 1 percent of financial assets and 8 percent of U.S. treasury bills,
respectively. Biden was not only reacting to China‟s skepticism on its “debt addiction” and some hawkish
enthusiasm expressed in some circles in China that it may use its “financial weapon” to punish U.S. for
arming Taiwan. He made it clear to them that the US government will firmly maintain economic
fundamentals that ensured the safety, liquidity and value of U.S. Treasuries.
In his major speech delivered at Sichuan University, Chengdu, Joe Biden firmly rejected the claims that
American power is on the wane and reminded that America today is the largest economy, with a GDP of
almost $15 trillion, about two and a half times larger than that of China.In the last leg of his Asia trip at
the Sendai Airport in Japan Biden flatly refuted the claims around the world of „ decline of America and
the inability of Japan to recover‟. Finally Biden‟s visit was to reassure Chinese leadership that U.S. will not
abide by any strategic policies and activities inconsistent to its avowed policies and agreements including
Taiwan, encourage Mongolia to stick on its democratic endeavor although surrounded by dictatorial regimes
and offer its all out support to Japan as need be.
TAIWAN: “A SMALL ISLAND BUT A GLOBAL POWERHOUSE” DEFINING U.S. – CHINA
RELATIONS
Dr. Shelley Rigger, an expert on East Asian Politics has rightly termed Taiwan - a “small island but a global
power house” on both economic and military terms. Similarly, Ma Ying-jeou, after being elected the
President of Taiwan on May 2008, had championed the “Three No‟s policy” towards China - meaning- no
unification with the main land, no independence and no use of force. He also has negotiated 15 agreements
with China and helped to smoothen the relationship across the straits. Ma helped to develop close ties with
Mainland China and initiate a policy of defense with diplomacy – not with arms but not certainly with
weakened position. But China‟s defense white paper issued in March this year has defined one of its main
goal and task of national defense “to oppose and contain the separatist forces for “Taiwan independence,”
crack down on separatist forces for the independence of East Turkistan and Tibet to defend national
sovereignty and territorial integrity. This means China is not only weary of independence of Taiwan but
more for the movement for the independence of Tibet and East Turkistan known as Xinjiang - a Muslim
majority province adjoining Afghanistan, Pakistan and other central Asian Muslim countries.

3. Besides, United States has a legal obligation to Taiwan under the Taiwan Relations Act 1979, aimed to help
maintain peace, security, and stability in the Western Pacific, ensure security and economic interests of
the United States and on matters of international concern. It also aims to facilitate the future of Taiwan
to be determined by peaceful means and provide Taiwan with arms of a defensive character. In addition to
this President Reagan‟s secretlynegotiated “Six Assurances to Taiwan 1982” was not to be restricted by
Washington‟s relations with Beijing. Those assurances as mentioned by Henry Kissinger in his newest book
“On China” “affirmed that the United States had not set a specific date to end arms sale to Taiwan, had
not committed to consulting with Beijing on such sales, had not committed to amend the Taiwan Relations
Act, had not altered its position regarding Taiwan‟s political status and would neither pressure Taipei to
negotiate with Beijing nor serve as a mediator”.
Both Taiwan Relations Act and Six Assurances to Taiwan reinforced by a memorandum are major legal and
political instruments to define U.S. relations with Taiwan. Obviously no president from either party can
ignore this and the recent report mentioned earlier may work as a pretext to make a fresh supply of arms
as requested by Taiwan. Some U.S. Congress members have also begun lobbying and pressurizing Obama
administration to sell the F 16 fighter jets critical for the defense of Taiwan.
During their visits--Chinese army Chief Chen Bingde‟s to Washington in May and US Joint Chief of Staff
Admiral Mike Mullen to in July-- both seemed highly satisfied with the level of military engagement
between the two countries. However, Mullen did not miss to import his counterpart that it was not easy to
move past their differences and undermine the legal responsibility to Taiwan. And China knows it well that
it is not possible for U.S. not to supply any kinds of arms to Taiwan at a time when election is so near, but
China also on its part wants to present itself adamant on its stand. But both know that they need each
other for things that are common between them and cannot ignore each other even for their own larger
strategic interest
kpbnepal@gmail.com
The reporter weekly 29 august- 4 September 2011
www.thereporter.com.np