Urbn2gether
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這門課將會三個階段來進行。首先，我們會從「尺度」（scale）的角度來理解「都市治理」與「社區參與」不同的關懷，以及利害關係人（公務員、居民、倡議者、企業）彼此的互動關係。其次，我們會以議題與方法交互進行的方式，來討論針對同一個議題，都市治理與社區參與這兩種不同的視角會怎麼分析問題的成因？常見公私協力的合作方式在解決這些都市議題時的成效與限制。最後，同學的期末提案是針對某一議題提出適合的公私合作方式。
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Every Little Space
首先介紹空間社會學分析的基本概念，從理論發展的歷史討論我們生活的空間是如何被生產出來的？接著藉著不同議題討論這些空間如何影響我們的都市生活，並思考如何藉著重組這些微小空間來重新建立我們想要的生活空間。最後，將空間分析研究成果以Pop-Up策展方式呈現。
Michiana Astronomical Society Inc. Regular Mtg. 2014-03-17
The document is the agenda for a regular meeting of the MAS (presumably a local astronomy club). The agenda includes a presentation on green astronomy, a treasurer's report, announcements of upcoming events, planning for a star party, and a demonstration of the upcoming lunar eclipse. It also lists the 40th anniversary of MAS and provides details of past and upcoming club events and activities through March and April.
Forward thinking speaker series
The document announces the lineup for the GR Forward Thinking Speaker Series taking place from December 2014 through March 2015. Six speakers are scheduled to give talks on topics related to economic development, performance governance, civic engagement, driving public vibrancy, and bold city planning. The talks will be held at Kendall College of Art and Design of Ferris State University in Grand Rapids, Michigan.
Revised readings
This document outlines the readings for a 14-week development studies course, organized into topics covered each week. The topics include the hubris of development, institutions and governance, globalization and well-being, and development in the 21st century. Each week lists 3-4 academic papers or books related to that week's theme.
The Politics of Scale
1. 什麼是「尺度」（scale）？在開始進入讀本前，請先思考柏拉圖對話集《泰阿泰德篇》中的這句話：「人是萬物的尺度，是存在的事物存在的尺度，也是不存在的事物不存在的尺度」，是什麼意思？
2. 然後，請一定要讀Brenner這篇文章。Brenner這篇文章從Lefebvre對資本主義全球化的反省出發，討論「尺度政治」的理論議題，他提出的第一個反省就是：「都市尺度」（urban scale）是固定的嗎？從1970年代以降，都市研究者對於「都市尺度」的討論有什麼樣的轉變？
3. 接著，還是Brenner。他在文章中以「再尺度」（re-scaling）來理解新自由主義全球化，那什麼是「再尺度」？在這過程中，城市、國家、權力有什麼樣的改變？而且是辯證的、連動的改變？
4. 當然，理論是經驗的抽象。若覺得Brenner難懂，可參酌藍逸之、李承嘉的文章，他們以台北為例，討論了城市與國家在再尺度上的政治衝突？而你可以更進一步問的，是「再尺度如何有助於都市政權建立」（參吳欣隆）？
5. 最後，回到上週的Harvey。如果再尺度是一種時空壓縮的策略，那為了再尺度所生產出來的絕對空間是？可以怎麼用他那3*3的表格來理解台北的再尺度化？在這過程中，我們對這城市的「地方感」又出現什麼樣的改變？
小草看媒體
This document discusses how technology and media have changed since the 1970s. It references Marshall McLuhan's work around technology and explores how a new technology called Nanikore could impact user experience through something called "Doit". The document is providing a technology report or overview of these topics from around 2009.
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This document discusses policy transfer and policy mobility in relation to #hackubike. It mentions Dolowitz and Marsh in the context of policy transfer and Peck and Theodore in relation to policy mobility.
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Every Little Space
首先介紹空間社會學分析的基本概念，從理論發展的歷史討論我們生活的空間是如何被生產出來的？接著藉著不同議題討論這些空間如何影響我們的都市生活，並思考如何藉著重組這些微小空間來重新建立我們想要的生活空間。最後，將空間分析研究成果以Pop-Up策展方式呈現。
Michiana Astronomical Society Inc. Regular Mtg. 2014-03-17
The document is the agenda for a regular meeting of the MAS (presumably a local astronomy club). The agenda includes a presentation on green astronomy, a treasurer's report, announcements of upcoming events, planning for a star party, and a demonstration of the upcoming lunar eclipse. It also lists the 40th anniversary of MAS and provides details of past and upcoming club events and activities through March and April.
Forward thinking speaker series
The document announces the lineup for the GR Forward Thinking Speaker Series taking place from December 2014 through March 2015. Six speakers are scheduled to give talks on topics related to economic development, performance governance, civic engagement, driving public vibrancy, and bold city planning. The talks will be held at Kendall College of Art and Design of Ferris State University in Grand Rapids, Michigan.
Revised readings
This document outlines the readings for a 14-week development studies course, organized into topics covered each week. The topics include the hubris of development, institutions and governance, globalization and well-being, and development in the 21st century. Each week lists 3-4 academic papers or books related to that week's theme.
The Politics of Scale
1. 什麼是「尺度」（scale）？在開始進入讀本前，請先思考柏拉圖對話集《泰阿泰德篇》中的這句話：「人是萬物的尺度，是存在的事物存在的尺度，也是不存在的事物不存在的尺度」，是什麼意思？
2. 然後，請一定要讀Brenner這篇文章。Brenner這篇文章從Lefebvre對資本主義全球化的反省出發，討論「尺度政治」的理論議題，他提出的第一個反省就是：「都市尺度」（urban scale）是固定的嗎？從1970年代以降，都市研究者對於「都市尺度」的討論有什麼樣的轉變？
3. 接著，還是Brenner。他在文章中以「再尺度」（re-scaling）來理解新自由主義全球化，那什麼是「再尺度」？在這過程中，城市、國家、權力有什麼樣的改變？而且是辯證的、連動的改變？
4. 當然，理論是經驗的抽象。若覺得Brenner難懂，可參酌藍逸之、李承嘉的文章，他們以台北為例，討論了城市與國家在再尺度上的政治衝突？而你可以更進一步問的，是「再尺度如何有助於都市政權建立」（參吳欣隆）？
5. 最後，回到上週的Harvey。如果再尺度是一種時空壓縮的策略，那為了再尺度所生產出來的絕對空間是？可以怎麼用他那3*3的表格來理解台北的再尺度化？在這過程中，我們對這城市的「地方感」又出現什麼樣的改變？
小草看媒體
This document discusses how technology and media have changed since the 1970s. It references Marshall McLuhan's work around technology and explores how a new technology called Nanikore could impact user experience through something called "Doit". The document is providing a technology report or overview of these topics from around 2009.
自行車如何進入公共政策？
This document discusses policy transfer and policy mobility in relation to #hackubike. It mentions Dolowitz and Marsh in the context of policy transfer and Peck and Theodore in relation to policy mobility.
Shareable bike
對消費者、營運商、市政府不同的行動者而言，YouBike跟obike有什麼異同？從「城市」的角度來看，「公共」（public）與「共享」（sharing）到底有什麼不同？好吧，聽起來「分享經濟」是很好很烏托邦式的社計理念，怎麼做到？哪些技術會是關鍵？嗚嗚，所以一切都回到「資料」（data）嗎？
Spaces of capital
1. 延續著上週關於Lefebvre的討論，請先讀〈空間是個關鍵詞〉，思考一下Harvey是如何論證「關係性空間」這概念的重要性（P.129的故事是個好例子）？然後，以這概念來思考歸零地這類牽涉到「集體記憶」與「公共空間」的地點時，關係性空間這概念又提醒我們什麼？
2. 接著讀《新帝國主義》的第3章，請特別注意Harvey如何將前述三種空間概念（絕對、相對、關係）應用在分析空間經濟的生產上（P.74~79）。那麼，「時空修補」這概念是「關係性空間」嗎？
3. 既然Harvey認為資本的本能就是不斷地掙脫束縛，那他會怎麼討論「地方」（請參考《地方》的第3章）？Massey又是如何質疑Harvey「時空壓縮」的概念，並提出「全球地方感」這概念？
4. 最後，Harvey用「壟斷地租」這概念來重新理解「地方感」在全球經濟中的重要性，他是怎麼分析的？如果用這角度來討論前述「集體記憶」與「公共空間」的話，會看到什麼？
Social design
1. 延續著上週關於「設計政治」的討論，「綠色設計」與「責任設計」倡議者的聲明如何批判設計的政治本質？這些聲明對於設計師有什麼樣的倫理要求？要求設計師在設計時肩負社會責任是否適當？如何可能？
2. 什麼叫做「為真實世界而設計」？設計何時不是為了真實世界？六個優先項目的共通點是什麼？
3. 如果為真實世界而設計很重要，那為什麼對社會有用的設計在工業生產中卻被邊緣化？進入公部門會是另一種可能嗎？
4. 我怎樣停止抱怨而開始為社會而設計？
Community Design
The document discusses redesigning the fish box and fish market as well as starting a community-supported fishery program. It mentions HACCP, which is a food safety program, indicating the document is related to improving safety and sustainability in the fishing industry through innovative solutions and community involvement.
Design as politics
1. 好設計為什麼重要？功能、美學、誠信，用什麼評判這設計好在哪裡？
2. 既然好的設計那麼重要，特別是「公共運輸系統」（Rawstiom，2015：109），那為何還是出現不好的設計？設計文化？工作方式？為改變而改變？
3. 我們在第三週談「為何談設計？」時，有提到設計所隱藏的「意圖」與溝通效果（Rawstiom，2015：93），但有的時候也會帶來「非預期效果」？以你們這組為例，設計原本的意圖為何？非預期效果為何？誰被排除了？
4. 「設計」與「技術」之間的關係為何？如果我們要反省技術物背後的政治性，那設計的政治性為何？
Social design and Bicycle
1. 麼是社會設計？是設計師的社會責任？還是同理心地解決問題？還是要社會學式地系統思考？或者，社會設計根本就是烏托邦？看看別組的「社計手冊」，你覺得他們是Hush說的三種社計中的哪一種？你們自己又是哪一種？
2. 「自行車文化」與「單車通勤」一直被視為表裡，那麼，設計要如何帶動文化？從你們自己的設計經驗來看，困難點又那在哪裡？困難的地方是「社會思考」，還是「設計能力」？
3. 「形狀」與「功能」之間的關係是什麼？設計師如何在社會變遷的過程中找到新的方式以建立人與物之間溝通的橋樑？以你們的提案來說，人與物之間的溝通接點是？
Community
1. 首先，請閱讀町村敬志的文章，這篇文章介紹了幾個關於社區的基本問題。所以請你思考一下：社區的範圍如何界定？當我們的都市生活就是不斷流動、與人相遇、認識人、離開人，這如何影響我們看待「社區」（甚至地方、共同體、公共性）？最後，町村說的「不是在都市中找個地方，而是要在地方中找出都市」（P.181），這句話是什麼意思？
2. 然後，請閱讀Jacobs的文章，這篇文章是深入地討論都市鄰里在「自我治理」上的重要性，而且很有意思地討論了市政府、區、鄰里之間的互動關係（P.139-145），以及「區」的尷尬處境。請你思考一下，「區」在你我的日常生活中是一個「重要的」空間組織嗎？我們什麼時候會感覺到「區」的存在？如何透過規劃做到Jacobs在P.147所提到的四個目標？
3. 接著，請閱讀張正衡的文章，這篇文章把近年很夯的日本地域振興議題放回新自由主義體制（也就是「市場化」）的脈絡中重新檢視，並以北海道長萬部町作為個案研究。請你在閱讀的時候特別比較一下商店街跟慢慢村這兩個社區「組織」，想想看這兩種「社區」有什麼不同之處？是否是某種特定時空下的產物？
4. 最後，回到我們自己關心的議題，「社區」在哪裡？我們如何界定它？它是在都市發展過程中逐漸消失？還是散落在都市的不同角落？如果我們希望社區能在這議題上展現自我治理的公共性，可以怎麼作？會遇到什麼困難？
Turn to the Objects
1. 請先自己google一下，查查什麼叫做「行星（地球）都市化」（planetary urbanization）」（王志弘，2014：114）？這與我們上星期Brenner所講的「尺度是一種社會生產」之間的關係是？
2. 然後，回想過去兩週讀的Harvey、Brenner，想想為什麼Farías會認為馬克思主義政治經濟學是過時的結構主義式綱領（王志弘，2014：111）？這種「批判都市論」（王志弘語）如何限制我們對於當代都市生活的理解（Farías，2010：6）？
3. 都市拼裝論者主張都市研究應該朝「行動者網絡」（特別是「物件」）轉向，為什麼？請特別注意以下幾個概念之間的關係，何謂「拼裝」？為何強調「非人」？什麼是徹底的「關係性思考」（跟Harvey有什麼不同）？「能動性」是什麼意思（跟Lefebvre的關係）？「平坦存有論」又是什麼（想想Brenner）？
4. 最後，但也是最重要的，都市拼裝論者的研究取徑建立在什麼樣的研究技藝上？
Garbage, Ethnic, and Behavior-Steering Design
城市如何處理日常生活製造出來的廢棄物？環繞著廢棄物的行動者網絡又是如何？什麼叫做「倫理化」？這過程環繞著哪些技術、實作？每一組提案內部有什麼「道德焦慮」？如何在實作中「舒緩」？
Phil Jones: Project Overview
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Title: Social impact evaluations of digital youth work: tensions between visi...
Purpose: This paper presents empirical research, which explores the ways digital youth workers perceive, and evaluate, the social impact of their work. There is currently a research gap with regard to the measurement of the social impact of digital youth work. Thus, the aims of this study are: (1) to contribute to the scholarly discussion on the social impact of youth digital participation, (2) to elicit, and analyse, youth workers’ perceptions of the social impact evaluation of digital youth work, (3) and to propose recommendations for further research in this area.
Method: Twenty semi-structured interviews with digital youth workers in the United Kingdom were carried out in mid-2017. The interviews were based on themes drawn from a prior literature review exploring the areas of youth development, digital youth participation, social impact, and social impact evaluation.
Analysis: Research data analysis was guided by a ‘grounded theory’ methodological approach, and conducted using NVivo 10 software. Results show a clear alignment with the existing literature, in the areas of youth participation, and social impact assessment and evaluation. The analysis presented here focuses on three areas of tension between the study participants’ vision, and the reality of the social impact evaluation of digital youth work: (1) Favouring positive stories of impact. (2) Chasing the impact proofs instead of examining the change, (3) Following an interactive youth project with an unengaging evaluation process.
Conclusion: Current (externally governed) evaluation practices, limit digital youth workers’ abilities to critically examine and provide feedback on impact. Acknowledging that there is a need for further research in this area, this study propose three recommendations, primarily aimed at digital youth work funding bodies: (1) Facilitating serendipitous interactions in digital youth work, (2) The further research required in order to provide digital youth workers with a set of tools - or guidance - in order to measure and understand the social impact of their work, (3) Adopting playful methods of evaluation in digital youth work
Built-in inequality by Ola Faworaja
This document outlines a research paper that will explore how urban design has increased cultural segregation in London through case studies of various neighborhoods. It will analyze how planning initiatives have caused economic and social problems for immigrant communities. The paper will then propose recommendations from urban theorists on how to create more inclusive neighborhoods through public spaces and community engagement. It provides an outline of 3 chapters that will map London's diversity and exclusion, discuss how planning encouraged segregation, and propose a new model of inclusive neighborhood development. A working bibliography cites numerous sources on urban planning, segregation, gentrification, and cultural diversity.
Valedictory Lecture
Peter Batey has had a long career in urban and regional planning and research. He has worked in local government planning departments and has been the Lever Professor of Town and Regional Planning at the University of Liverpool since 1989. He is known internationally for his work in demographic and economic modeling and geodemographics. Batey has recently been working on developing a new 2011 census-based geodemographic classification system called People and Places Mark 2 with colleagues at the University of Liverpool and Beacon Dodsworth.
Spatio-temporal demographic classification of the Twitter users
Use of social media continues to increase day by day, with implications for the creation of ‘big’ data – Twitter alone was forecast to have created 1.8 zettabytes of data in 2011. This talk presents an initial work towards the creation of geo-temporal geodemgoraphic classifications by using the Twitter social media data. London was chosen as the study area because of its high incidence of users and the consequent expectation that higher penetration might be associated with lower demographic bias.
Strategic Network Formation in a Location-Based Social Network
This document summarizes Gene Moo Lee's presentation on strategic network formation in location-based social networks. It introduces three research questions about how mobile users form friendships and measures user similarity. It then provides an overview of Lee's structural model of network formation, approach to measuring user similarity using topic models, and empirical analysis using a large LBSN dataset to examine how different factors influence friendship links.
David Large - PhD Complexity & Communities Feb15
This doctoral thesis develops and applies a complexity approach to studying communities. It examines two case studies of community organizations in Newcastle upon Tyne to understand community dynamics from a complexity perspective. The research finds that complexity considerations provide useful insights for community studies and public policymaking by accounting for emergent behaviors and structures from local interactions. A complexity-informed methodology is developed and shown to capture information often missed by traditional approaches.
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對消費者、營運商、市政府不同的行動者而言，YouBike跟obike有什麼異同？從「城市」的角度來看，「公共」（public）與「共享」（sharing）到底有什麼不同？好吧，聽起來「分享經濟」是很好很烏托邦式的社計理念，怎麼做到？哪些技術會是關鍵？嗚嗚，所以一切都回到「資料」（data）嗎？
Spaces of capital
1. 延續著上週關於Lefebvre的討論，請先讀〈空間是個關鍵詞〉，思考一下Harvey是如何論證「關係性空間」這概念的重要性（P.129的故事是個好例子）？然後，以這概念來思考歸零地這類牽涉到「集體記憶」與「公共空間」的地點時，關係性空間這概念又提醒我們什麼？
2. 接著讀《新帝國主義》的第3章，請特別注意Harvey如何將前述三種空間概念（絕對、相對、關係）應用在分析空間經濟的生產上（P.74~79）。那麼，「時空修補」這概念是「關係性空間」嗎？
3. 既然Harvey認為資本的本能就是不斷地掙脫束縛，那他會怎麼討論「地方」（請參考《地方》的第3章）？Massey又是如何質疑Harvey「時空壓縮」的概念，並提出「全球地方感」這概念？
4. 最後，Harvey用「壟斷地租」這概念來重新理解「地方感」在全球經濟中的重要性，他是怎麼分析的？如果用這角度來討論前述「集體記憶」與「公共空間」的話，會看到什麼？
Social design
1. 延續著上週關於「設計政治」的討論，「綠色設計」與「責任設計」倡議者的聲明如何批判設計的政治本質？這些聲明對於設計師有什麼樣的倫理要求？要求設計師在設計時肩負社會責任是否適當？如何可能？
2. 什麼叫做「為真實世界而設計」？設計何時不是為了真實世界？六個優先項目的共通點是什麼？
3. 如果為真實世界而設計很重要，那為什麼對社會有用的設計在工業生產中卻被邊緣化？進入公部門會是另一種可能嗎？
4. 我怎樣停止抱怨而開始為社會而設計？
Community Design
The document discusses redesigning the fish box and fish market as well as starting a community-supported fishery program. It mentions HACCP, which is a food safety program, indicating the document is related to improving safety and sustainability in the fishing industry through innovative solutions and community involvement.
Design as politics
1. 好設計為什麼重要？功能、美學、誠信，用什麼評判這設計好在哪裡？
2. 既然好的設計那麼重要，特別是「公共運輸系統」（Rawstiom，2015：109），那為何還是出現不好的設計？設計文化？工作方式？為改變而改變？
3. 我們在第三週談「為何談設計？」時，有提到設計所隱藏的「意圖」與溝通效果（Rawstiom，2015：93），但有的時候也會帶來「非預期效果」？以你們這組為例，設計原本的意圖為何？非預期效果為何？誰被排除了？
4. 「設計」與「技術」之間的關係為何？如果我們要反省技術物背後的政治性，那設計的政治性為何？
Social design and Bicycle
1. 麼是社會設計？是設計師的社會責任？還是同理心地解決問題？還是要社會學式地系統思考？或者，社會設計根本就是烏托邦？看看別組的「社計手冊」，你覺得他們是Hush說的三種社計中的哪一種？你們自己又是哪一種？
2. 「自行車文化」與「單車通勤」一直被視為表裡，那麼，設計要如何帶動文化？從你們自己的設計經驗來看，困難點又那在哪裡？困難的地方是「社會思考」，還是「設計能力」？
3. 「形狀」與「功能」之間的關係是什麼？設計師如何在社會變遷的過程中找到新的方式以建立人與物之間溝通的橋樑？以你們的提案來說，人與物之間的溝通接點是？
Community
1. 首先，請閱讀町村敬志的文章，這篇文章介紹了幾個關於社區的基本問題。所以請你思考一下：社區的範圍如何界定？當我們的都市生活就是不斷流動、與人相遇、認識人、離開人，這如何影響我們看待「社區」（甚至地方、共同體、公共性）？最後，町村說的「不是在都市中找個地方，而是要在地方中找出都市」（P.181），這句話是什麼意思？
2. 然後，請閱讀Jacobs的文章，這篇文章是深入地討論都市鄰里在「自我治理」上的重要性，而且很有意思地討論了市政府、區、鄰里之間的互動關係（P.139-145），以及「區」的尷尬處境。請你思考一下，「區」在你我的日常生活中是一個「重要的」空間組織嗎？我們什麼時候會感覺到「區」的存在？如何透過規劃做到Jacobs在P.147所提到的四個目標？
3. 接著，請閱讀張正衡的文章，這篇文章把近年很夯的日本地域振興議題放回新自由主義體制（也就是「市場化」）的脈絡中重新檢視，並以北海道長萬部町作為個案研究。請你在閱讀的時候特別比較一下商店街跟慢慢村這兩個社區「組織」，想想看這兩種「社區」有什麼不同之處？是否是某種特定時空下的產物？
4. 最後，回到我們自己關心的議題，「社區」在哪裡？我們如何界定它？它是在都市發展過程中逐漸消失？還是散落在都市的不同角落？如果我們希望社區能在這議題上展現自我治理的公共性，可以怎麼作？會遇到什麼困難？
Turn to the Objects
1. 請先自己google一下，查查什麼叫做「行星（地球）都市化」（planetary urbanization）」（王志弘，2014：114）？這與我們上星期Brenner所講的「尺度是一種社會生產」之間的關係是？
2. 然後，回想過去兩週讀的Harvey、Brenner，想想為什麼Farías會認為馬克思主義政治經濟學是過時的結構主義式綱領（王志弘，2014：111）？這種「批判都市論」（王志弘語）如何限制我們對於當代都市生活的理解（Farías，2010：6）？
3. 都市拼裝論者主張都市研究應該朝「行動者網絡」（特別是「物件」）轉向，為什麼？請特別注意以下幾個概念之間的關係，何謂「拼裝」？為何強調「非人」？什麼是徹底的「關係性思考」（跟Harvey有什麼不同）？「能動性」是什麼意思（跟Lefebvre的關係）？「平坦存有論」又是什麼（想想Brenner）？
4. 最後，但也是最重要的，都市拼裝論者的研究取徑建立在什麼樣的研究技藝上？
Garbage, Ethnic, and Behavior-Steering Design
城市如何處理日常生活製造出來的廢棄物？環繞著廢棄物的行動者網絡又是如何？什麼叫做「倫理化」？這過程環繞著哪些技術、實作？每一組提案內部有什麼「道德焦慮」？如何在實作中「舒緩」？
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我們如何學習發酵？（一）：動手做
學習需要設計。不管這學習是模仿、改造、探索、想像、實踐？都需要設計。而這設計的過程，就像我們上週所說的，是「各種零散要素的結合」。那麼，請你整理一下，在Pollan學習製作酸泡菜、乳酪、啤酒的過程中，他需要接合哪些人事物？而在這不同發酵食品的學習過程中，人與微生物之間的互動，是否有所不同？
開場白：啤酒的誕生
要生產啤酒，首先當然得有酒廠。但在台灣，我們有很長一段時間並沒有民間釀酒廠的存在，這當然與二戰後「菸酒公賣局」及專賣制度息息相關，而你或許可以先從范雅鈞的研究中認識一下公賣局在二戰後從總督府專賣局所接收來的11家酒廠，以及為了社會需求或政治考量所成立的3家新酒廠（范雅鈞，2014：175~207）。在這些酒廠中，建國啤酒廠的前身是高砂麥酒，而台中烏日啤酒廠則是戰後興建的。看看烏日酒廠的興建過程，你大概就可以知道蓋一座酒廠需要考慮哪些面向，包括自然條件、土地面積、交通建設，甚至污水排放，都得納入考慮。
在讀這些酒廠歷史中，你或許注意到許多酒廠在戰後開始「棄清酒，釀紹興」。雖然在李錦楓在文章中輕描淡寫地把紹興酒增產與經濟成長連在一起（李錦楓，1996：184），但紹興酒畢竟是江浙地區的糯米酒，台灣社會在此之前並沒有喝紹興的習慣，這不免讓人好奇紹興酒是怎麼在台灣落地生根的（你或許也會想到金門高粱）。同理，台灣人在日治時期以前也沒有喝啤酒的文化（自然環境不適合釀造，沒有本地啤酒廠，就算進口啤酒也缺乏冷藏設備），那啤酒是怎麼出現在台灣社會的？
The diversity of fermentation
臺灣的食品工業相當發達，其中發酵工業是一發展相對成熟的走向。發酵調味品既可保存食材又可改變口味的雙重特性，為飲食文化銜接「保鮮功能性」與「風味地方性」的重要橋樑。再者，微生物被比喻為「看不見的魔術師」，除了在食物製程中扮演重要的角色，更可被應用在農法中。自然農法利用微生物分解土壤中的養分，供給作物生長，當有益的微生物佔據了生長優勢時，作物便健康茁壯的生長。各專家業者通常會針對不同病蟲害，或是依據風土差異，而推出獨家的微生物配方。此種當地取材，活用當地有益的微生物於農法中的做法，更反映出當地風味。因此，本課程希望能藉由「發酵」這主題，與同學一起進入涵蓋範圍甚廣的食農議題。
社計的兩難（五）：軟體吞噬一切
Kung的第7章跟第9章都在談軟體網路服務業使用者介面的設計如何越來越趨向「友善設計」，卻有著不同的角度。第7章談的是通用設計（P.209）、共融設計（P.211）的概念如何讓「人性」被納入設計流程，助理、團隊、平等，這些軟體網路服務的「隱喻」因此成真。但到了第9章，話鋒一轉，這些原本要是要友善使用者操作的設計卻因為「鉤癮效應」（P.265）而成了眾矢之的，甚至出現產品設計的「歐本海默時刻」（P.268）。到底怎麼了？當我們想以軟體設計來解決社會問題是，我們遇到的兩難是什麼？
社計的兩難（四）：隱喻與技術
Kung在書中從「按鈕」（p.112）開始，討論了人機互動中的「隱喻」（p.124、145、151）。在他的文章中，隱喻預設用途（好比你在手機介面上看到一個三角形就知道是播放），技術也往往帶著隱喻（例如區塊鏈技術總暗示著去中心化）。因此，當我們要用某個技術解決某個問題時，這技術往往帶著某種社會隱喻，而設計的兩難就在於要如何理解（或處理）技術與隱喻之間的關係？
社計的兩難（三）：體驗與材料
讓我們從矽谷知名創投，亦是 Netscape 瀏覽器創辦人 Marc Andreessen 近日發表一篇名為「建設的時刻到了」（It’s time to build）的文章開始談起。在這篇文章中，Andreessen 認為，面對新冠肺炎的疫情，美國社會資本、有技術，卻忘記了建設的價值，淪於互鬥、扯後腿以及從現有狀態榨取利潤，因此社會停滯不前，疫情威脅不散。他呼籲（美國）回到根本，用建設與創新突破困境。
是的，Andreessen說：「承認吧，我們錯了，我們錯誤地設計過去二十年的發展方式」。「設計失誤」（design failure），就是本週重點。而這在不同材料所構築的使用體驗中都會出現類似狀況。
Design-driven Innovation
我們過去三週談了三種社會設計的方法與趨勢，這些方法都有其特點，但關鍵在於設計如何可能引領企業組織的創新？而這正是Verganti這本書的重點。這是來自管理學的設計研究，但提供一個有趣的切入點。
Sociological social design
翁註重的文章曾提到，不同的設計學術社群甚至設計史學者，最近不約而同地將觸角伸向 STS（科技、技術與社會），但「STS 著眼於科技爭議，回溯科技（在實驗室）的起源，取得對社會的重新理解；在行動上則基於風險承擔及管理，要求更多科技決策的公共參與空間釋放出來。相較於此，在科技進入社會的過程中，設計從使用者、消費市場的觀點，透過造型手段，將科技轉化為商品，得以在社會中擴散。…..從這個角度來看，STS 分析和設計操作，可能立場相左」。 但我們今天則是要從這一個可能的矛盾切入，思考從STS的角度，更精確說是以「行動者網絡」（actors network theory，ANT）的思路去理解設計，會看到什麼？
social design why and how
什麼是「社會設計」？眾說紛紜。讓我們不妨從Koskinen和Hush的文章開始。這篇文章把社會設計分成三種類型，可以給我們一個大概的面貌。這三種類型的社會設計都有其在面對處理的問題，我們之後上課會作更深入的討論，而這篇文章的目的不在指出「唯一的」、「真正的」社會設計，而在於分析設計實踐中，那些歧義的、模糊不清的「社會」所從而來（P.69）。那麼，為什麼「社會」這概念在社會設計實踐中會如此模糊不清呢？這模糊是刻意的，還是無可避免的？其效應為何？
單車烏托邦
首先，我們每天都會看到很多單車騎士，通勤族、菜籃族、公路車騎士、單速車文青，他們在我們的眼中可能就是不同單車類型的消費者，可是Aldred卻試圖以「單車公民權」（cycle citizenship）這概念把「消費政治化」（P.3），為什麼？
然後，順著這思路，Wickman為什麼認為不同的交通模式能開啟不同類型的公共空間、社會互動，從而連結不同的公民權（P.8）？請試著以這思路重讀Montgomery所提到波哥大BRT與路面設計的例子。
接著，Aldred從環境意識、自我照顧、扎根地方、社區連結四個面向討論劍橋這地方的單車騎士自我想像什麼才是一個好的單車騎士。那，你會怎麼看「好騎士，四原則」？台灣的好騎士法則又有哪些？
最後，Aldred認為一個單車友善、緊湊佈局的都市能讓單車騎士隨騎隨停隨行己意地將都市空間區分成不同的使用模式，但對一個不友善單車的城市來說，這改變如何可能？各位的提案可以做出什麼協助？從不「消費者公民權」（consumer citizenship）或「接近都市的權力」（right to the city）的概念來看，使用者在你們的專案中，是否有什麼被賦權（empower）的可能？
都市再生的兩難（二）：社群如何參進來？
延續著上週的討論，Rebar之於社區居民，可能就是個外人，我們姑且稱之為關心公共空間的「社群」。那，社群為什麼要參與社區議題？又如何參與社區議題？這是我們今天要討論的核心問題。
其次，連振佑與Townsend的文章也都在談社群與解決都市問題之間的關係，只是他們談的是兩種不同的社群。我們就姑且說連談的是「議題社群」，Townsend談的是「資料社群」吧，請你試著從議題屬性、社群特性、活動方式、可能限制來比較這兩種社群。
然後，在連振佑「台北好好看」的案例，以及Townsend「舊金山智慧之夏」的案例中，為了讓社群參與社區議題，組織者都嘗試設計出一個邊界物件來接合這些不同的行動者，請問那各是什麼？不同行動者的想法在這兩個網絡中如何被轉譯？
最後，這兩種不同的社群有沒有合作的可能？可以怎麼作？在你們的提案中是否有這樣的機會？要如何設計出這樣的可能？
都市再生的兩難（一）：社區如何動起來？
面對複雜的都市問題，繞過不理是人之常情，如果不想繞過呢？是要號召社區居民一起解決問題？還是借助設計讓居民發現問題？這是社區如何動起來的起點。
說到「解決問題」，社區營造、公民審議、參與式預算，是過去幾年一脈相承、迭代更新的作法，但在劉立偉的文章中，「都市裡」的社區營造會面臨哪些限制？該怎麼突破？
若要「發現問題」，戰術都市主義（Tactical Urbanism）是種溫和或暫時性的都市空間重塑，以開啟結構性的環境改造，請參考Pask的文章還有下方的參考資料，整理一下這種戰術的特點？
當然，社區營造與戰術都市主義兩者不是二選一，而是得相互搭配方得綜效的，但請試著想想「物件在其中扮演什麼角色？」
最後，你們的提案是哪種？是想解決問題，還是發現問題？你們的提案如何應用單車特性？有沒有已知類似案例？你們設計的關鍵物件是什麼？設計的物件如何串針引線地接合其他（人與非人）行動者？
都市設計的兩難（三）：政策需要物推動
推行一項政策，往往需要改變人的習慣。但Molotch提醒我們，「做改變不僅意味著處理單一種要素，其他要素也要一併處理，因為要素勢必相互牽連」（P.274），他以汽車文化（P.275）與廢棄物處理當做例子，指出改變的困難。那麼，你覺得要改變台北人的通勤方式，最困難的「連結網絡」是什麼？是以汽車為核心的網絡，還是機車？這個網絡牽涉到哪些行動者（包括人與非人）？
Molotch接著提出兩種人可以在改變中扮演重要角色，一個是政府，另一個是設計師。我們先談政府吧。Molotch覺得政府可以用公共建設計畫、用品採購、聰明管制，甚至禁止生產（P.271、287、293）的方法來催生符合某種「道德原則」（例如，「永續」）的產品。最近有一個很值得討論的例子，就是政府宣佈2035年前機車全面電動化，然後光陽跟Gogoro之間在充電模式上的商業大戰（不知道這件事的同學請參考科技島讀的Podcast）。請試著用這案例想看看，當政府想藉著「設計物」來推動轉變，會遇到什麼阻力？
談完政府，來看設計師。雖然Molotch説：「新型態的控制帶給設計師新的生意。由此可見，自我追求和共同價值是有可能疊合的」（P.285），但是回想他在第二章所說的，設計師在整個生產體系中其實不被重視啊，那設計師有什麼機會可以扮演改變者的角色？公益設計？公眾對話（P.299）？社會設計？
最後，對政策轉移的研究多半把焦點放在「倡議者」身上，洪偉傑的論文就是一例（參考P.118）。當然，在這篇論文中「自行車道」是不斷被提及的關鍵物件，請問它為何不足以將使用者從原本的網絡中拔出來？是否還有其他的關鍵物件沒有被設計出來（例如P.102、104）？
都市設計的兩難（二）：共享單車如何設計？
首先，Molotch在第二章分析了設計師生產網絡中的位置與限制，當然公司內的設計部門跟設計顧問公司是不一樣的，前者像是捷安特公司內部的YouBike設計部門，後者像是幫共享單車作設計的器研所。請比較看看，設計師在共享單車系統中的角色有什麼不同？他們如何連結藝術和文化的「軟」感知與事實的「硬」生產（P.67）？
其次，請你以上週我們討論過Molotch所說的「接合」、「延攬」、「穩定」（Molotch在P.179有以曼達瓶為例），並參考呂采穎的論文，整理YouBike系統如何生成？在這過程中，有哪些設計師被牽扯進來？甚至被創造出來？
最後，共享單車為人所詬病的缺點主要是停車問題與過度投放，但在公眾環境研究中心的報告中，其實生產過程也是有問題的，請問在面對這種系統問題時，設計師能作些什麼？
都市設計的兩難（一）：單車行的角色
首先，Molotch《東西的誕生》一書的核心概念是「接合」（lash-up），他認為一樣新東西之所以能問世是要能把本來零散的要素凝聚在一起，而使用者則是被「延攬」進這個多種物件的複雜網絡中（P.6）。Molotch接著說，「物件在社會實作維繫它們的情況下，維繫著社會實作，以這樣的方式擁有生命。所以你想探尋東西的起源，必須尋找這種物件與行動之間持續的相互琢磨，相互琢磨讓東西在互動中穩定下來」（P.7）。接合、延攬、穩定，這是Molotch開展全書分析的三個基本概念，請你想想，他為什麼會採取這樣的分析取徑？
其次，我們跳過書中關於設計的部分，先看有關零售的討論。Molotch認為，零售環境要把特定種類的東西賣得有聲有色，一要看商販有沒有能耐招攬顧客，二是關乎社會情境（P.158）。請你以《單車品味政治》一文為例，試著想想自行車行在這些複雜的行動者網絡中的角色為何？這些店家與貨品之間如何相輔相成？
然後，Molotch更進一步地用「風土」來討論「地方如何生產東西？」，他把美學、社會、物質、自然、技術以及其餘一切（大驚！）都納入分析，討論這些因素在一地的互動方式如何不同於另一地。Molotch以洛杉磯汽車文化為例，將其物件風土學演練一遍（P.209），並且認為因為洛杉磯是個娛樂產業聚集之地，因此不同產業的設計師網絡會彼此混搭生成新的，但有帶有LA風格的商品（P.217）。你覺得以「風土論」來討論東西的生產過程，開啟什麼不同的觀察？又有什麼可能的限制？你會怎麼分析台灣商品的生產風土？
最後，在Jacobs的文章中，也有提到都市裡頭的異質網絡往往能生產出新的商品、創造新的工作，最後成為新的產業。舊金山灣區是最好的例子。但Jacobs自己舉了另一個新舊行業合作的例子，「一個社會有多少能力保存舊技術或舊商品，端視它結合新商品、新服務或新用途的能力。但，這是如何發生的？我舉個小例子。我有幾位藝術家朋友曾為了反對紐約市計畫興建的一條鐵路線而進行抗爭，抗爭手段之一，是畫一幅巨大的街頭橫幅布條。但要如何讓這面布條在大風中挺住.....其中一位藝術家想起有個製造老式船帆的工匠就住在附近，雖然該工匠從未製作過抗議布條，但他答應嘗試，而且最後也成功了」。請你想想看，都市中的單車行，還能夠創造出什麼不同的可能？
都市文化的兩難（三）：接近單車的權利
首先，Stehlin說他的文章主要論點是指出「自行車設施如何成為宜居（livability）生活論述基礎」以及「高科技公司如何與單車倡議團體合作並以此吸引員工」，請你試著整理他如何推論這兩個主要論點。
其次，上週我們討論過Zukin如何分析純正性與仕紳化之間的關係，請問你在Stehlin的文章中能不能以Zukin之眼找到那些要素（包括「物件」、「文化」、「權利」、「心態」），並整理之間的關係？
然後，藉著Stehlin的文章，我們把分析轉向「自行車道」這個技術物上，而Winner在他的文章中指出在都市計畫史中有許多案例的設計規劃是或明或顯地具有政治目的（回想過去兩週在談的Moses），那你覺得Stehlin文中所舉的舊金山自行車道案例是否也具有政治目的？更進一步的問，「技術」與「政治」之間的關係是？
最後，Stehlin在文末將討論拉高到「都市權」的層次上（P.133），認為自行車道爭議關乎我們把「宜居」當作使用價值還是交換價值？而前者則與Lefebvre「接近城市的權利」（right to the city）相扣連，甚至跟上週Zukin說：「我們需要的是，由下而上為此（對抗市場）建立起政治意志，並且在包括許多中產階級內的廣泛選民公眾中，建立起這種抵抗」相關。為什麼？你怎麼想？該怎麼辦？
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What is Digital Literacy? A guest blog from Andy McLaughlin, University of Ab...
NEWSPAPERS - QUESTION 1 - REVISION POWERPOINT.pptx
NEWSPAPERS - QUESTION 1 - REVISION POWERPOINT.pptx
Urbn2gether
- 1. #urbn2gether
- 13. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.
- 14. ⼤ 學 是 堅 定 的 穀 倉
- 15. ⽼ 化
- 18. D-TEAM
- 19. D-Team ⾼齡台北。分享城市
- 24. • • •
- 25. W 1 9 / 1 3 • Tett, Gillian. 2016 • • • 201 CSA 202 204 obike
- 26. W 2 9 / 2 0 • • 202 202 209 •
- 27. 尺 度
- 28. W 3 9 / 2 7 • Brenner, Neil. 2010. “The Urban Question as a Scale Question: Reflections on Henri Lefebvre, Urban Theory and the Politics of Scale.” International Urban and Regional Research. vol.24.2 pp.361-378. • 2010 60 1-22 • 2011 62 19-48 • •
- 30. W 5 1 0 / 1 1 • Brenner, Neil. 2010 1960-2000 341-394 • 2009 10 2 123-146 • 2015 7/23 167-183 • • 5 • A B
- 31. W 6 1 0 / 1 8 • 2016 21 • 2012 7 165-188 • Dovey, Kim. 2010. Becoming Places. London: Routledge. Ch. 2. • •
- 32. W 7 1 0 / 2 5 • • •
- 33. W 8 1 1 / 1 • • •
- 34. 議 題
- 35. W 9 1 1 / 8 • 2013 • 2016 • Nagel, Robin. 2017 • • •
- 37. W 1 1 1 1 / 2 2 • 2008 12 263-316 • 2006 64 107-150 • 2006 / 61 149-203 • Sharon Zukin 2012 2 • • •
- 38. W 1 2 1 1 / 2 9 O B I K E • 2012 — • Stehlin, John. 2015. “Cycles of investment: bicycle infrastructure, gentrification, and the restructuring of the San Francisco Bay Area.” Environment and Planning A, vol.47:121-137. • Winner, Langgdon. 2004 • 2012 STS • • •
- 39. W 1 3 1 2 / 6 • Belasco, Warren. 2014 4 97-138 • 2016 3 • 2011 84 431- 464 • Hinrichs, C. Claire. 2003. “The practice and politics of food system localization”. Journal of Rural Studies, vol.19:33–45. • • •
- 40. 合 作
- 42. W 1 4 1 2 / 1 3 • 2015 • 2008 35(4) 313-338 • • •
- 43. W 1 5 1 2 / 2 0 • Townsend, Anthony M. 2014 7 200-235 • Parker, Geoffrey. Alstyne, Marshall Van. and Choudary, Sangeet Paul. 2016 2 3 39-91 • McLaren, Duncan. and Agyeman, Julian. 2015. Sharing Cities. Cambridge: MIT Press. Pp.1-20. • • g0v •
- 44. W 1 6 1 2 / 2 7 • Townsend, Anthony M. 2014 8 231-256 • Bergvall-Kåreborn, B. and Ståhlbröst, A. 2009. “Living Lab: an open and citizen- centric approach for innovation” in Int. J. Innovation and Regional Development, Vol. 1, No. 4. Pp. 356-370. • Park, R. E. 1929 'The city as a social laboratory'. In T. V. Smith & L. D. White (Eds.), Chicago: An experiment in social science research (pp. 1–19). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. • • •
- 45. W 1 7 1 / 3
- 46. W 1 8 1 / 1 0 • D-Day • •
- 48. 1. 20% 2. 30% 1000~1500 1500-2500 12 CEIBA 3. 30% 2000 12 CEIBA 4. 20% 5 3500
- 49. • OBike • •