Northern Ireland: Mythology & Reality

Northern Ireland:
Mythology & Reality
Christopher S. LaRoche
[laroche@mit.edu]
Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT)
Undergraduate Advising & Academic Programs (UAAP)
Independent Activities Period (IAP)
January 27, 2017
Copyright © 2017 - Christopher S. LaRoche

• 32 Counties
– 4 provinces
• Leinster
• Munster
• Connacht
• Ulster
Ireland Basics

Ulster is 9 counties: 6 counties in Northern Ireland and 3 in
the Republic, the term Ulster is sometimes used incorrectly
when referring to Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland vs. Ulster

• Governed by Great Britain as one entity until 1920/1921
– 26 counties were given self governance (South, Free State and
later the Republic)
– 6 counties within Ulster (in the northeast became Northern
Ireland) and became part of the “United Kingdom”
• Northern Ireland was created to ensure a Unionist majority
for the new state. Two-thirds of population was Unionist
(primarily meaning Protestant)
• Total population today is about 1.8 million people
Ireland Basics

• Northern Ireland has been an extreme example of religious
cliché and stereotypes. Simplistic stereotypes of‘right and
wrong’and‘good and bad’do not help understanding
• Context and truth is often more complicated and nuanced
than seen in headlines or press reports
• According to Elliott:
– “Sectarianism was there before modern nationalism
developed, and the political division of Ireland was the
consequence of such sectarianism, rather than the cause
of it. If sectarianism has not been so deep-rooted, the
Northern Ireland Troubles would not have happened.”
(Elliott, 5)
Northern Ireland Basics

• A Unionist belongs to a community that advocates a
connection and link to Britain and does not want to be part
of a united Ireland
– This has changed over history, but most of the people within
the Unionist community are Protestant. This would include
several denominations, but the primary grouping is
Presbyterian (from Scottish ancestry) and Church of Ireland
(COI), which is Anglican. There are several other small
Protestant communities in Northern Ireland, primarily
Methodist, Quaker, and some small evangelical sects
• Within Unionism, there are shades of differences and a
variety of political viewpoints, but they are universally
suppressed to show unity and support for the connection
and ties to Great Britain

• A Nationalist advocates a united Ireland and removal of the
political link to Britain. Nationalist’s believe in a united
Ireland through peaceful means, while the term Republican
has come to mean someone who advocates for a united
Ireland through physical force
– Most of the people within the Nationalist community are
Catholic. There have been many nationalists throughout Irish
history who were Protestant; however, regarding Northern
Ireland the last few decades, nationalist (and republican) has
become synonymous with Catholic

• The evolution of events that resulted in the creation of
Northern Ireland in 1920/1921 date back to 1600, the
beginning of modern upheaval within this geographic region

• The concept of the plantation farming was implemented
shortly after 1600 in northeastern Ulster
• The English crown pushed locals (Catholics) off the land
and encouraged English and Scottish immigrants to come
work that land –it cleared the locals off land to make way
for the newcomers
• This action incurred much resentment, laying the basis for
400 years of turmoil in northeast Ireland
• There were 13,000 (Scottish) colonists in Ulster in 1622,
but over 30,000 by 1640 (Hegarty, 124)

• This was an era of great religious tension between the
Catholic Church and the somewhat new Church of England
(Anglican Protestant) and the arrival of Scottish
Presbyterians further exasperated the situation in Ulster

• Conflict (political and religious) lead to great turmoil in this
time, and fear of puritanical rule lead to the uprising in
1641 of Catholics in Ireland, particularly in Ulster
• There was widespread murder of Protestants, especially in
Ulster in 1641. This year would later come to symbolize the
precarious nature of Protestants in Ireland – though the
amount and method of murder proved exaggerated
• “The events of 1641 have reverberated in the culture of
Ulster Presbyterianism ever since” (Hegarty, p. 130)

Oliver Cromwell
Not liked in Ireland
“Cromwell’s ferocious ideological clarity and moral zeal
were coupled with a sense of urgent political necessity; he
knew that resistance in both Ireland and Scotland must be
crushed immediately if the new Puritan regime in England
was to stand a chance of survival” (Hegarty, 135)

Pictures are from Trinity College Dublin (TCD) Library
The Act of Settlement (in 1652). “The Act was focused on the
seizure of Irish land; it constituted one of the largest transfers
of property anywhere in western Europe in the early modern
period” (Hegarty, 143)

• 1689 - Glorious Revolution
• The (Catholic) English King James II was overthrown, so he
fled to Ireland to fight. The English gentry supported King
William III of Orange (Netherlands) who was Protestant
• The Battle of the Boyne settled the question of succession
of the monarchy – William won and a Protestant
Ascendancy would continue. James lost and fled
• This fight decided the future of the British monarchy.
William III was Dutch, which “was ostensibly Calvinist in
orientation, it was a remarkably diverse and liberal society,
with large populations of Catholics and Jews”
(Hegarty, 144)

• Another key point of this battle is the siege of Derry, be-
coming part of Ulster Protestant mythology. The population
(almost all Protestant) was under siege, but did not retreat
and was eventually saved by William’s forces
• “The Siege of Derry marks the apotheosis of the Ulster
Protestant tradition of defiance (‘No Surrender’) in the face
of adversity” (Hegarty, 147)
• The final fight was the battle of Limerick in 1690, when
Williamite forces finally won. result was the Treaty of
Limerick in 1691
• This also included the “Flight of the Wild Geese”

• One major impact of this was the imposition of the penal
laws in Ireland, which meant to restrict Catholics within
society
“Penal legislation inhibited the activities of the Catholic Church
and stripped wealthy Catholics of many political and social
rights” (Mulholland, 5)
• An Irish Parliament existing from the 17th century that met in
Dublin. It was subservient to the British Parliament (Westminster)
but had some autonomy in its own affairs.
• The Irish Parliament included only Church of Ireland (Anglican).
No Catholics or Presbyterians or anyone else!
Northern Ireland Basics – Penal Laws

• Religious groups in Ireland – 18th Century
– Roman Catholics/Catholics – About 65-70% of the population
of the island. Due to various laws, they were not allowed into
certain professions and incurred discrimination during this
time, though tolerance was expanding quite a bit towards the
end of the 18th century. Probably about 50% of the population
within Ulster (nine counties)
– Anglican (Church of Ireland) – the “official/established” church
of Ireland at this time. This was the wealthiest group of the
country that ran the economy and the social and cultural
affairs of the nation at this time. Probably about 20-25% of
the population in Ulster
– Dissenters – this included all non Anglican Protestant groups
such as Presbyterians, Methodists, and Quakers. They had
restrictions similar but less onerous than the Catholic
community and were a vibrant group within the economy of
the nation at this time. Predominantly Presbyterians, who were
the primary Dissenters in Ulster

• United Irishman emerged in Ireland during the early 1790s
that was deeply influenced by both the American and
French revolutions
• This group included (mostly middle class), Catholics,
Dissenters, and liberal Anglicans. The United Irishmen’s
“founding members were merchants, manufacturers, and
the sons of Presbyterian clergyman: in other words, the
Belfast and Ulster merchant classes” (Hegarty, 163)
• “The Dissenting tradition had its heyday in the eighteenth
century, particularly the last decades, when contemporary
thinking in the Western world was in tune with (indeed was
partly created by) their belief in the possibility of reordering
society” (Elliott, 126)

• As a reaction against the rising tide of the United Irishman,
the Orange Order was founded in 1795 (in honor of William
of Orange). This group had a profound effect over the next
two centuries on northeastern Ireland
– “Orangeism’s self perception has been of a Bible-based
evangelical organization, and since its formation in 1795 it has
provided a common base of fundamentalist Protestantism to
an otherwise very divided tradition” (Elliott, 84)
• The Orange Order still exists today (branches worldwide):
http://www.grandorangelodge.co.uk/

• Historical perspective of Ulster Presbyterian views:
– “The idea of Presbyterians as loyal and law abiding, then, is a
modern myth. In the seventeenth, eighteenth, and
intermittently in the nineteenth centuries Presbyterians were
proud to be called Dissenters. If you believed you that you had
the only true key to God’s kingdom on earth, then you were
naturally contemptuous of Church and state structures which
did not subscribe to this” (Elliott, 126)

• 1798 Uprising failed after becoming a sectarian
bloodbath.
• For both good and ill, the 1798 Uprising was the ‘lens and
framework’ for viewing Irish history until quite recently
• 1798 uprising was really the last time Northern Protestants
(of any denominations) really came together with other
communities
• This episode to a monumental shift in viewpoints and also
looking towards Britain as the ‘protector’ of the Protestants
(in Ulster)

• Passage of bill, which took effect in 1801, essentially gave
Britain full control and dissolved the notion of two
independent or quasi separate kingdoms. The result was
the following:
– One Parliament
– One Kingdom under the (British) King
– Curb power of Irish rulers/aristocracy (though some members
of Parliament then sat in Westminster, the British Parliament)
– Threw in some promises/advantages such as free trade
between the two islands.
– Also implicitly promised Catholic emancipation, which did not
happen for two decades (in 1829)
Northern Ireland Basics – Act of Union

• Disestablishment of the Church of Ireland (Anglican) in
1869 helped ‘level the playing field’ of all churches.
• This was welcomed by all other Protestant sects and
Catholics, but scared the Church of Ireland members as
they no longer had a privileged role over others

• By 1910, Ulster Unionists started using all legal (and extra
legal) methods available to them to stop Home Rule –
which they feared would mean being consumed into an all
Ireland state that was 75-80% Catholic
• 1911 – 100k Unionists attended a ‘monster meeting”
rejecting and prepared to fight Home Rule –specifically
saying they would to protect ‘their’ parts of Ulster
• Ulster Unionists obtained the full support of the British
Tories (lead by Andrew Bonar Law) who viewed Home Rule
as dismantling of the empire

• Sept 1912 – 250, 000 Ulster Unionists signed the “Solemn
League and Covenant” that declared “using all means which
may be found necessary to defeat the present conspiracy to
set up a Home Rule Parliament” (Mulholland, 19)
• “It was Presbyterian’s Solemn League and Covenant, which
became the model for Unionist refusal to accept Britain’s
declaration of Home Rule for Ireland” (Elliot 140)

• Home Rule Bill of 1912
– Provided for Irish home rule, with no provisions or protections
for minority rights (specifically for Ulster)
– This rigid bill proved a big mistake. Wrongly assumed
Unionists would accept this (with implied pressure from the
British government)
– Government wrongly assumed that since it was granting
independence but within the confines of the empire, would be
enough to appease Unionists…and it was not
– Solidified unionist opposition unlike before and led to incidents
detailed earlier
– Home Rule would take effect in twelve months or end of war –
whatever longer (ASSUMED QUICK WAR)
– DELAYED BY WORLD WAR I
Jan 1913 – Unionists created the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) – a
“private” army of mostly ex-military to support Unionist’s desire for
stopping Home Rule

• Both sides rejected– unionists wanted no Home Rule,
nationalists (Redmond) wanted all 32 countries
• Southern Unionists irritated ‘Ulster’ was demanding
exclusion. This lead to further schism between Northern
and Southern Unionists
• In 1911, Northern leader suggested that all nine counties
remain separate from the Home Rule Ireland
• In 1912, British PM – proposed to amend the Home Rule
bill to allow individual counties to opt out for up to six years
• Later the Northern leader stated: “we do not want a
sentence of death, with a stay of execution for six years”
Northern Ireland Basics – Partition Rumblings

• 1916 – Lloyd George tried to get agreement again on the 6
counties exception
– Irish Nationalist leader agreed
– Southern Unionists – felt totally abandoned
– Northern Unionists fearing being forced into a Dublin
parliament, and did not trusting Lloyd George, said NO

• With nine counties in Ulster, only four had Protestant
majorities, with two almost equally split
• Counties Fermanagh and Tyrone had (slight) Catholic
majorities – while the other four counties were solidly
Protestant majorities
• Six counties were excluded from the Irish Free State:
– Armagh
– Antrim
– Down
– Londonderry
– Fermanagh
– Tyrone

• In response to the Anglo-Irish War and all the turmoil at
this time, the British Government set up the Government of
Ireland Act in 1920 to essentially partition the island into
two entities and two two parliaments – one in the northeast
6 counties and one in other 26 counties
• British government had carefully put all the machinery in
process during the previous year to make an administration
in Northern Ireland work (since was done through Dublin)
• In addition to the usual unrest and unhappiness, the South
was fermenting trouble – as Collins believed this was the
best way to undermine the “state” of Northern Ireland

• According to Mulholland:
– “This was a catastrophe for nationalists in the new state of
Northern Ireland. Only a few years previously, the worst-case
scenario was a four-county opt out (Antrim, Down, Armagh,
Derry), perhaps only for a limited period, and administered
directly from Westminster” (Mulholland, 23)

• If Northern Ireland opted out of the Government of Ireland
1920 treaty, a boundary commission was automatically
triggered (which happened)
• Commission of three – from the following:
– North – They would not appoint – so British Government did
– South – Appointed Eoin MacNeill
– British government appointed person
• Viewed by Nationalists as stepping stone to obtaining a
large chunk of Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland Basics – Boundary Commission

• The end result was a transfer of about 232,000 acres and a
transfer of 38,000 people (30,000 to the Free State and
8,000 to Northern Ireland)
• The small land transfer was due to the British
reducing/eliminating payments and money that were owed
to it by the Irish Free State
• A real sense of selling out the Northern nationalist areas for
short-term financial gain on the part of the Irish Free State

• Assumptions by both the British and Irish that substantial
changes in the border would happen:
– “Lloyd George was well aware of how considerable a ‘loss’ the
leading Irish delegates anticipated. Collins had just told him
that the commissions would ‘save’ Counties Fermanagh and
Tyrone, and large parts of Counties Armagh, Derry, and Down
for the Dublin parliament” (MacDonagh, 136)
• Reality:
– “After 1925 it was clear that the threat represented by the
Boundary Commission to the stability, at any rate, of the
territorial extent of the Northern Ireland government, had
evaporated” (Bew, Gibbon, and Patterson, 4)

• According to one historian, partition’s results:
– “Irish society, partitioned in 1920, became two societies, and
each was cruelly amputated. Partition brought out the worst in
the culture of the island of Ireland. Two sectarian states
emerged, each blind to its own faults, and intolerant of its
critics. Each state discriminated against minorities within its
borders, all the while pointing either to its own alleged
generosity and tolerance, or appealing to the principle of
majority-rule. It was an unnatural situation, a function of
partition” (Akenson, 4)

– 5,400 sq miles, 17% of the island (North/Northeast corner)
– Built to be buttressed/fortressed to ensure a Unionist majority
– Northern Ireland Parliament (Stormont) was opened in 1932 –
always unionist majority
– Sent members to Parliament in Westminster as well as
Stormont (which was subservient to Westminster)
– Initial decades included building a Unionists state
– Violence from the 20s and throughout the 30s randomly
– Little chance of opposition ever taking control - so people
either fought or gave up. “Catholic alienation became
institutionalized”
– Educational system – was meant to be non-denominational –
neither side agreed and kept it separate. To this date still one
of the biggest issues in Northern Ireland as there are two
distinct and separate communities evolved

• Both communities in Northern Ireland lived essentially
separate existences:
– Both communities chose to have primary and secondary educational
institutions that were totally segregated from each other (until third
level [universities] became fully integrated in the 1960s)
– Little intermarriage between the communities
– Usually residential segregation between the communities
(both in living and socializing such as in pubs)
– Each community played their own sports – Nationalists would
associate with the GAA sports of hurling and Gaelic football while
Unionists would play soccer (football) and rugby
• As one historian stated: “one third of the population was to
be regarded as a permanent threat” (Mulholland, 29)

• 1922 Special Powers Act (SPA) - This act granted powers to
the security forces in Northern Ireland to do whatever they
felt was needed:
– arrest without warrant
– detain without trial
– search homes without warrants
– prohibit meetings
– hang and whip offenders
(Mulholland 26-27)

• In 1932 Stormont (the Northern Ireland Parliament)
opened. It was grandiose building and a edifice power for
the Unionist community. Members of Parliament sat here
and at Westminster as well
• There was a constant vigil to keep all the Unionist points of
view (liberal, conservative, labor, working, middle, and
upper classes) together as one voice - to ‘protect’ and
solidify Northern Ireland and have a solid singular ‘Unionist’
voice to show the world

• World War II: the South was neutral, while Northern
Ireland (as part of the UK), was on the side of the Allies
• War Time Frames
– Crucial to allies in the first stages of the war
(before Iceland occupied)
– January 1942 – Americans started to land in Northern Ireland
– By late 1943 – proved less strategically important
– Over the war 240,000 were stationed or passed through
Northern Ireland

Belfast was bombed twice during the war
• First Time
– Germans bombed Belfast on 15-16 April 1941
– Result was devastating - 180 German planes dropped over a
hundred tons of bombs on Belfast
– Bombs mostly in the residential slum areas
– Killed 745 people in the raid – almost all civilians
• Second Time
– Germans bombed Belfast on 4 May 1941
– Result was again devastating - German planes dropped 95,000
incendiaries on the harbor and shipyards – damaging the
ability to make ships
– 3,200 houses leveled and 56,000 damaged (many beyond
repair)
– Killed 150 people – again mostly civilians
Northern Ireland – Belfast Bombings

• By the war’s end, Northern Ireland became much more
integrated within the British sphere of influence
• Northern Ireland, as part of the UK, enjoyed the full
benefits of the post war Welfare State imposed in the UK
• Ireland Act (1949) – gave Northern Ireland the right to self
determination.
• Also demanded all civil service jobs required an oath to the
monarch – which was abhorrent to Nationalists, some
would refuse and the jobs would then go to the Unionists.
So even a day laborer in the 1950s had to swear an oath to
the monarch to get a job!

• Much of the economy continued to grow in the 1950s – due
to an expanding world economy and the welfare state
• However, even thought things were economically brighter,
the institutionalized discrimination against Nationalists
continued primarily in housing and employment
• The 1960s started with an overall growth in the economy
and there was an economic and social view of “brighter
days” ahead

• In early 1963, Terence O’Neill took over as the PM of
Northern Ireland. He was the first of a “new breed”
• He was not was a traditional Ulster Unionist. He grew up in
England and did not have the visceral fear and distain for
Nationalists and Catholicism in general that has become
part of Ulster Unionism. Had an English accent too!
• O’Neill believed if he could get a sizeable chunk of the
Nationalist community on his side, he could keep Northern
Ireland within the UK sphere and fend off radicals on both
sides

• One of the offshoots of this growth was that the welfare
state was opening up the system so many Nationalists now
had access to higher education
• Many Catholics now had a stake in society unlike before.
Started to see the growth of a Nationalist middle class and
their material and later political expectations
• Although many more Nationalists were starting to accept
the status quo of Northern Ireland and agreed to work
within that society’s framework for equal rights and
changes in society – they expected equality

• However, by the mid 1960s, the Unionist powers were
getting quite unhappy with O’Neill and the growing and
emerging Nationalist middle class
• During this time frame, Ian Paisley emerged. He was a
“hard” right-wing Unionist who was not associated with the
official Unionist party
• He initially emerged as a mouthpiece for the disaffected
sections of the Unionist community. He was famous for
saying “No, No and Never Surrender” to any
accommodation between communities

• Ian Paisley formed the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), as
a reaction to the traditional Ulster Unionist Party (UUP)
• To outsiders, Paisley was a caricature of Northern Ireland
• “Paisley speaks for a fundamentalist Calvinism and anti-
Catholicism which lies at the heart of Presbyterian identity”
(Elliott, 120)
• Ian Paisley’s support initially was with “a substantial
minority of Protestants who were as badly off as their
Catholic neighbors” (Bew, Politics, 488)
• In 1966 – the UVF a ‘shadow’ paramilitary group that was
created to fight against O’Neill’s reforms and to intimidate
various nationalists and Republicans

• In 1965, O’Neill met the Irish Taoiseach (PM) and started a
series of meetings to discuss common interests between
the two states, such as electrical and water supply
coordination, rail information, etc.
• Infuriated some elements of the Unionist community
• Planned new a university in 1965. Originally was going to
be built in Derry city (a Nationalist area), but changed at
last minute to a more Unionist area (near Coleraine) in
northeast county Londonderry
• A huge symbol of how allocation of resources was divided
up in Northern Ireland – and the Nationalist community was
no longer willing to accept this overt discrimination

• The influence of the American civil rights movement was
being felt in Northern Ireland. Many within the Nationalist
community believed in these ideas and used the non-
violent nature and moral high ground to gain attention and
rights
• This started the first of many peaceful demonstrations by
Nationalists, which often ended up violent from police
• Mantra of much of the protesters was “One man, one vote”
– that was what much of the Civil Rights movement was
looking for since they were often shut out of the political
process
• “One man, one vote” existed on paper, but the machinery
of government was manipulated by Unionists to limit this

• 5-6 Oct 1968 – a civil rights demonstration in Derry led to
provocation from IRA and the RUC responded with
overwhelming force
• According to Bew, “the civil rights demonstrations of 5
October 1968 in Derry, which opened up the modern Ulster
crisis.” (Bew, Politics, 489) This event was covered on RTE
and worldwide and “changed the course of Irish history”
(Bew, Politics, 489)

• In November 1968 – O’Neill was summoned to London and
told to institute reforms in Northern Ireland
• By late 1968/early 1969, there was a (legitimate) fear of
civil war within Northern Ireland
• PM O’Neill was forced to quit in April 1969. He claimed he
was “blown from office” and said on his resignation: “Look
about you at the present state of our country and try to
answer the question ‘is this really the kind of Ulster that
you want?’” (Bew, Politics, 494)
• British troops were deployed into Derry on 14 August 1969.
“At first, British troops were well received in nationalist
areas” (Bew, 497)

• The welcome did not last long, as the memories of British
soldiers on Irish soil surfaced from earlier in the century
and were soon viewed as part of the overall Unionists
power structure trying to control the Nationalist community
• Resentment against the British presence helped further
radicalize Nationalists, who several years earlier would
never have been this radicalized
• This is when the IRA reemerged [at a time when it was
mockingly referred to as “I Ran Away”]

• Irish Government opened up refugee centers along the
border and some 3,000 people came. Also prepared for
field hospital preparations in Donegal (Bew, Politics, 495)
• The Irish Taoiseach Jack Lynch proclaimed that the
Republic ‘would not stand idly by’ regarding the chaos in
Northern Ireland. In the end, the Irish government did
nothing substantial
• In July 1970, the Irish Foreign Minister secretly drove to
the worst affected areas of Belfast to survey the damage.
Proclaimed affinity with population. Propaganda coup and
irritated Unionists and British government
Northern Ireland Basics – Republic

• The IRA was dormant until late 1960s when violence
increased.
– Official IRA’ - were Marxist thinkers who had put their guns
“under the floor”
– Provisional (Provos) – were young republicans coming of age
in the 1960s and had a more ‘street view’ of the world
• The IRA officials were quite violent, but much less
aggressive than the Provisional IRA (called the ‘Provos’)
• IRA split into the Official and Provisional (‘Provos’) IRA

• In 1972 – Officials declared a ceasefire and repudiated
most violence. The Provos then inherited the mantle of
physical force Republican tradition and are what is referred
to as the IRA today
• The Provos became the protectors (both good and bad) of
the Nationalist communities, which by now were much
more segregated and forced into “ghettos”
• As time went on, the British army came to regard the
Provos as the “legitimate enemy” even if Unionists would
not

• By 1971 the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) was formed
from several smaller loyalist groups. The also used the term
Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF) sometimes. They primarily
attacked and killed Catholic civilians
• Loyalist paramilitaries tended to be less disciplined and
more haphazard than the IRA or the regular army

• “Internment” – the holding of suspected IRA members
without trial (but not loyalists)
• Policy was controversial, and a complete failure
• This policy only worsened the highly volatile situation
• “Internment added to the sense of the IRA as an army”
(Mulholland, 78)
• The police arrested hundreds of Nationalists – most with no
links to the IRA
• The IRA chief announced after that only 30 of the hundreds
of men interned were actually IRA members

• Bloody Sunday happened on 30 January 1972 in Derry
(city). Demonstrations against internment
• Peaceful protesters were demonstrating and British soldiers
started firing randomly – killing 13 unarmed protesters One
of the biggest atrocities during this generation’s version of
the ‘Troubles’
This massacre led to a complete collapse of Nationalist
opposition to violence as well as the biggest recruiting
tool for the IRA during the troubles

• The violence and Bloody Sunday incident in Derry led to the
British government suspending Stormont (the Northern
Irish parliament) and instituted Direct Rule from London

• Within this time frame, there were two main Unionist
parties in Northern Ireland:
– Ulster Unionist Party (UUP)
Traditional “umbrella” party for all shades of Unionism
– Democrat Unionist Party (DUP)
More radical and right-wing Unionist party started by Ian
Paisley

• Within this time frame, there were two main
Nationalist/Republican parties in Northern Ireland:
– Social Democratic and Labor Party (SDLP) Moderate
nationalists who believed in united Ireland by peaceful
means and consent and evolved from the civil right
protests
– Sinn Féin
Political arm of the Provisional IRA. Believed in physical
force to unite Ireland

• In June 1972 – the IRA called cease fire and IRA head
Gerry Adams was brought from prison to London to meet
with British officials, to no avail
• However, the violence spiraled and continued throughout
Northern Ireland, now with the IRA blowing up and killing 9
civilians on 21 July 1972 in Belfast in a chain of events
• Widespread public revulsion swelled against the IRA,
squandering the the high moral ground the IRA held after
Bloody Sunday

• While all this was happening, both the UK and Ireland
joined the European Union in January 1973, which further
blurred lines and boundaries between the two nations
• This would have long-term affects on how the two
governments would act and cooperate over the next few
decades.

• Guildford Bombing – pub bombed in Guilford in the UK in
October 1974 and 5 civilians were killed. Basis for the
movie, In the Name of the Father
• Birmingham Bombing – another pub bombed in
Birmingham in the UK in November 1974 and 19 civilians
were killed
• The British authorities arrested massive numbers of Irish in
Britain – almost all arrested were innocent and only
arrested only because they were Irish
• Many went to prison for years – and many of the prisoners
became “cause celeb” since they were obviously innocent.
Eventually, all were released from prison
• Never found the true perpetrators of these crimes
Northern Ireland Basics – IRA Terror

• 27 August 1979 –Lord Mountbatten (aged 79) was sailing
his boat in Sligo harbor (in the Republic) when an IRA
bomb exploded and blew up the boat. Mountbatten and
several other people on the boat, including two teenagers,
were killed
• IRA then ceased killing in the Republic (rare as it had been)
• The same day, the IRA also killed 18 soldiers in county
Down. This was called the Warrenpoint ambush – the IRA
attacked a British Military outpost and killed 18.

• By the end of the 1970s, the state of Northern Ireland was
in much the same state as it was in 1969 – even with the
British government attempting reforms to better
accommodate nationalists and thinking ‘doomsday’ options
• Still a high level of violence and killing happening in
Northern Ireland and no foreseeable ending or resolution to
the conflict
• Economy of Northern Ireland was in a dire shape too

Margaret Thatcher
Not as hated as Cromwell
in Ireland, but close!
Margaret Thatcher of the Tories became British Prime Minister
in 1979. This was to shape the policies of Northern Ireland in
the 1980s and have profound effects on Northern Ireland

• Conservatives under Margaret Thatcher wanted to
institutionalize Direct Rule
• Her knowledge and interest in Northern Ireland was
rudimentary and skewed
• Some but limited talk with the Republic on how to handle
certain common issues

• Over the previous few years both Nationalists and IRA
prisoners were moved from special status (political)
prisoners to regular prisoners for crimes after 1 March
1976. This started what was called the “no wash protest”
and “dirty protest” as a protest against removing the
special status of prisoners
• The prisoners wanted to be classified as political, not
“regular” prisoners
• The prisoners started their strike on the 5th anniversary of
the abolition of their special status being revoked
• Yet again brought worldwide attention to the situation in
Northern Ireland with this event
Northern Ireland Basics – Hunger Strikers

• Hunger Strikes started in 1981:
– IRA was against hunger strikes, but prisoners insisted on it
– 33 prisoners started strike on the 5th anniversary of the
removal of special status
– British government and Margaret Thatcher would not relent
– In middle of strike (March 1981) – one MP for
Fermanagh/Tyrone died unexpectedly and the IRA put the
hunger striker Bobby Sands up as a candidate to garner
sympathy. He won the seat
– Brought Britain worldwide condemnation and worldwide
sympathy for the hunger strikers
– Sands died in May after 66 days on strike
– Riots throughout Northern Ireland after he died
– Continued with 10 additional deaths until October 1981 when
the campaign was called off

Hunger Striker: Bobby Sands
Born in Belfast
Ended up as the face of the
‘Hunger Strikers’
Elected MP of British Parliament
Died 66 days into a hunger strike

• “The hunger strikes transformed the political character of
the Northern Ireland problem. Now republican prisoners
appeared in the role of men prepared to accept suffering for
their cause rather than simply inflicting suffering on others”

• During this time there was subtle changes in the two
communities:
– Change in that the Nationalist community as they continued to grow
and have higher birth rate, but also less emigration, so the population
was growing
– Loss of many working class jobs that were traditionally jobs given to
for Unionists so there was increased despair in that community
– Many of the educated Unionist community were emigrating, which was
helping change the demographics of the state
– Continued increase of educated Nationalists meant more competition
for the good jobs within Northern Ireland itself

• 1982-3 “Shoot to Kill” Policy – Britain accused of this policy
against assumed republicans - never proven, but likely
• 1984 – Boston’s Whitey Bolger sent arms to the IRA, but
the boat was intercepted
• 1985-6 – IRA worked with Libya and imported bomb
making materials for Northern Ireland. Provos proved very
unpopular on the entire island during this time
• Conservative Party conference in Brighton in 1984, the IRA
killed several politicians, and came close to killing Thatcher
as well. “You were lucky this time, but remember, we only
have to be lucky once” (Mulholland, 117)
Northern Ireland Basics – Attacks

• 8 November 1987 – (Veterans Day) Remembrance Day.
The IRA detonated a bomb in Enniskillen, Fermanagh killing
11 people. This was one of the turning points and revulsion
against the IRA within Ireland and internationally.
• 6 March 1988
– SAS shot three IRA members dead in Gibraltar (including one
who was the only female hunger striker who lived)
– At funeral in North several days later, a loyalist gunman killed
3 mourners at the funeral
– Later that day, two British army officers became lost driving
and landed in the middle of one of the three funeral
processions. The men were stopped and dragged out of the
car and beaten to death – and it was seen live on television
(Mulholland, 128-129)

• Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985
– Agreement between Britain and Ireland on governmental level
to say each has a role to play in the development of the
structures of Northern Ireland. Agreed only changes to
Northern Ireland would be with the majority of the people in
Northern Ireland
– Started to have interaction and exchange between civil
servants of both states
– Agreement was formed by the British and Irish government
without consulting Unionists. Huge error – and rather telling of
the way in which Margaret Thatcher worked and viewed her
role in relation to the Unionists and Northern Ireland

• Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985
– The Unionist reaction to this was quick and furious – they were
horrified they were not consulted on this and it was done
“above their heads.”
– Huge rallies saying “Ulster says No!”
– Paisley's speech about Thatcher and the agreement: “O God,
in wrath take vengeance upon this wicked, treacherous, lying
woman: take vengeance upon her, O Lord, and grant that we
shall see a demonstration of thy power” (Bew, Politics, 52)

• Beyond the angry Unionist reaction, the Anglo-Irish
Agreement actually had long-term implications:
– The state to state discussions started the process of British
and Irish civil servants working together much more closely
– The “Agreement also acknowledged that the British
government would support a united Ireland if majority consent
existed for it in the North” (Bew, Politics, 532)
– “Above all, the Anglo-Irish Agreement ushered in an era of
direct rule with a green tinge, symbolized by the permanent
presence of Irish government officials at Maryfield, Co. Down”

• 1991 – Britain said it had no “no selfish, strategic, or
economic interest in Northern Ireland.” This was after the
Cold War ended
• This was a huge change and acknowledgment on the part
of the British government
• British PM John Major and Irish Taoiseach Albert Reynolds –
both worked together in the early stages to help move the
peace process along. Major understood no military victory
could be won in Northern Ireland.

• The lessons of ignoring the Unionists were well learned by
now as well.
• Later emerged that the SDLP and Sinn Féin were in secret
talks - and the IRA was moderating
• More than any other US President Bill Clinton took an
interest in the peace process and believed the time was
right to move. Thought that most parties in Northern
Ireland were willing to take the leap

• IRA gave “complete and unequivocal” cease fire on 31
August 1994 and loyalists did the same six weeks later.
Sinn Fein (rightly) figured an incoming Labor government
would be more accommodating to a long-term solution in
Northern Ireland
• In July 1997 Sinn Féin was re-admitted to peace talks and
the DUP (Ian Paisley) walked out while the UUP (David
Trimble) stayed and negotiated. Kept on talking for
months

• Belfast/Good Friday Agreement – the negotiations of the
past few years continued but finally got all sides to agree
on this in early 1998. The main points of this agreement:
– Power sharing in Northern Ireland and protect of minorities
– Started devolution (removed Direct Rule) so would have Northern Irish
parliament
– Allowed citizens of all communities to obtain passports of either or
both states
– Started cross border initiatives: tourism, transport, education, etc.
– No constitutional change would happen without consent of majority in
North
– Republic agreed to put Articles 2 and 3 of constitution up for vote

• The crux of the agreement was crucial: “the union of Great
Britain and Northern Ireland would continue as long as it
was supported by a majority of the people of Northern
Ireland. In return for this acceptance by the British and,
crucially, also by the Irish government and other
nationalists, unionists were required to accept power-
sharing and cross-border cooperation” (Bew, Politics, 549)
• Why the Unionist community agreed to this: “it seemed
best to negotiate a firm political settlement before the
unionist position declined further” (Mulholland, 141)

• Reasons for the Belfast/Good Friday agreement success:
– Better cooperation between Britain and Ireland
– Demographic changes in Northern Ireland
– Rising prosperity
– Unionists understanding they needed to agree to a settlement
– Republicans entering electoral politics and realization of the
limitations of armed conflict at this point in history
– End of the cold war (Mulholland, 150)

• Omagh…August 1998, a splinter group (‘The Real IRA’)
blew up a 500 pound bomb in Omagh in county Tyrone.
Killed 29 civilians. Worldwide condemnation
– “As Bloody Sunday unleashed the demons, Omagh reined
them in” (Mulholland, 149)
• After 9/11, the IRA realized they could not exist in this
“special acceptable terrorist” category and put weapons
“beyond use” (destroyed them)
• There are still splinter groups (‘The Real IRA’ and the
‘Continuity IRA’) – but they are small, but still plant bombs
and assassinate still; but rare

• The Euro become and official currency in the Republic in
1999, and money moved into circulation in January 2002
• Still use British Pounds in Northern Ireland, but on the
border Euros are often accepted!

• Over 3,000 deaths occurred during the “Troubles” (since
late 1960s), in Northern Ireland - the equivalent of 500,000
deaths in the US

• Seeing Ian Paisley (of the DUP) and Martin McGuinness (of
Sinn Féin) as First Minister and First Deputy in the new
government in Northern Ireland proved surreal to many
• The power sharing agreement between both Sinn Fein and
the DUP remains and though the communities are more
segregated as ever, the level of violence is minimal
compared to pre 1998
• The power sharing has collapsed the last few weeks due to
internal feuding between the DUP and Sinn Fein – primarily
tied to a corruption scandal within the DUP. Martin
McGuinness has resigned and elections for a new assembly
will be held on March 2nd. Ulster Unionist party could make
inroads against the DUP.

• Brexit proving a huge concern for many reasons:
– 56% of Northern Ireland voted remain
– Much of the Belfast/Good Friday agreement is predicated on
both Ireland the UK being in the EU to help further along
Northern Ireland stability
– The recent judgement from the British Supreme Court about
Brexit (requiring Parliamentary vote) negated any concerns or
recognition of the rights of the Scottish and Northern Irish
assemblies

• “Since the Good Friday Agreement in 1998 the highly
visible improvement in the economic status of Catholics
(largely driven by the final arrival of a Catholic middle
class) has deeply unnerved those working-class Protestants
who have not moved on from the insidiousness-of popery
traditions of popular Protestantism” (Elliott, 248)
• “Ironically, it was the hostility of the government of the
Irish Republic rather than that of the United Kingdom which
destroyed, for the twentieth century at least, the possibility
of a united Ireland” (Bew, Politics, 554)
Northern Ireland Basics – Final Thoughts

• Here is an interesting perspective from an Irish historian
from the 1970s:
“There is nothing artificial about partition. But there is
something artificial about the actual boundary. If the boundary
had been drawn by an impartial commission, quite large tracts
of land on the Border, with sizeable populations, would have
been awarded to the Free State. Northern Ireland would be a
smaller entity, and possibly a more stable one. But once the
nationalists refused even to discuss partition, the unionists got
the boundary they wanted, and thought they needed.”
(O’Brien, 152)
Northern Ireland Basics – Final Thoughts

• Please contact me if you have any questions about the
lecture or questions about modern Ireland or Irish history
• These slides and the handout available on Slideshare:
http://www.slideshare.com/silvaire65
• Email: laroche@mit.edu or c.laroche@northeastern.edu
Questions

 Bardon, Jonathan. (1992). A History of Ulster. Belfast, NI: The Blackstaff
Press.
 Bew, Paul. Gibbon, Peter. Patterson, Henry. (2002). Northern Ireland,
1921-2001 - Political and Forces and Social Classes. London, UK: Serif.
 Dudley Edwards, Ruth. (1999). The Faithful Tribe: An Intimate Portrait of
Loyalist Institutions. London, UK: Harper Collins Publishers.
 Elliott, Marianne. (2000). The Catholics of Ulster, A History. London, UK:
Penguin Books.
 Elliott, Marianne. (2009). When God Took Sides: Religion and Identity in
Ireland – an Unfinished History. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.
 Foster, R. F. (1988). Modern Ireland: 1600-1972. London, UK: Penguin
Books.
 Harris, Rosemary. (1972). Prejudice and Tolerance in Ulster. Manchester,
UK: Manchester University Press.
 Hegarty, Neil. (2011). Story of Ireland: In Search of a National Memory.
UK: BBC Books, in conjunction with RTE.
Bibliography

 MacDonagh, Oliver. (1983). States of Mind: Two Centuries of Anglo-Irish
Conflict, 1780-1980. London, UK: Pimlico Press.
 McBride, Ian. (1997). The Siege of Derry in Ulster Protestant Mythology.
Dublin, Ireland: Four Courts Press.
 Mulholland, Marc. (2002). Northern Ireland: a Very Short Introduction.
Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.
 O’Brien, Conor Cruise. (1972). States of Ireland. New York, NY: Pantheon
Books (a Division of Random House).
 O’Brien, Conor Cruise. (1995). Ancestral Voices: Religion and Nationalism
in Ireland. Chicago, Il: University of Chicago Press.
 O’Malley, Padraig. (1990). Biting at the Grave: The Irish Hunger Strikes
and the Politics of Despair. Boston, MA: Beacon Press.
 O’Malley, Padraig. (1983). Uncivil Wars: Ireland Today. Boston, MA:
Beacon Press.
Bibliography

Northern Ireland: Mythology & Reality

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