Invisibility of Women in Architecture

INVISIBILITY
OF WOMEN IN
ARCHITECTURE

ABSTRACT
The role of gender within a professional framework in the built environment has long been debated, and
the question still stands; what is the role of females in architecture, design and planning? Who gets what?
Where? And How? This report seeks to study and reflect the gendered nature of the beliefs, policies and
methods of implementation professionals have espoused in creating urban spaces.
Today, many would argue, and correctly so, that the situation for women within many professional
industries, as well as the women who utilise spaces generated is indeed improving. Education has indeed
expanded and diversified and become less sexist, less elitist to include feminist discourse as a legitimate
field of study. However, it is intended to examine this perception of women, as anything more than
abstract image, as although, in a quantitative sense, there are more women entering architecture, design
and planning, this is not indicative of marked improvement in qualitative measures.
The following research endeavors to investigate, through thorough review of literature on women in
architecture theory and urban development, as well as in-depth qualitative research methods whether or
not we do in fact live in a male dominated urban landscaped remnant from historical outlooks embedded
within a wider theoretical framework, which encompasses the themes of gender, design, and male
dominated views vs. feminist perspectives.

CONTENT
Chapter 1: Introduction
1.1. Problem Statement
1.2.Theoretical and conceptual context
Chapter 2: Indian History and Women
2.1. Women in Ancient India
2.1.a. Introduction
2.1. b. Vedic Period
2.1. c. Post Vedic Period
2.1. d. Mauryan period
2.1. e. Mughal Period
2.1. f. Buddhist Period
2.1. g. Medieval Period
2.1. h. British Period
2.1. i. After Independence
2.2. Women And Culture
2.2. a. Introduction
2.2. b. Women in the Vedas
2.2. c. Women in Upanishads
2.2. d. Women in the Mahabharata
2.2. e. Women in Ramayana
2.2. f. Women in Manu Samhita
2.3.History of Feminism
2.4. Women in Modern India
2.5. Changing Scenario
2.5. a. Performance of Women
2.5. b. Role of Women
Chapter 3: Role
Chapter 4: Education andEmployment
4.1 Women in Architectural Education
4.2 Studying Architecture
4.3 Women in architectural Practices
4.4 Gender biases in recognizing good work through awards

4.5 Women and Research
4.6 Women in policy making and planning
4.7 Women in architecture
Chapter 5: Women in Architecture and Planning
5.1. Women in Urban Design
5.1.a. Urban design theory
5.1.b. Women‘s Place in a city
5.1.c. Interview Findings
5.2. Writing about Feminism and Architecture
5.3. Designing and Planning Diversity
5.4. How Masculine and feminine design affectour city
5.5. Talking to people
Chapter 6: Feminism and Professionalism
6.1.Concept of Work
6.2. Feminist critiques and Professionalism
Chapter 7: Why do women leave Architecture?
7.1. Introduction
7.2. Reasons
7.3. Conclusion
Chapter 8: What could be done?
8.1. Understanding experiences of women
8.2. Balancing differences and equity
8.3. Reform of Feminist education
Chapter 9: Conclusion

Chapter 1:
INTRODUCTION
1.1. Problem Statement
The purpose of this research is to analyze and discuss the place of women in professional roles within,
architecture, design andurban planning. It is also hoped that the findings can be used to develop
awareness for policy makers and practitioners to ensure that professional women are not disadvantaged in
built environment careers. Further, the results can assist in ensuring that the policies and practices in
architecture, planning and design are fully inclusive of both genders.
Gender analysis is vital to the ability of the built environment to respond to the needs of all who utilise
planned spaces. Understanding the role of gender can be helpful in the process of developing gender
sensitive planning strategies. It is recognised that now, more than ever, in a time when cities are growing
and developing at a tremendous pace, that the identification of gender equality, along with subsequent
strategies, is imperative in accommodating change in the workplace and social demographics. The
increase in the number of women in the workplace reinforces the urgency of this task.
Women across the globe are raised to be very conscious of their femininity and gender, and how fragile
they are or should be in a very male dominated world. While the environment in which one is raised or
nurtured may be liberal and with no gender bias, one still finds certain limitations trickling in from
outside the immediate inner circle of neutrality. Equality and equal opportunity seem like an illusion, a
mirage in a desert that no longer exists! Many a time‘s women downplay their role even as they continue
to multitask efficiently and this humble perception gives their partners, staff, family, friends or colleagues
the false notion that they aren‘t contributing in a major way.
Further to this, if clients, staff and others too begin to perceive that the woman partner is no longer a part
of the main team, there is little she can do to restore their faith and confidence. The magic needs to be
apparent within the team and about the team!
In a much skewed hierarchy dominated by men and their unfortunate biases to their other-wise equal and
sometimes far better partners, there seems to be a lacuna where women lead or are given the opportunity
to lead!
The topic of gender inequality within the technological world is nothing new or ground breaking, but one
that runs so deep within social structures that it deserves far more attention than it receives. The majority
of women, not only in the field of architecture but in other professions too are being pushed into the

shadows. Why women are alone stuck with childcare and forced to give up their professions when they
could easily do both with the right support and encouragement? Why do women get relegated to the role
of secretaries when they have the potential to be equal partners? Why are students and fresh graduates
disappearing into the confines and isolation of architectural offices, with mere assistance-ship roles? Why
do young professionals disappear into the hollows of marital dogma and find their architectural forte
dying an early death? Who decides this?
Gender equality in Architecture, too, has become an increasing concern.
Women in architecture wish to be seen first and foremost as architects (not as women architects), but they
cannot control the gendering gaze of society. A good architect is not defined by gender or that being a
good architect and a woman isn‘t a singularly special occurrence– it‘s not just about sitting in an office
with co-workers who respect your abilities regardless of gender. It‘s about all the other aspects of being a
practicing architect where challenges present themselves. Have you ever met a female contractor – what
would it be like on a job site? Would a female architect have to endure (or enjoy) the same relentless
number of fishing and hunting stories that a male hear?Surely the tenor of the typical job site conversation
would be different – not more or less respectful, just different. It could be the little things like the type of
shoes someone chooses to wear. Does that really matter? Probably not but the construction worker who
has never noticed what shoes his wife is wearing would notice what is on the feet of a female architect
visiting the site. Acting or dressing ―like a man‖ — the advice women have received for decades as the
means to blend into the workplace — only entrenches a masculine norm. Yet difference in itself is not the
issue. Indeed, feminism encourages practices that accommodate differences among people and cultures.
But discrimination remains, if not a universal experience, then surprisingly commonplace. From lower
pay and fewer promotions to stereotypes about their design skills, women architects continue to struggle
to be accepted as equal players. Females believe they would be paid more if they were male, and also
experience sexual discrimination at work on a weekly or monthly basis.
The objective is to find out and analyze how this idea of gender in profession works silently all over the
world specific to Architecture. The research revolves around the aspects of gender biases, opportunities
and issues of being a woman architect. It also measures women to men gap in the domains of practice,
education and research.
Is the profession really biased towards men? What causes imbalance between the numbers of girl-students
and women-professionals in Architecture? What are the issues which force women to leave architecture

as profession or prevent them from shouldering leadership responsibilities? Can these issues be resolved
by examining carefully the reasons?
To try to answer all these questions is just a beginning, the big idea remains to inspire the women
architects to keep up the good work and erase all question marks on their capability and competence. The
possibility of doing so may be by simply being who we are and the way we are. The hope lies in the
gender-sensitization of all the stake-holders and understanding the fact that best qualifications, however,
is one‘s own work in the form of buildings, projects and architectural research. That attracts attention,
arouses expectations and challenges one to do more. May be, then your gender won‘t matter anymore and
the word ‗Architect‘ shall be all inclusive.
How to begin a practice, how to revive a practice after a sabbatical from childcare, how to keep abreast of
current systems used and innovations in the field, how to adopt a support team, how to overcome social
isolation and postpartum depression in the wake of getting back to the profession, are questions that many
seek answers to and are eager to adopt. These are challenges no doubt but not insurmountable.
There are a number of different frameworks for undertaking gender analysis. This report outlines the
progress of feminism in doing this in architectural design and planning arenas. It also looks at issues that
need to be addressed to undertake gender analysis for each of the different aspects. The research draws on
concepts from a number of different frameworks, primarily literary works and past precedents.

1.2. Theoretical and conceptual context
In the recent years, much attention has been paid to the careers of women in the construction and
architecture in particular. Difficulties faced by women working in the architecture profession have been
identified as long working hours, poor pay, paternalistic culture, sexism and task restriction. These are all
measured against an assumed masculine norm, however, there is little or no work on what constitutes this
norm or how it came to be established, other than an idea that it is due to the critical mass of men
involved in the industry and related cultural assumptions. It has been argued that what it means to be an
architect has been determined and tightly controlled by male architects and women are thereby excluded
from these ‗masculine‘ norms. It is important that the norm of masculinity in the construction industry
must be critically examined. Through the exclusion of women from what is commonly seen as ‗manly
technologies‘, a vicious cycle has appeared where women are often intimidated to learn because they are
viewed as technologically ignorant, or not capable. This in turn breeds a further lack of confidence. This
common viewpoint where women are seen as less capable with technology than men, leads one to think
of the gender imbalance within the architectural profession. Although the numbers of women entering
into architectural education are equal or sometimes even more than their male counterparts, these
numbers do not carry through to the professional workplace. So why is still so difficult for women to
break through a traditionally male dominated field when they are equally as educated and capable? A
large part of the answer could lie with the vicious cycle mentioned above.
The findings reported widespread experience of sexual discrimination, sexual harassment and the
gendered nature of architectural salaries, as well as other data, drawing a dismal picture of women‘s
professional experiences in the industry. So the condition raises some questions about the different
locations and uses of this identity category, particularly in relation to its other, the ‗architect‘. The term
‗woman architect‘ implicitly genders the term ‗architect‘, as male. At the same time, the architect‘s
masculine sex disappears or is disguised behind the word, architect. It is the woman part of the phrase that
becomes identified with a gender when we apparently introduce gender into gender neutral architecture
by affixing woman to architect. We reinforce the visible and invisible patterns of gender production by
using the pair architect/woman architect.
The question is about the challenges of being a woman in this profession. It would make more sense on
one hand to ask these questions to a woman who is in the field of architecture – but maybe that‘s the
point. How do men feel about women in architecture?

For most part, development of the urban environment over time displayed little acknowledgment of
gender differences. Consequently, with the rise of the modern workspace and a transformation of work
ethics, professionals in the fields of planning, architecture and urban design did not distinguish gendered
needs in the city. These professionals are the women (and men) who sought to maintain the balance
between the identification of feminine perspectives as a unique and integral part of planning and
development. With the active involvement of women in bettering the urban fabric, their approach
distinguishes issues of gender from those more generally associated with unequal treatment. Nonetheless,
the early history of these professions embodies one striking similarity, that there is a sexual division of
labour, where the primary concerns of women lay in more socially oriented aspects of the profession. To
some extent, it can be argued that the theoretical context of this has not changed a great deal since the rise
of prominent female roles within these high profile professions. With the emergence of feminist studies
and the growing recognition that women play a pivotal role in the design and functionality of our cities,
social sciences and scholarship began to identify ways in which the interests of women could be better
addressed. To fully appreciate the context in which gender is applied to careers in the built
environment, the concept of gender, as well as the way in which gender fits in and affects the
urban environment, must be examined.

Chapter 2:
INDIAN HISTORY AND WOMEN
2.1. Women in ancient India
There‘s nothing groundbreaking or new about the kind of life Indian women lived in ancient time. The
Rig Vedic Women in India enjoyed high status in society. Their condition was good. But from enjoying
free and esteemed positions in the Rig-Vedic society, women started being discriminated against since the
Later-Vedic period in education and other rights and facilities. Child marriage, widow burning, the
purdah and polygamy further worsened the women‘s position.
The epics and Puranas equated women with property; a few Puranas treated them no better than beasts.
Women were looked down upon as creatures worse than depraved men. Even Buddhism did little for
women.
Though the Maurya kings often employed female bodyguards, spies and `Stri-adhyaksha mahamatras‘,
their status was still quite bad.
Upper caste ladies had to accept the purdah. During this period men were polygamous and widow burning
was an accepted norm. Arthashastra imposed more stigmas on women as Kautilya dismissed women‘s
liberation and they were not free even to go elsewhere without husband‘s permission.
They became worse off in the Gupta period. The Smritishastras abused them; Manu dictated a woman
would be dependent on her father in childhood, on her husband in youth and on her son in old age. Apart
from child marriage and sati, prostitution and devadasi system became widespread. Kalidasa mentions the
presence of many devadasis in Ujjain temples. Hiuen Tsang spotted many of them at a sun temple in
eastern Sindh. Southern temples had devadasis in hordes.

ANCIENT WOMEN AND EDUCATION
There are some bright exceptions in this dismal picture. The role of women in Ancient Indian Literature is
immense. Ancient India had many learned ladies. There were two types of scholarly women — the
Brahmavadinis, or the women who never married and cultured the Vedas throughout their lives; and the
Sadyodvahas who studied the Vedas till they married. Panini mentioned of female students‘ studying
Vedas. Katyana called female teachers Upadhyaya or Upadhyayi. Ashokagot his daughter, Sanghamitra,
inducted into preaching Buddhism. From the Jain texts, we learn about the Kousambi princess, Jayanti,
who remained a spinster to study religion and philosophy. Often, Buddhist nuns composed hymns.
Women did write Sanskrit plays and verses, excelled in music, painting and other fine arts.
ANCIENT WOMEN AND POLITICS
Women often enjoyed prominent roles in politics. Megasthenes mentioned the Pandya women running
the administration. The Satavahana queen, ―Nayanika ruled the kingdom on behalf of her minor son. So
did Pravabati, daughter of Chandragupta II, on behalf of the minor Vakataka prince. A little after the
Gupta period, queens used to rule in Kashmir, Orissa and Andhra. Princess Vijaybhattarika acted as the
provincial ruler under the Chalukya King; Vikramaditya I. Women were provincial and village
administrators in the Kannada region.
2.1. b.Vedic Period
In the later Vedic period, the position of women gradually deteriorated. The period clearly sees the
growing tendency to stratify society along gender lines. Women lost their political rights of attending
assemblies. Child marriages also came into existence. According to the AitareyaBrahmana a daughter has
been described as a source of misery. The Atharva Veda also deplores the birth of daughters.
The system of Sati emerged in the shape of a formal custom during later Vedic period. The Artharva
Veda mentions that it was customary for the widow to lay symbolically by the side of her husband's
corpse on the funeral pyre.
During the period of smritis women were bracketed with the sudras and were denied the right to study the
Vedas to utter Vedic mantras and to perform Vedic rites. Marriage or domestic life became compulsory
for women and unquestioning devotion to husband was their only duty.

There are several references in the epics, Smritis and Puranas, where women and property are bracketed
together. Women came to be regarded as a sort of property and could be given away or loaned as any item
of property. It‘s because of this the Brahmanical law did not allow any property rights to women. The
provision for stridhanawas of a very limited character and does not extend beyond the wife's rights to
jewels, ornaments and presents made to her.
2.1. c. Post-Vedic Period (Upanishads, Puranic and Smriti
Periods)
The position enjoyed by women in Vedic period deteriorated in post-Vedic period. It was gradually
degraded in the Puranic and Smriti periods. The description of position before BC 300 shows that she
enjoyed a fairly high status, though not to the extent that she enjoyed in Vedic period.
It appears that several drastic changes that took place in the Indian society from about BC 300 to the
beginning of the Christian era led to the curtailment of freedom of women. Imposition of Brahminical
rules and code of conduct, rigid restrictions imposed by caste system and joint family system were the
main reasons for lowering of status in this period.
A daughter began to be regarded as curse. They were denied the right of inheritance and ownership of
property. Pre-puberty marriages came to be practised. She was forbidden to offer sacrifices and prayers
and undertake pilgrimages. Practice of polygyny came to be tolerated.
Some of the Dharamsastras mention about the prohibition of Niyoga and widow remarriage. The widow
was asked to devote herself to an ascetic life at home. Marriage became an irrevocable union as far as the
wife was concerned.
The Smriti writers preached that the wife should look upon her husband as God. Widows were required to
spend a life of penance and austerity. Sati had become popular by the 7th century AD. In this period,
women were regarded just as a means of satisfying the physical desires of men.
Just to refer one instance of Mahabharata, it is said that ‗there was no creature more sinful than man …
woman is the root of all ills‘. This simple quotation is sufficient to prove that how disrespect was shown
towards women. However, it is not out of place to mention here that Indian scriptures are full of
paradoxical statements.

At one place, women were regarded as goddess, held in high esteem, where at other place in the same
scripture, in some other context, they were regarded, no better than just slaves or chattels. Disregarding
what was practised at any particular time, the ancient Indian scriptures and documents (Mahabharata,
Ramayana, Vedic hymns, and various codes of the law of Manu) gave women a very high and protected
place in their basic moral codes.
Husband and wife stood as equals before God. Up to this period purdah (veil) was not commonly
observed by women. Divorce was, however, not permissible to them. But then, it was not permissible to
men either. Their position was not one of complete disability but one dictated by justice and fairness.
Women used to help their male members of their family in economic pursuits. They sometimes
accompanied their husband or other members of the family in hunting and agricultural pursuits.
2.1. d. Women in Mauryan Period
During Mauryan period Brahamanical literature was particularly severe in the treatment of women and
assigns them a very low status in the society. Greek traveller Megastheneswho visited Pataliputraduring
Chandragupta Mauryaruletestifies to the growing practice of polygamy; employment of women as palace
guards, bodyguards to the kings, spies etc.
The Buddhist texts on the other hand are much more considerate in treating women. The suppressed
condition of women in the society alarmed emperor Ashokawho felt the need to appoint a special group
of Mahamattasthat would be concerned only with the welfare of the women.
During Buddhist rule the position of women though inferior was not as badas it came to be in the later
periods. During Gupta and post Gupta period, equating women with property took strong roots. The
practice of using veils by women particularly in high caste families too came into vogue. In
Kadambari,Patralekha is described as wearing a veil of red cloth. However,this custom was not practiced
by common people.
In south Indiathe position of women deterioratedin post Buddhist period. Remarriage of widows was not
allowed and they had to cut off their hair, discard all their ornaments and eat only plain food. The tonsure
of widows was a custom taken over from the norththat was adopted in south Indiaduring later times.

2.1. e. Women in Mughal period
Unlike in the ancient Indian period, the position and status of women in the Mughal period (age) was not
quite high. Purdah and child marriage had become common. Except those of the lower classes, women in
Mughal period did not move out of their houses.
The Muslims women observed purdah much more strictly than the Hindus. The birth of a daughter was
considered inauspicious, while that of a son was an occasion for rejoicing. On account of early marriage,
there were many widows in our society. Generally, women in Mughal Period were not allowed to
remarry.
Polygamy was common among rich society. Divorce was not common among the Hindus, while it was
permitted both for Muslim men and women.
However, women exercised great influence at home and some of them helped their husbands in their
avocations. Generally, it was the responsibility of the men to look after the economic affairs, and the
women would take care of the needs at home.
Though, the overall position of women in Mughal period was low, there were many Hindu and Muslim
women of outstanding ability, whose fame is still relevant today.
There were many Hindu women of outstanding ability during this period, notably Rani Durgawati of
Gondwana, Rani Karmawati, Mira Bai, Tarabai, etc.
Among the Muslim women in Mughal Period, Salima Sultan Begum, Ruqaiya Sultan Begum, NurJahan,
MumtazMahal, Chand Bibi, Jahanara, Raushanara, Zeb-un-nisa, etc. played an important part in the
affairs of that time
2.1. f. Women in the Buddhist Period:
Many evil social practices, like the practice of prepuberty marriages, denial of right of women to
education and also to mate selection etc were imposed on women during the periods of Brahmans and
Puranas.
In the Buddhist period, the position of women improved to some extent. In the religious field, women
came to occupy a distinctly superior place. They had their own Sangha called Bhikshuni ‗Sangha‘, which

provided avenues of cultural activities and social services. They got ample opportunities in public life.
However, their economic status remained unchanged.
2.1. g. Women in Medieval Period
The period between 11th century to 18th century witnessed further deterioration in the position of women
due to the impact of Muslim culture. In this period, female infanticide, child marriage, purdah system, sati
and slavery were the main social evils affecting the position of women.
The birth of a female child began to be regarded as curse, a bad luck. They were almost confined to the
doors of their homes. There was further curtailment of freedom of women in matters of education, mate
selection, public appearances, etc.
Purdah system came to be rigorously followed. Women education was almost banned. More and more
feeling of conservatism increased about women. She not only continued to hold low status in and outside
home rather her position worsened in this period.
It is often said that in India the purdah (veil) system came into existence only after the arrival of Moghuls.
A.S. Altekar, in his book. The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization (1962) writes: ‗This for nearly
2000 years from BC 20 to 1800 AD, the position of women steadily deteriorated though she was fondled
by the parents, loved by the husband and revered by her children.
The revival of Sati, the prohibition of remarriage, the spread of Purdah and the greater prevalence of
polygamy made her position very bad.‘ Thus, there was a vast difference between the status of women in
the early Vedic period and the subsequent periods, stretching from post-Vedic to the medieval period. The
dual standards of morality set by Manu Smriti and other Smritis continue to prevail right up to now
though some changes are visible in urban educated women.
2.1. h. Women in British Period
During the period of British rule of about 200 years (early 18th century to the first half of 20th century)
some substantial progress was achieved in eliminating inequalities between men and women in matters of
education, employment, social and property rights and so forth.

Sati, purdah, female infanticide, child marriage, inheritance, slavery, prohibition of widow remarriage and
the lack of women‘s rights in different fields were some of the problems which attracted the attention of
British Raj.
Though the British rulers initially decided not to interfere with the traditional social fabric of Indian
people (Hindus) and as such they took no steps to bring any change in the status of women in India. It is
only in the latter half of the 19th century and the first quarter of the 20th century that they took some steps
to abolish or change some social customs through legislative measures.
For such measures incentive was provided to them by some social reformers, such as Raja Ram Mohan
Rai, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, Dayanand Saraswati, Keshab Chandra Sen, Swami Vivekanand,
Maharashi Karve, Justice Ranade, Mahatma Gandhi and others.
Through the efforts and the various movements launched by these great social leaders of the 19th century
before independence, it had been possible to get many legislations passed and public opinion mobilized in
favour of some issues of social reforms.
These steps have paved the way in removing the obstacles in the progress of women. Not only this, it had
helped in eliminating inequalities between men and women and giving proper respect to the other-half of
the society.
The most significant legislations relating to the problems faced by the Indian (Hindu) women passed
during British period were as follows:
1. Abolition of Sati Act, 1813.
2. The Hindu Widow Remarriage Act, 1856.
3. Civil Marriage Act, 1872.
4. Married Women‘s Property Act, 1874.
5. The Child Marriage Restraint Act (Sharda Act), 1929.
6. Hindu Law of Inheritance Act, 1929.
7. Hindu Women‘s Rights to Property Act, 1939.

8. Hindu Marriage Disabilities Removal Act, 1946.
Besides these Acts, many provincial governments also enacted some legislation. In 1779, infanticide was
declared to be a murder by the Bengal Regulation XXI. In 1804, this was extended to other parts of the
country.
Another significant feature of the 19th century was the attempt made by social reformers to educate
Indian girls. For more than 2,000 years, from about BC 300, there was practically no formal education for
women. Only a few women of the upper castes and classes were given some education at home.
The ideas of imparting education in a formal manner first emerged during the British period. Christian
missionaries took great interest to impart education to the girls. It was in 1824 when the first girl‘s school
was started in Bombay (Mumbai). In 1882, girls were allowed to pursue higher education. Since then, to
pursue there has been a continuous progress in the field of education of girls in India.
In the last decades of 19th century, a marked change took place in the outlook of both men and women
about the education and employment of women as teachers, nurses, doctors, etc. This changed outlook
towards women‘s education also helped in rising the age of marriage and enacting legislation to ban sati.
Thus, the ground prepared by the 19th century social reformers and their untiring efforts led to the
emancipation of women. This also helped them to take their rightful place in society.
2.1. i. After Independence
In addition to the measures to uplift the status of women in India initiated by Britishers, many vigorous
steps (legal, social, economic and political) have been taken by Government of India after independence
by removing the hurdles put in their way by traditional past. The efforts of the social reformers and their
movements launched in the pre-independence period also bore fruits. The Indian National Movement also
led to the emancipation of Indian women.
The leaders of the national movement realized that the liberation of the country from the bondage of
imperialism was impossible without the active participation of women who constituted half of the
population of the country.
Most of the social reformers and thinkers of the 19th and 20th centuries were influenced by the tenets of
the liberal philosophy of the West, which emphasized the principle of contract rather than status, a

rational outlook of life and problems, freedom of speech, criticism of authority, questioning of accepted
dogmas and finally the recognition of the value of the individual and insistence on the rights of man as
opposed to his duties. They also got impetus from Upanishads and other Hindu scriptures.
The decades after independence have seen tremendous changes in the status and position of the women in
Indian society. The Constitution of India has laid down as a fundamental right the equality of sexes.
But, the change from a position of utter degradation of women to a position of equality is not a simple
case of the progress of women in the modern era. To uplift the status of women, many legislations
pertaining to women were enacted after independence. These were mainly related to marriage, divorce,
inheritance of property and employment.
Some of the important Acts are mentioned below:
1. The Hindu Marriage Validity Act, 1949.
2. The Special Marriage Act, 1954.
3. The Hindu Marriage Act, 1955 (amended in 1986 and 2010).
4. The Hindu Succession Act, 1956.
5. Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act, 1956.
6. The Sati Prevention Act, 1987.
7. The Dowry Prohibition Act, 1961.
8. Indecent Representation of Women (Prohibition) Act, 1986.
9. Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2007.
10. Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005.
11. Compulsory Registration of Marriage Act, 2006.
Besides, the Acts especially related to employment are:

1. The Factory Act, 1948.
2. Employees Insurance Act, 1948.
3. The Maternity Benefit Act, 1961.
4. The Equal Remuneration Act, 1976.
2.2. Women and Culture
They call it bad Rape when someone is wrongly accused of something, and in recent Indian history both
women and Hinduism have suffered just such an injustice. To be sure, women are sometimes egregiously
mistreated in India, as elsewhere in the world. But this is not owing to Hinduism. Indeed, it is a violation
of the Sanatana Dharma. Although the position of women declined in modern times—especially during
the long period of foreign rule, which disrupted every aspect of society—most scholars agree that women
in ancient India held a most elevated position. They had similar education as men and participated with
men in philosophical debates. During Vedic times, women so inclined wore the sacred thread and were
taught the holy mantras of the Vedas. Some were brahmavadinis, women who devoted their lives to
scriptural study, expounded the Vedas and wrote some of the Vedic hymns. Women of the kshatriya
(warrior) caste received martial arts coaching and arms training. The Vedas, Upanishads and other
scriptures give numerous examples of women philosophers, politicians, teachers, administrators and
saints. The Rig Veda says, ―The wife and husband, being the equal halves of one substance, are equal in
every respect; therefore, both should join and take equal parts in all works, religious and secular.‖ The
Upanishads clearly declare that we individual souls are neither male nor female. Hinduism teaches that
each of us passes through many lives, both male and female. It further teaches the law of karma, which
informs us that what we do to others will in turn be done to us—and that ahimsa, non-hurtfulness, must be
the guiding precept of our lives. Thus, Hinduism gives no justification for the mistreatment of others,
whether on the basis of gender or for any other reason. (In the actual lives of adherents, of course—as in
any religion—―results may vary.‖)

Comparing the general position of women in our scriptures with those of any other faith, we will
immediately discover their elevated status in Hinduism. The Semitic faiths, by comparison, associated
women with evil and mortality. The Old Testament says, ―And a man will choose…any wickedness, but
the wickedness of a woman…Sin began with a woman, and thanks to her we all must die‖. The New
Testament, too, is partial to men: ―A man ought not to cover his head, since he is the image and glory of
God‖. ―And Adam was not the one deceived; it was the woman who was deceived and became a sinner‖.
A strictly traditional priest could not officiate unless he was married, and her support was required in his
profession.
In Hinduism, girls are revered as forms of Goddess Lakshmi. Boys are not correspondingly revered as
forms of Rama or Krishna. In the Sindhi, Punjabi, Nepali and other communities, girls are not supposed
to touch the feet of their parents; instead, on occasions like Navaratri, everyone—including parents—
touches the feet of the girls.
We can inquire, in what major religion besides Hinduism does people worship the Supreme Being as
Goddess? While the Western religions are male-centric, the largest pilgrimage site in North India (and
second largest in the entire country) is Vaishno Devi. Throughout the country—north, south, east and
west—one can see pilgrimage places centered around the shrines of various forms of the Goddess—
Durga, Parvati, Kali, Lakshmi, Saraswati, etc. The Shakta Hindus consider the Mother Goddess to be the
Supreme Creator; and even Vaishnavites and Saivites, who worship Lord Vishnu or Lord Siva as the
Supreme Deity, affirm that God cannot be approached except through His Shakti.

Hindu scriptures are of two classes. Sruti is revealed scripture—the Vedas and the Upanishads. The smriti
comprise lesser scriptural texts, composed by human beings—the Itihasas, Puranas and Dharmashastras.
Within smriti, the Itihasas (the epics Ramayana and Mahabharata) are the most important and
authoritative. By the time those were written (the ―epic period‖ of India‘s history), the position of women
had deteriorated considerably, although there still existed women called brahmavadinis, who devoted
their lives to study and spiritual meditation and who participated in the philosophical discussions.
2.2. b. Women in the Vedas
Many of the Vedic rishis were women. Married and single women alike were acknowledged authorities
on the Vedic wisdom. The prophetess Gargi composed several Vedic hymns questioning the origin of all
existence. Other Vedic hymns are attributed to Vishwawara, Sikta and others. The Rig Veda identifies
many women rishis; indeed, it contains dozens of verses accredited to the woman philosopher Ghosha and
to the great Maitreyi, who rejected half her husband Yajnavalkya‘s wealth in favor of spiritual
knowledge. It also contains long philosophical conversations between the sage Agasthya and his highly
educated wife Lopamudra.
Rig Veda clearly proclaims that women should be given the lead in ruling the nation and in society, and
that they should have the same right as sons over the father‘s property. ―The entire world of noble people
bows to the glory of the glorious woman so that she enlightens us with knowledge and foresight. She is
the leader of society and provides knowledge to everyone. She is symbol of prosperity and daughter of
brilliance. May we respect her so that she destroys the tendencies of evil and hatred from the society?‖
Atharva Veda states that women should be valiant, scholarly, prosperous, intelligent and knowledgeable;
they should take part in the legislative chambers and be the protectors of family and society. When a bride
enters a family through marriage, she is to ―rule there along with her husband, as a queen, over the other
members of the family.‖
Yajur Veda tells us, ―The scholarly woman purifies our lives with her intellect. Through her actions, she
purifies our actions. Through her knowledge and action, she promotes virtue and efficient management of
society.‖
Woman as Goddess & Guardian:Goddess Saraswati, holding scripture, a vina, mala and yogi‘s water
pot, represents the ideal Indian woman.

2.2. c. Women in the Upanishads
Each of the four Vedas has four parts, the fourth of which comprises its Upanishads, which expound the
otherwise obscure philosophical meanings. The Brihadaranyaka Upanishad (part of the Yajur Veda)
contains an account of a philosophic congress organized by King Janak of Videha. The aforementioned
Gargi, one of the eminent participants, challenged the sage Yajnavalkya with questions about the soul
which confounded that learned man. Another incident in the same Upanishad relates the spiritual
teachings given by Yajnavalkya to Maitreyi.
2.2. d. Women in the Mahabharata
In the epic history Mahabharata, the noble prince Bhishma Pitamah declares, ―The teacher who teaches
true knowledge is more important than ten instructors. The father is more important than ten such teachers
of true knowledge and the mother is more important than ten such fathers. There is no greater guru than
mother.‖

Some people question Draupadi‘s having five husbands, considering that to be evidence of inferior status.
Does the opposite practice, polygamy, indicate the inferior status of its male practitioners?
By no means should Draupadi be considered subjugated. She did not hesitate to question Yudhisthira
Maharaj, something which even his brothers would not do. When the Pandavas captured Ashwattama,
who had mercilessly killed all five of Draupadi‘s sons in their sleep, Bhima and Krishna wanted to kill
him. Despite her unimaginable grief, the compassionate Draupadi did not want another woman to suffer
the loss of a child, and her moral strength and determination prevailed over the vengeful men.
Certainly Draupadi, like all humans, had her moments of weakness. The scriptures show the various trials
and tribulations in people‘s lives. Rather than judging people as right or wrong, good or bad, strong or
weak, based on isolated characteristics or events, we should always look at the total picture.
In the Mahabharata, Krishna accepted the curse of Gandhari, whose 100 sons were killed on the
Kurukshetra battlefield. The bereaved woman blamed Krishna for not stopping the war. Krishna did not
rebuke her—he listened respectfully and addressed her as Mother, accepted the curse and departed from
the Earth. How can anyone claim that the Mahabharata is demeaning to women?
2.2. e. Women in the Ramayana
Two incidents from the Ramayana are frequently cited to indicate the subjugation of women: Sita‘s Agni
Pariksha, trial by fire, and her banishment to the forest.
In those times, social standards were much stricter than the ―anything-goes‖ attitude common in today‘s
world. Royalty in particular, unlike politicians today, were held to a high standard. As Rama and Sita
were to become king and queen of Ayodhya, they were obligated to prove, through the Agni Pariksha,
that Sita had remained chaste while held in captivity by Ravana.
Sita‘s banishment to the forest is described in a section of the Ramayana called Uttara Ramayana. This
entire section may well be an interpolation, written and inserted much later than Valmiki‘s original
Ramayana, as the language is not consistent with the other parts of the Ramayana. Tulsidas and Kamban,
the translators into Hindi (Ramcharitmanas) and Tamil (Ramavataram), do not include the Uttara
Ramayana in their translations. But even if we do accept the banishment story, this is simply another
incident of royalty being held to a lofty standard, being accountable to their subjects.

Sita is often characterized as submissive, never opposing her husband. Yet when Rama didn‘t want her to
join him in the forest, she insisted—and prevailed—saying she was well versed in the Vedic tradition,
according to which a wife‘s place was always with her husband. When Rama attempted to convince her
(correctly in this case) that the golden deer was not real, and must be a demon in disguise, Sita would
have none of it; she persuaded Rama to go after the deer.
Rama entrusted Lakshmana with the protection of Sita while he chased the deer, but the strong-willed Sita
insisted Lakshmana leave her and go to assist Rama. And though she had been categorically told not to
cross the Lakshmana Rekha (a protective barrier), she still stepped out in order to feed the hungry guest—
who was the demon Ravana in disguise.
Even during the Agni Pariksha, Sita was not meek and submissive. She was angry, and she spoke her
mind in no uncertain terms. And finally, she refused the conditions of being reunited with Rama and
requested Mother Earth to take her back. In obedience, the Earth opened below her and closed again
above her head.
In her wise understanding of dharma, the magnanimous Sita even prevailed upon Hanuman to forgive her
tormentors: ―Kindness is to be shown by a noble person either towards a sinner or to a virtuous person, or
even to a person who deserves death, for there is none who never commits a wrong.‖ Perhaps that is why
Valmiki, who wrote the Ramayana, speaks of it as the ―magnificent history of Sita‖ (―Sitayah charitam
Mahat‖).
2.2. f. Women in the Manu Samhita
The Manu Samhita, written long after the Vedic period, is one of the Dharma Shastras. Its derogatory
statements about women have been highly publicized by those who would denigrate and destroy
Hinduism. But Manu Samhita is a minor smriti; and while other sections form the basis for much of
Indian law, its sections on women do not.
Manu himself wrote, ―Where women are honored, there the Gods are pleased. Where they are not
honored, no sacred rite yields rewards,‖ and ―Strike not even with a blossom a woman guilty of a hundred
faults.‖ He insisted that a mother‘s wealth is to be inherited solely by her daughters, who also inherit
some of the father‘s wealth.

2.2. g. Women in India Today
Social customs vary from age to age and from place to place. India‘s customs regarding women were
severely impacted by the centuries of invasions and foreign occupation, when the careful protection of
Hindu women became essential. All aspects of Indian society have suffered the British-imposed Christian
educational system, the tearing apart of families by proselytizing faiths determined to gain converts by
any possible means, and the further disruptions caused by a relatively swift change from a historically
stable, largely agrarian society to one intensely focused on manufacturing and technology.
Under the influence of the male-centric Western religions, the role that comes most naturally to most
women—wife and mother, the children‘s first guru, the Shakti of the home, the preserver and enhancer of
the spiritual force field of the home and family—has been effectively disparaged and has become so
despised in the mass mind that any reference to it is now perceived as an attempt at subjugation.
Every religion looks to its scriptures and its holy men and women for guidance. What other religion has
access to the sort of guidance regarding women that is contained in our revealed Hindu scriptures? What
other religion has scriptures that treat women with respect, not to mention reverence—and that speak of
God as both male and female (though ultimately neither)? What other religion has female leaders
comparable to our great women gurus?
Although the more recently written smriti scriptures show considerable divergence from shruti through
the millennia, our revealed holy texts depict the noble place of women in society. As the dawning Sat
Yuga returns in its fullness and the entire world comes to appreciate and honor the Sanatana Dharma, we
can look forward to the time when women will once again be accorded respect and their rightful place in
society—each one revered, whether she chooses to focus on the role of wife and mother or to become a
scholar, philosopher, temple priest, medical practitioner, scientist, author, astronaut, artist or
stateswoman.
2.3. History of feminism
The following section briefly outlines feminist movements from a historical perspective, from the
position of the built environment, as well as an independent field of literary discourse and study. The
analysis of gender is also discussed in light of the roles and positions of women in the professional world.

Feminism encompasses a range of discourses and practices committed to the political, economic and
social equality of women and to a doctrine of social transformation which aspires to establish a world for
women beyond rudimentary equality.
With the increased development of feminist approaches to disciplines and professions, discussions in
planning and design regarding the needs and experiences of women are becoming more common.
Alongside increasing dialogue regarding feminist issues, there are now also more collaborative
approaches to professional practice. Such concepts of feminist planning and design can be expressed
within a professional code, values in professional relationships, address power imbalances, equity,
emphasis on process and the natural environment. Further, its role within the realm of the built
environment and planning professions would useful to informing awareness in development.
Feminist studies have long been concerned with the environment. However, this study historically refers
to the natural environment. Primarily through eco-feminism, extensive focus has been placed on the
relationships between women and nature, its preservation, and the prevention of its destruction. The
designed environment -- the places and spaces that human beings design and create -- is largely absent
from the women's studies agenda. Designed environments are only in more recent years being taken into
account within academic teaching, conferences, and journals, despite the rich outpouring of feminist work
in design and related technology fields, and despite the critical importance of the environments where we
live, work, and play to women's well-being and women's empowerment.
2.4. Women in modern India
Our Indian sub-continent is gradually emerging as a powerful land since women began playing significant
role for the development of the nation. Role of woman in modern India can be called as phenomenal. The
transition of woman from the past to present is worth mentioning. Woman who once considered being the
masters in the art of home making are now considered to be the forces that shape a country.
―The hand that rocks the cradle rules the world.‖ -Albert Einstein
PRACTICAL STATUS OF INDIAN WOMEN
There was a time when women were just kitchen keepers and house keepers in the Indian society.
Gradually women began to get educated, even highly educated and a stage came when some of them
came out on the social and political field to rub shoulder with the men folk in these fields. The freedom

struggle of India was the opening up of the new horizon for womanhood in India. In modern India,
women have adorned high offices including that of the President, Prime minister, Speaker of the Lok
Sabha, etc.
“LET THE WOMEN REACH THE SKY WHICH IS THE LIMIT!”
2.5. The Changing Scenario
In those days women faced many Social Problems like Dowry, Child Marriages, Death during Childbirth,
Sati and many social problems but nowadays the status of women in India has been subject to many great
changes over the past few millennia. The year 1995, was declared as the International Year for Women
throughout the world. The women were made aware of their status and place in society. Women are now
no longer in slumber. They are awake and moving fast.
2.5. a. Performance of Women
There is no arena, which remained unconquered by Indian women. The most important name in the
category of women politicians of recent times is Mrs. Indira Gandhi. Kiran Majumdar Shaw is the richest
Indian woman. Some of the notable and outstanding women who set examples for others are Mother
Teresa, Kalpana Chawla, Kiran Bedi, Sarojini Naidu, etc. Indian women have mastered anything and
everything which a woman can dream of. But she still has to go a long way to achieve equal status in the
minds of Indian men.
2.5. b. Role of Women inModern India
The status of women in modern India is a sort of a paradox. The modern Indian women have honed their
skills and jumped into a battlefield of life fighting against social restrictions, emotional ties, religious
boundaries and cultural clutches. She can now be seen working on par with men in every field. As
compared with past women in modern times have achieved a lot but in reality they have to still travel a
long way. Their path is full of roadblocks. The women have left the secured domain of their home and are
now in the battlefield of life, fully armored with their talent. They must avail themselves of the
educational opportunities provided and learn to empower themselves.

"Educate a man and you educate an individual.
Educate a woman and you educate a family."
-- A.Cripps

Chapter 3:
ROLE OF WOMEN
―A woman is the full Circle. Within her is the power to create, nurture and transform‖. Diane Mariechild
Historically women in India were revered and the birth of a girl was widely believed to mark the arrival
of Lakshmi – the Goddess of wealth and riches. Women have been considered ‗janani‘, i.e., the
progenitor and ‗ardhanigini‘ i.e., half of the body. Women are also considered to be an embodiment of
Goddess Durga.
Women have shouldered equal responsibilities with men. Widespread discrimination against women is,
however, reflected in recurrent incidents of rape, acid throwing, dowry killings, wife beating, honour
killings, forced prostitution, etc. Some of these issues were highlighted by ‗Satyamev Jayate‘ (Truth alone
prevails) – an acclaimed television show hosted by Bollywood icon Aamir Khan.
A global poll conducted by Thomson Reuters in 2012 rated India as the ―fourth most dangerous country‖
globally for women, and the worst country for women among the G20 countries.
Gender discrimination is not only inequitable but also hampers the development of the nation. Evidently
no country can sustain its development if it underutilises its women, who constitute almost half the
population. Despite some basic changes in the status and role of women in the society, no society treats
its women as well as its men. Consequently, women continue to suffer from diverse deprivations from
kitchens to key-boards, from the cradle to the grave across nations. But, as Kofi Annan stressed, no
development strategy is more beneficial to society as a whole than ―treating men and women alike‖.
Besides, their entrepreneurial role in cities, Indian women contribute significantly to agricultural
activities, handicrafts, village art and crafts. Factors impeding the advancement of women include lack of
access to housing and basic services, inadequate support services and technologies for reducing drudgery
and occupational health hazards and for enhancing their productivity. This necessitates devising of a
broad-based strategic action plan for the realisation of equal partnership of men and women in all spheres
of life and economic activity. True, there are some striking cases of breaking the glass ceiling. The names
of Meera Kumar, Speaker of the Lok Sabha; Sushma Swaraj, Leader of the Opposition in the Parliament;
Chanda Kocchar, Chairperson, ICICI Bank; Shikha Sharma, Chairperson, Axis Bank; Kalpana Morarka,
India Head, JP Morgan and Sudha Sharma, Chairperson, CBDT easily come to mind. But as one swallow

does not make a summer, the fact of some women occupying top positions does not make the
development process broad-based, equitable and inclusive. Clearly, much more needs to be done. The
gross under-representation of women and the attitudinal bias against women is strikingly reflected in
several areas of employment like the police, the judiciary and the law, etc. The correction of this unhappy
situation requires focused intervention targeting education, training, child care, health, nutrition, credit,
employment, welfare services support and legal safeguards. In the struggle for independence, it was
stressed that political freedom must ultimately lead to emancipation of women by eliminating
shortcomings in terms of education, nutrition and health. But this aspiration is yet to be realized. Investing
in women‘s capabilities and empowering them is the best way to advance economic growth and overall
development. The Indian political system has also been characterised by concern with women‘s status and
rights. This is reflected in various constitutional provisions. But robust gender laws need to be effectively
enforced. Laws relating to marriage, divorce, maintenance and inheritance have not been fully effective
because of their inherent problems. Hence, attempts to provide de jure equality to women must be carried
to their logical conclusion. This requires tougher laws, stricter enforcement and exemplary punishment.
Let us do some number crunching: As per 2011 Census, there were 940 women for every 1000 men in
India. Female literacy in India is 65.46% as against male literacy of 82.14%. As at end-March 2011, 21%
of total bank deposit accounts constituting merely 12 % of total deposits were held by women. Similarly,
women availed only 18 % of the total small credit from banks in 2011.Women constitutes about 25% of
the formal employment in India whereas 84 % of rural women continue to be engaged in agricultural
production. Hence there has to be a shift from narrow welfare measures to broad-based development.
There has also been a greater awareness of the need for inculcating confidence among women, generating
awareness about their rights and privileges and training them for economic activity and employment. The
benefits of development must extend to women both qualitatively and quantitatively. Gender-specific
policies with emphasis on activities and resources beneficial to women may help in providing greater
opportunities because of the injustices against women. But what is required is affirmative action in areas,
such as, education, health and welfare to overcome entrenched discrimination caused by gender bias,
denial of opportunities, lack of employers‘ trust in their capabilities and apprehension about not getting a
fair deal. The national policy for empowerment of women stresses policies, programs and systems to
ensure mainstreaming of women‘s perspectives in all developmental processes, both as agents and
beneficiaries. It is time now for us to make a difference and effect a mindset change in the oppressively
male-centric scheme of things and bring about true socio-economic empowerment of women across
regions, regions and classes. We can-and we must- do this. But gender integration and promotion of a
cohesive social framework requires active participation of all stakeholders in the development process,
including the society at large, government, educational institutions, premier technological institutions,

voluntary agencies, policy makers and women themselves. The journey of emancipation of women has
crossed many milestones. But affirmative action is required for women to play their rightful role in the
society. The task ahead may be long and tortuous. But let us make a beginning immediately. As a woman
in Indian society, I find that the world is changing a lot in terms of acceptance of the many roles of
women as professionals, as bread-earners in families and as independent thinking individuals. The
traditional Indian woman has evolved to prove herself equal in many professions as well as proved better
suited than men in others. The situation for the changing role of women is improving fast. On the other
hand, female feticide, dowry deaths and domestic abuse provide a macabre background of primitive
barbarism. In the typical Indian Society, you find that there are still expectations and assumptions about
women that are not so much relevant to their current status, but a clear hangover from our suppressive
past. This may be more obvious with traditional women or women in rural societies, but it is extremely
prevalent in urban ones as well. We are speaking of ―running the home‖ kind of stuff. Regardless of how
hard the man and woman of the house work, when it comes to women and society, there are certain areas
of the home that are the woman‘s province in happy times and her nemesis in not so happy times. ―As the
woman of the house, you should….‖ is a familiar refrain for most women in India.‖ Indian Women‘s
clothing is another externally imposed recommendation backed by vicious judgments. A pregnant woman
is a public drop box for intrusive recommendations. I think it is high time that we as citizens of modern
India took a good hard look at our automatic assumptions and investigated which among these are still
applicable today, and which ones we simply need to let go. Typical situations we see include the woman
bringing a cup of hot tea for her man returning from work, or the woman returning home after her
husband and heading straight to the kitchen to cook dinner, and so on. On an average, in any home where
women are working, their income is also important to the well-being of the home and the living standards.
Where it is not a question of money, it is generally possible to employ someone for the work in the house.
So when we speak of a traditional role of a woman being responsible for the efficient running of her
home, it is something we need to be aware of as an additional expectation made from her. The traditional
role of a man has been the one of earning the money for the running of the home. This has changed to a
great extent. Working women contribute to the expenses of running their homes as well. However, there
has been little contribution from men in terms of shouldering some of the responsibilities of women. One
interesting insight I received into this was from a friend. He said, ―See, women find the outside world
challenging and attractive. They like the freedom it brings to them. So they enter the world. There is no
reason for a man to find the women‘s traditional role appealing, so he doesn‘t. No one has forced the
women to step into the man‘s role, and no one should force the men to step into a woman‘s role‖. On the
surface, this seems to strike sense. However, the flaw lies in an assumption of current roles that are the
same as traditional roles and that the women are entering ―a man‘s territory‖. This simply doesn‘t hold

true in most cases today. Women are educated and often have their careers well before they get married
and it is as much their right as the man‘s work is his. However, the other part, where the men don‘t find
the house work appealing enough to invest effort in still holds true. This is something that needs to be
taken an honest assessment of. If we abandon the traditional perspective of division of responsibilities
inside and outside the home (since it has already been broken in the outside the home area), we come to a
situation where the couple are both inhabiting a home and earning and contributingtoward its running.
What we need to find is a sharing of responsibilities inside the home as well, that allows both some
dignity. This would also help resolve many situations where a man feels threatened by a working woman.
Why wouldn‘t he. She earns, she spends, she invests, and on top of that, she is independent in terms of
being able to manage her own existence completely, including running of her own home. ‖It does not
empower men to be left incapable of managing the home they live in‖. There is no point pushing the
women down. What needs to happen is the removal of the ―un-machoness‖ associated with
responsibilities at home and recognise it as the actions of a responsible and independent individual,
whether male or female. This would actually add some power to the increasingly ―lazy‖ image of men
among women and empower them with some self-respect, while empowering the women with acceptance
and support from the one source that matters the most. Please note that we are not speaking of every man
out here. There are many couples who are already on this journey and find themselves comfortable both
inside and outside the home, and the mutual respect and closeness can be seen a mile off in such couples.
We sincerely think that this is an important adaption that is the need of today‘s times.

Chapter 4:
Education and Employment
There have been subsequent generations of women in architecture, whose practices belong to the post-
Independence period. The second generation women studied architecture during the heady days of
Nehru‘s vision for a modern and socialist form of state controlled industrializing India as the field of
architecture began to become more popular. They worked with the restrictions on imports of construction
materials, labour intensive and low cost methods as well as low energy construction technology. Apart
from that, it was also personally a hard struggle where they had to, by and large, deal with severe social
restrictions, absence of any networking and lack of professional understanding or gender awareness
among parents and the society. The situation has become easier as time has passed. Here it is important to
point out that many architectural practices are increasingly based on a creative collaboration between a
husband and a wife as partners. Or in rare cases an unrelated man or women also join hands for setting up
an office. This model has proved powerful and successful all over the world. Women professionals often
struggle in isolation; instead such partnerships become mutually supportive. This arrangement has its own
advantages and disadvantages, sometimes leading to misattribution of the work to the male partner, often
because he is better known, or, rarely, the other way around. Generally the partners‘ design jointly,
however, it is rather difficult to exactly separate the roles and contribution of each one.
During the education in the 1960s and the 1970s, women in architecture were exposed to modernist
theories and praxis which forms an underlying layer of their design approach. However, many have
moved beyond its narrow confines and have gone much further in myriad directions. Their practices have
succeeded greatly in the mainstream besides making a name for themselves in sustainable architecture, in
the field of conservation and preservation with some of them developing multiple identities. Thus, there
are highly accomplished women architects in India today whose work has a wide range and an excellent
quality. They now have a body of work and also national recognition.
A few successful women architects should not be taken as evidence that there are no barriers to women‘s
total acceptance in the profession. The gap between politically assumed/constitutionally guaranteed
gender equality and the ground reality, though decreasing day by day, is still vast and needs to be
recognised. As mentioned in the beginning the dropout rate of women graduates from the profession is
high due to several reasons.

It is primarily because it takes a long time to be recognised in the field of architecture for men and women
both, the social odds being particularly against women. The period of investing in a woman‘s career
generally overlaps with having a family and raising children among other things. If a break is taken to
raise a family, then it is difficult for her to catch up as the situation changes in a few years, in terms of
professional set-ups, building technology, materials and even software, including her self-confidence.
As a result, in the collective consciousness of the society and the discipline, the professional environment
is gender neutral although women have minimal visibility in the public domain, marginal leadership
positions and a non-iconic presence, indirectly resulting in a predominant patriarchal culture.
4.1. Women and Architectural Education
Education transmits knowledge and skills. The educational institution is where one's values are
interpreted and legitimized. . The discipline of architecture is deeply embedded in the cultural world and
the culture of an institute is closely connected to its teaching ideology and pedagogy. ―Architectural
education, although obviously intended as vocational training, is also intended as a form of socialization
aimed at producing a very specific type of person. All forms of education also socialize students into
some sort of ethos or culture. These two functions are inseparable."
―Architecture is inclusive of allied and applied aspects of humanities, aesthetics, built environment
techniques and skills, technology and engineering sciences and allied management systems. While
utilising relevant information and knowledge from these disciplines, it goes beyond them to be a unique
and holistic discipline of architecture.‖ Humanities, social and building sciences and structure courses are
kept as major papers to complement the designing process since architecture is also about understanding
people and dealing with complex interpersonal relationships at all stages in the practice. The assimilation
of the various related courses with the design curriculum should help to create more holistic studios
ideally; the reality needs a check though.
The architecture profession has long been dominated by men. This does not mean, however, that many
women have not become architects. Women make up between 25 and 50 per cent of the student
population in architectural schools or sometimes more than that. The majorities of these women complete
their degrees but why, after they have completed their education, many women apparently leave the
profession. Institutional practices such as organization of curriculum, the relationship between theory and
practice and administrative set-up enable or constrain particular forms of knowledge. The popular opinion

in India is that architectural education is bias-free, relatively liberal and gives equal opportunity to all for
success. In India, professional schools generally suffer from implicit gender bias because feminist
thinking has not entered the mainstream educational consciousness. As a result, without the integration of
feminist theory, the creation and transmission of knowledge on designed environments through curricula
and pedagogy are largely missing.
According to the data by Council of Architecture website, the number of girl students in Architecture has
been constantly rising from 70‘s till date. In 70‘s the average number of girl students getting registered
with the Council was around 550 and in 2014 it was the maximum of 4034.
4.2. Studying Architecture
As educators, we want our students to embrace the professional world as if there were no barriers, while
knowing that these persist. Do architecture schools have a responsibility to better prepare their graduates
— male and female — for the profession‘s gender politics? Do we increase the possibility of failure by
glossing over these issues with the rhetoric of progress and equality? Indeed, by acknowledging a less-
than-level playing field, architecture schools might help their female graduates to persevere by providing
theoretical and practical coping skills that could lessen the dramatic attrition rate of women in the
profession. At the same time, male graduates would develop greater understanding of the need for and
their role in fostering a better-integrated and equitable workforce. But these discussions are not happening
in most architecture schools is unsurprising. To an astonishing degree, the ―subject‖ in their curricula, as
communicated in studios and history/theory courses, remains male. Beyond syllabi and textbooks, there
are other ways in which schools communicate to students that the ―best‖ architects — the ones you want
to learn about and from — are and male. . Since architects tend to lecture about their own projects,
students, accordingly, hear less about the work of women. Lectures that address the histories of female
architects are rare and often set apart as special ―diversity‖ lectures, rather than incorporated into general
programming.
Other departments today — sociology, history, literature, et al. —have abundance of courses that broaden
students‘ knowledge beyond the legacy and experience of ―dead men.‖ Where are these courses in
architecture schools? And how has this gulf between architecture and other disciplines been sustained for
so long? In recent decades we‘ve seen an explosion of scholarship on the relationship of architecture to
gender. While one could in the past blame a lack of supporting materials for these curricular gaps, that
excuse is no longer tenable. More and more, the absence of women as subjects of architecture seems less

an oversight than a tacit exclusion. The crucial transition from school to practice is at the heart of the
profession‘s gender imbalances, for while women graduate from architecture schools at near parity with
men, less than 20 percent become licensed practitioners.
4.3. Women in Architectural Practice:
A GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE
It is worthwhile to take an overall perspective of Women in Architecture around the world for which the
comparative analysis of four regions: England, the United States, Australia and India is being presented.
England: - In England, after the First World War, opportunities opened up for women in architecture. It
was after the Second World War that critics began to question the male dominated nature of the
profession. RIBA also started holding exhibitions on women architecture in 1984. A survey with about
170 respondents was conducted in England, Wales, Scotland, Ireland, America, Australia, Germany,
Singapore, Canada, Hong Kong and New Zealand with women in various arenas of and around
architecture. 37 respondents were not working in architectural practice. Of these 1 was engaged in
architecture research, 6 were in education and remaining were not working in architecture practice as they
either chose alternate careers or were not working at all. When asked about the legal contract, most did
have a written contract, but some did not. This leads to concerns about lack of clarity around the agreed
basis of employment.
The idea that men and women should be treated alike in terms of salary and other rewards seems an
elementary notion of fairness and consistency of treatment but for most people lack of knowledge made it
difficult to demand this straightforward right. Lack of transparency in relation to pay was a crucial
consideration as most interviewees were completely unaware of the salaries obtained by colleagues so it
was difficult to argue any case about the consistency of treatment. Responses to the questionnaire
indicated that there were instances where males were favoured over women in obtaining promotion. Only
women that are prepared to be men (behaviourally) had a slight chance of promotion. A concern raised
from the questionnaire was that some women suffered from loss of confidence because of their treatment.
Replies to questions on working hours demonstrated many offices endorse a long-hours culture which
employees felt forced to go along with to show their ‗commitment‘. It was evident, particularly from the
interviews that many women would have appreciated the opportunity to work in a more flexible way.
Long hours and inflexibility were cited by some interviewees as reasons for their departure from the

profession. It was clear that many people felt that the work/life balance and the long hours culture had
contributed to their decision to leave. The RIBA commissions an annual survey providing statistical
information on schools of architecture. The 2000/2001 report indicates that the proportion of female
students has steadily risen over the past decade to 37% and that the dropout rates for male and female
students are similar. There were 14 respondents who are currently involved in teaching architecture and
one who had left. 3 of the 14 were also working in practice.
Answers to questions on equal opportunities were generally inconclusive but one respondent did state that
she had been advised that women are not in senior enough positions to sit on the University equal
opportunities committee. 28 students‘s currently studying and 18 women who have studied in the last 10
years responded to this section of the questionnaire. It is significant to note that on being asked whether
they wanted to leave architecture because they had chosen the wrong profession no respondents said
‗yes‘. They all gave other reasons for leaving and none said that they hated the activity of architecture.
The United States: - Women make up more than half of the professional and technical workforce in the
United States. While the status for women in the workforce has improved over the last several decades,
many women still struggle for equality in many occupations. However, many still face overt or subtle
employment discrimination, contributing to continued inequality. In December 2014, there were over 73
million working women in the U.S. While women were just under half of the general workforce (47%),
they represented a majority of those in professional and technical occupations (51%). The proportion of
women to men in the workforce changed dramatically from only a generation ago. In 1972, women
represented just 38% of the workforce. After years of steady growth, the number leveled off in the
mida1990s and has remained close to the current percentage for the last two decades.
While a larger proportion of women are entering the workforce, uneven representation across occupations
and industries persists. In 2013, 15% women were in architectural practice. Women have a lower
workforce participation rate than men at every level of education; however, the gap shrinks at higher
levels of educational attainment. Approximately 32% of women over the age of 25 with less than a high
school diploma were in the workforce in 2013, compared to close to 60% of men with less than a high
school diploma. Those not in the workforce either chose not to work or were no longer seeking work due
to labour market conditions. Among those with a bachelor‘s degree or higher, 71% of women and 80% of
men were in the workforce in 2013. Despite high levels of education, and strong representation in
professional and technical occupations, women still face a persistent wage and earnings gap. While there
are a number of factors that may influence the differences in earnings between men and women in the
aggregate, (such as higher proportions of women in lower paying occupations) the wage gap continues

even within individual occupations. Amongst professional and technical workers, the wage gap persists in
almost all occupational groups.
Australia: - There are 18 Architecture Schools in Australia. In 2011 there were 9222 students in total
across the two degrees. 42% of them were women. The proportion of women graduating from
Architecture Schools increased rapidly from the mid-eighties to the mid-nineties. It then leveled off. From
1990-1999, women averaged 40% of all graduates. From 2000-2010 this increased to 41% of all
graduates. At the end of 2010, 975 students graduated, 427 of whom (44%) were women. 4 If we take
registration as a measure of women‘s participation in the profession, there are 10,516 registered architects
in the Commonwealth and 2,286 of them are women (21.7%). In 2004, women were 14.3% of registered
architects. At work the membership of the Australian Institute of Architects can also be assessed. In 2012,
there were 11,738 members of the Institute 3,020 were women. This constitutes 26% of Institute
members. However, there are different categories of membership and the pattern of membership differs
quite markedly for each gender.
The Indian Perspective: - Women architects have been participating in the field in increasing numbers
as designers (and as teachers/researchers) in contemporary times. However, even today, there are very
few large practices where women are the sole principals. In the past 25 years, many women architects
have opted to establish successful partnerships with their architect husbands or male/female partners.
Some women work in governmental and municipal organisations. Many of them devise alternative
models to mainstream practice or diversify into nontraditional roles. However, they are much less visible
in terms of leadership, academic success and excellence in practice. This is universally applicable, in
varying degrees, including to the situation in India as women professionals continue to face hurdles at
various stages due to their gender in glaring contrast to other design fields such as media, fashion,
graphics and textiles. Many women graduates give up the idea of working for someone or independently
practice after a while. Many others branch out in related fields. As a result, women in architecture have
not yet developed a critical mass in practice. This is ironic because their intake has been steadily
increasing – from two/four women students in the 1940s – in the 280 odd colleges of architecture for the
past 25 years. The key question is: Can anything be done at the level of education? The popular opinion
of this situation is that processes in architectural education are biasfree and give equal opportunity to all
for success. The women students‘ percentage of admission ranges from 50 per cent to 80 per cent today.
In spite of this fact, the number of women in professional practice drops substantially to about 15 per cent
to 17 per cent.

What are the hidden barriers for women? First of all, there is the equality myth. Without gender
sensitivity, the built environment is commonly treated as a neutral background. In an attempt to be
‗mainstream‘, most of them stay away from ‗women‘s issues‘ for fear of being labeled as feminists or not
being accepted as a ‗true‘ professional. This makes us take the situation for granted, adding to the
marginalisation of the subject and its solutions. By contrast, in the USA for instance, by accepting the fact
that there is direct/indirect discrimination towards women professionals, much has been achieved. Most
famous and celebrated architects that students study and see in publications are male. There are relatively
few women in high positions such as heads of departments of architecture or principals in firms. It is not
often that women find representation in national architectural competition juries, in lecture series, as
inauguration guests, on interview panels or on college inspection visits except as tokens. Central bodies
like the Council of Architecture (CoA) or the Indian Institute of Architects (IIA) also have very few
women on their boards or in a position of leadership. All these factors combine to undermine the
confidence of the woman, ultimately affecting her performance in practice.
The architectural course is increasingly perceived as a ‗feminine‘ profession with the assumption that
girls will be able to work from the office and also handle the home front. Both men and women graduates
face difficulties in the real world. At the same time, women students have restrictions imposed on them
due to their social conditioning and strict family conventions. Although this attitude has been changing in
the last few decades, in most communities it has still not come to mean that women can become
predominantly career/business oriented. The absence of research is reflected in lack of theoretical
development on gender. Ignorance of these issues in practice gets reflected in design. This is compounded
by the fact that gender is not acknowledged in built environment history and in related contemporary
publications.
4.4. Gender Biases in Recognizing Good Work through
Reputed Awards
It is important to unravel why the gender identity of ‗‗star architects‘‘ tends to be male while recognizing
the works of professionals. It posits that this masculine dominance has to do with a dovetailing of
different factors. First, the traditional role model for architects has been gendered male, especially when
that role model is manifested through the concept of ‗‗genius‘‘. Second, the words used to describe the
performance of the avant-garde in architecture - cutting edge, innovative, daring, original - are more in

line with ‗‗masculine‘‘ than with ‗‗feminine‘‘ features. Third, the idea of authorship, crucial for the self-
conception of the profession, benefits men more than women.
This hypothesis is backed up by a discourse analysis of the jury citations that legitimise the selection of
the Pritzker Architecture Prize winners from 1979 onwards. There exist many contributing factors
reinforce one another, making for a system that produces many heroes and few heroines. The Pritzker
Architecture Prize is now more than 30 years old yet the list of 37 laureates to date features only two
women—Zaha Hadid in 2004 and Kazuyo Sejima in 2010 (as a partner in SANAA).
From a feminist point of view, the favouring of individual authorship as exemplified in the Pritzker Prize
poses multiple challenges. First of all, as is clear from the above analysis, the architect genius is
traditionally gendered male and it is thus inherently difficult for women to fill these shoes. Second, even
though the actual practice of the profession might evolve towards more collaboration, both with other
architects and with other professions, the cultural system of merit necessitates the continuous production
of role models—reinforcing rather than diminishing the importance of authorship. Third, the gender bias
is so intimately interwoven with the very conception of the profession that it seems an almost
insurmountable task to change it.6 To gauge career trajectories of women primarily through the prism of
gender invites us to produce more subtle theories of identity, lived subjectivity and mechanisms of gender
identification in feminist architectural research. The term, woman architect, invites us to think about the
hyphenated nature of identity.
4.5. Women and research
We are a design-focused discipline. The area of architectural research in India is by far the most
neglected. In educational institutions, unlike the West, there is no strong tradition nor is there any strict
research requirement for faculty promotion. The building industry, the architectural profession, the
colleges of architecture-none is structured in a way that facilitates or promotes systematic inquiry for
knowledge building. Designers generally rely on intuition, personal experience and precedents. The
research limitation is acutely felt in teaching where a heavy reliance on western publications still exists,
especially in courses on theory, history and technology. In addition we are faced with our society's poor
awareness of design fields, especially architecture as well as the invisibility of gender discrimination.
Within this context, the exclusion of gender considerations has specifically submerged the role of feminist
knowledge in the discipline. This lacuna has direct implications on policy making. We also need to find

mechanisms for real estate firms and construction industries to support some of the research. There are
vast avenues of inquiry that need to be addressed at individual, institutional and government levels.
4.6. Women in policy making and planning
At the moment, women play rather insignificant role in bodies that control political decisions.
Simultaneously design issues related to women are generally ignored in policy and planning processes.
The first step therefore is accepting the reality of the situation in order to address the gender angle. The
buzz words in planning today are, of course, "infrastructure development", "market forces" and "real
estate growth"! Often we forget that cities are about people after all! Our cities have increasingly become
less accessible to the marginalized population thatis the poor, physically challenged, children and women.
For example, if we take the Indian streets, in the guise of "development" they have become more and
more unfriendly towards the pedestrians (as footpaths are disappearing), the cyclists, the vendors and such
others. In addition, in the physical planning processes in India, the neutrality of the user is taken-for-
granted and the element of people‘s participation is minimal. We suffer from fragmented and contested
nature of policy implementation. Like cities, gender relations are porous, multifaceted, and a constant
work in progress. With increased violence inflicted on women in public spaces, the awareness about the
urban environment and gender is growing. But this is not recognized at policy level. The urban public
space is not just about women's safety but about their right as citizens to full access, including for
pleasure. For example, the public transport design has to take into consideration the lived experiences of
women not only in the growing numbers in the work force but also the home makers.
The profession of architecture is changing in a positive way in the 21st century; it is much more
collaborative, pluralistic and inclusive. New modes of practices are emerging and women can no longer
be peripheral to it. Simultaneously, women are also increasing as primary clients and patrons as their
money/social power rises in different fields. Let us challenge the status quo and create a climate to bring
feminist perspective and discourse to the profession. I would like to end with the line: "We cannot change
the world but we can certainly make a difference."
4.7. Women in Architecture
Over the past couple of decades, there has been a growing interest in the history and theory of South
Asian architecture, especially as the concept of ‗other‘ modernisms took root. The Modern Movement
often coin cided with the modernization of postcolonial societies, India being one of them. After

Independence in 1947, she ( women ) employed architecture as a means of expressing the vitality and
―modern-ness‖ of the young nation state; freely adopting the design principles of the Modern Movement
as a vision of the future, that was based on a functionalist language free of colonial associations and
references to traditions. During the past six decades, a range of modern architecture evolved in the
different regions of the subcontinent; affected by myriad of styles, forms and socio-political references.
However, in the perception of the world, the richness and complexity of Indian architecture is limited to
the celebrated edifices of the ‗star system‘ consisting of the male master architects who have dominated
professional and scholarly discourses since the 1960s and 1970s. Within the trajectory of twentieth
century modernism, women architects in India have been marginalized to a great extent. One of main
questions is in the historical trajectory of Indian architecture, where are the women?
In the 365 plus colleges of architecture, the intake of women students has been steadily increasing since
1990s. In fact, it ranges around 60% average just now. So the other crucial question is: what happens to
the hundreds of women graduates? The glaring gap between their presence in educational institutions and
in actual profession is highly visible. What is not visible is the indirect spatial discrimination that affects
women users as 50% of the population. We need to seriously review women as designers and as
consumers of space. There are many reasons for lack of such efforts in India but one of the main one is
that our disciplines have no connection to the knowledge developed in the field of women's study. But
before we go into it, it‘s important to go through a brief background about some of the pioneering women
in India.
An examination of the history of Indian architectural discourses reveals that, for the most part, issues of
race, gender, ethnicity and nationality do not figure in the scholarship, unlike a number of other
disciplines parallel to architecture. As the issue of gender has been widely ignored in theory and practice,
it affects the production of feminist knowledge and submerges its role in the narrative.
The narrative of women in the discipline, in a way, parallels the development of modern Indian
architecture. As a few women began to join architectural courses in the 1940s, they were influenced by
ideas and ideals of nationalism due to the freedom struggle led by Mahatma Gandhi being at its peak then.
At the same time, their design attitudes were also not above the dominant impact of the current trends of
western architecture then, such as the Art Deco, the International style, Brutalism, and the Garden City
movement. Mostly educated in the West, they were shaped by the aesthetics and utopian aspirations of
early modernism. Belonging to well-connected and liberal elite families, these women were exceptional
not only in their choice of the profession but also in their personal lives as they worked towards careers
that made them transgress established spatial and social boundaries of home. They led unconventional

personal lives in a society where women were traditionally defined by family, marriage and children.
They had sophisticated taste and were aware of the arts such as literature, painting, dance and music.
The second generation of women architects studied architecture during the heady days of Nehru‘s vision
for a modern and industrializing India as the field became popular. Women architects had many vistas
and varied challenges open to them in the twentieth century as designers, educators, researchers and
critics as they were the beneficiaries of political reform and the project of modernity. In the past two
decades, there has been a sharp increase in the number of women joining architectural courses in India. A
few successful women architects are taken as evidence that there are no barriers to women‘s acceptance in
the profession. So, the conference aims to ponder upon the issues and possibilities related to women in the
field of architecture
Development of our country depends on the empowerment of women. A man and a woman are like two
wheels of a cart. The cart can move fast and safely too, when both of them pull it in the same direction
and with equal strength. Hence no developing country or society can afford to ignore the role of women,
if they are to progress.
―You can tell the condition of a nation by looking at the status of women‖
-Jawaharlal Nehru.

Chapter 5:
WOMEN IN ARCHITECTURE AND PLANNING
Interest in the status of women throughout the world has resulted in, amongst other things, a steady
growth in studies addressed to analyzing and highlighting the ―gender‖ factor and bias within the nature
of housing and urban planning legislation. This chapter discusses the role and goals of women in
architecture and planning. How the very nature of being female can affect and inform one‘s planning
directions. These factors can be conscious decisions, or sub-conscious acts inherent to the comparatively
compassionate and environmentally aware character of a woman.
It is becoming more apparent that architectural authorities have a pivotal role in shaping the built
environment through the production and implementation of development plans. However, research
indicates that the needs of women have not been given as much attention as those of men in the
formulation of such policies and that a generic, rather than gendered, approach to mainstreaming prevails.
―Gender is given a relatively low priority relative to other over-arching policy considerations, such as
environmental sustainability or racial equality‖.
While architectural authorities exert considerable influence over the design and operation of the built
environment and the planning system, their decisions are based on Local, State, and Federal policies for
development. The formation of such policies requires planners to integrate a variety of knowledge and
experience in a broad range of social, economic and environmental considerations. It remains that,
however, the needs and requirements of women, as practitioners in design, as well as users of the built
environment have not been taken fully into account in planning policy and practice. As a result, the
introduction of gender considerations into the statutory planning system has now become an issue of high
priority in the development and implementation of planning policies and controls. Central to these
developments is the process of community consultation and engagement.
From this it can be seen that a transformation has to be prompted in the planning process, so that women
may take an active role in decision making processes and allow them to be incorporated in the process of
developing designs for residential areas that maximise the ease of (for example) travel to improve safety
and amenity.
Although there is increased integration of feminist dialogue in modern urban planning, the needs of
women are not reflected in the same proportions in planning processes and the profession itself.
Improvements to this phenomenon continue to be seen in additional community consultation, the steady
rise of women in the workforce and in planning, and progress in the provision of infrastructure to cater for
women‘s needs. Despite this, it can be said that women‘s contributions to planning may be under-

recognised. One explanation of this could be that women‘s ways of ways of knowing and working are
different from the ―rationalist, competitive and hierarchical models promoted by the traditional
architects‖, whether male or female.
While there has been, through many years of study and evolution, significant data collected and generated
on women and the problems they face, many aspects of feminism in architecture simply deal with
education, employment, leisure, and health. However, discussion on equal access to opportunities and
resources affect or reinforce the conditions of a female in an architectural and feminist perspective.
Although blatant attitudes of sexism and exclusion are no longer common in today‘s architecture,
planning and development, it is evident from studies of attitudes and outcomes of architectural policies
that such orientations arise from architects failing to take into account that a diversity of interests must be
considered. This is to say that architects have, for some time, made generalisations about the ―common
good‖, glossing over key differentiating factors in the needs of men and women. Conversely, gender
mainstreaming goes ―beyond a concept of ‗equality‘ based upon ‗treating everyone the same‘ (as men)
because it takes into account the differing lives of women and men, and consequently requires planners to
reassess, afresh, the land use and development requirements of each‖.
Drawing on a synthesis of secondary data sources, including an extensive body of research and published
material on ‗women and planning‘, and on ‗gender and space‘ we attempt to explain why it is important
to mainstream gender into spatial planning, both at a professional level, and from feminist perspective.
Over the last 20 years a wide range of international research has demonstrated that the needs of women
have not been adequately taken into account in the planning of town and cities. It has been shown that
gender differences have implications for all aspects of architecture and planning of the built environment,
from the interior design of housing to the planning of entire cities. Based on this, one would have
imagined their needs would be given higher priority in the planning process than has found to be the case.
Specific gender roles result in women using the built environment differently from men, with distinct
needs and expectations in respect of urban structure and planning policy. Today, most women combine
paid work with caring for the family. For example, over 47 per cent of women of working age are in
employment.
The concept of mainstreaming gender studies into the profession can be applied to the allocation of
resources and aid in the development of a more refined set of principles of social justice so as to redress
gender inequalities. This is to provide for women the necessary tools so as to enable them to participate
fully as political, social, and economic citizens. With this in mind, basic planning principles must be
reconstructed in such a way that they are applicable to the relationships between the genders. In the public
sphere, this means eliminating the barriers to women‘s participation in employment and community

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