This study investigates the empirical relationship between the level of urbanization and size of the informal economy using cross-country datasets proxying GDP and employment shares of urban informal sector. Our estimation results indicate that there is an inverted-U relationship between informality and the level of urbanization. That is, the share of the informal sector grows in the early phases of urbanization due to several pull and push factors; however, it tends to fall in the latter phases. We also show that factors like level of taxes, trade openness, and institutional quality tend to a efect the size of the informal economy....
Urbanization is a process, which is often observed as a frequent consequence of economic development. New industries in urban areas create new job opportunities, stimulating the shift of labor from rural to urban areas. Nevertheless, the growth in formal sector employment might not keep pace with the growing population of new urban dwellers. Still migration towards urban sector continues. As a result, many of the new dwellers end up in informal urban activities. Informal sector or economy, sometimes also titled shadow, hidden, black, parallel, second or underground economy (or sector)...
The shift from the rural to the urban informal sector can be explained by several pull and push factors. In many cases, the urban informal sector oers better opportunities than the rural sector. Earnings can be higher in urban informal employment than in rural occu-pations and urban areas tend to oer better public services due to an urban bias in policies (Lipton, 1976). Even in the cases in which conditions between two sectors are similar, many individuals prefer the urban informal sector with the expectation of finding a job opportunity in the formal sector in the future (Banerjee, 1983).
The technical changes that industrialization brings to urban industry are joined by tech-nical improvements in the rural sector. However, the technical change might be unbalanced and reduce the incomes of small scale producers (Boyce, 1993). It also can damage the non-agricultural activities in the rural sector (Hymer and Resnick, 1969). In addition, in many cases the technical changes in the rural sector are labor-saving (de Janvry, 1981; Boyce, 1993) and pull down the demand for agricultural labor. These processes can lower the incomes of many rural dwellers and push them to the urban informal sector. The pull and push factors that foster the growth of urban informal activities can be greater than any counteracting factors during the early phases of development that involves urbanization stimulated by early industrialization.
Some people engage in legal but informal work in the United States in a system of cash-only exchanges. These individuals are operating unregistered businesses or engaging in under-the- table work. This type of economic activity is often called “informal work” or referred to as “the informal economy.”
There is a natural link between the informal economy and the services provided by micro-enterprise programs. Could these informal entrepreneurs be potential new clients? What would it take to move these individuals into licensed small business owners or to grow their after-hours jobs into an income-generating business? The Institute for Social and Economic Development (ISED) and The Aspen Institute both received funding from the Charles Stewart Mott Foundation to examine the informal economy and its intersection with micro-enterprise in the United States.
ISED and Aspen are conducting ethnographic studies of informal economic activities in three separate urban communities. This qualitative research examines the attitudes and behaviors of informal workers and explores the aspects of working informally that are appealing and may keep people from taking steps to formalize their enterprises.
• ISED is conducting a qualitative study of people in the African-American community who are engaged in informal work. Fifty in-person qualitative interviews will be conducted—25 in Chicago and 25 in Baltimore.
• Aspen Institute is conducting a qualitative study of people in the Latino community engaged in the informal economy in the New York metropolitan area. Forty qualitative interviews will be conducted, including fifteen people who are operating informally and receiving assistance from micro-enterprise programs.
Aspen will also look at the practices of these programs A first step in the Informal Economy Project is to review the work that has already been done and identify key features of the informal economy. This document represents a joint effort by ISED and The Aspen Institute. A clear message from the review of literature is that informal work activities are a significant presence in the U.S. economy. We discuss some preliminary issues confronting micro-enterprise programs which plan to offer services to informal economy entrepreneurs.
Dr. Katundu is a lecturer at the Moshi Co-operative University (MoCU). He works under the Department of Community and Rural Development specializing in the area of rural development. He holds a PhD and Master of Arts in Rural development from the Sokoine University of Agriculture (SUA), Morogoro Tanzania and a Bachelor of Arts (Hons) in Geography and Environmental Studies from the University of Dar-Es-Salaam, Tanzania. His research interests include: Agriculture and rural development, rural land reform, rural livelihoods and cooperatives, community driven development, environment and natural resource management, entrepreneurship development, impact evaluation. His PhD thesis is titled: Entrepreneurship Education and Business Start Up: Assessing Entrepreneurial Tendencies among University Graduates in Tanzania whereas; Master dissertation is titled: Evaluation of the Association of Tanzania Tobacco Traders’ Reforestation Programme: The Case of Urambo District.
Location Quantities and Shift Share Analysis ProjectJacqueline Tkac
This report provides a brief review of the specific metric of employment sector analysis called Location Quotients (LQ) and Shift-Share. The analysis area focused on in this report is Richmond, Virginia, and the comparison area is the United States.
The term "informal sector" is today widely used in writings on both developing and developed countries. It is invoked to refer to street vendors in Bogota, shoe-shine workers in Calcutta, specialised knitwear makers in Modena and producers of fashion garments in New York City.
What these activities appear to have in common is a mode of organisation different from the unit of production most familiar in economic theory, the firm or corporation. These activities are also likely to be unregulated by the state and excluded from standard economic accounts of national income. In this paper, I survey the literature on the "informal sector" in an attempt to understand the different applications of the term. I also wish to examine if it is possible and useful to arrive at a definition of the informal sector that can be applied to the different contexts, in the developing and developed world, in which the term is used.
I shall argue that different aspects of regulation by the state provide the key to identifying an informal sector. Research on activities encompassed by the term "informal sector" grew out of studies, in the fifties and sixties, on the dualistic nature of developing societies. The concept of dualism or a dual economy relates to various asymmetries in organisation and production, and dualism in the structure of an economy as between traditional and modern, peasant and capitalist sectors was considered to be a distinguishing characteristic of developing countries.
Development was seen in terms of a shift from a traditional to a modern, an unorganised to an organised, a subsistence to a capitalist economy. Models of dualistic development recognised the interactions between the two sectors and examined their implications for growth. In this literature, the pre-capitalist or traditional economy was expected to decline in relation to the growing capitalist or modern economy. In general, these models assumed a diminishing of the prevailing asymmetries over time and a slow disappearance of dualism in the course of development.
The distinction between formal and informal activities emerged from the attempts of scholars to apply the dualism framework to labour markets in urban areas of developing countries.
Some people engage in legal but informal work in the United States in a system of cash-only exchanges. These individuals are operating unregistered businesses or engaging in under-the- table work. This type of economic activity is often called “informal work” or referred to as “the informal economy.”
There is a natural link between the informal economy and the services provided by micro-enterprise programs. Could these informal entrepreneurs be potential new clients? What would it take to move these individuals into licensed small business owners or to grow their after-hours jobs into an income-generating business? The Institute for Social and Economic Development (ISED) and The Aspen Institute both received funding from the Charles Stewart Mott Foundation to examine the informal economy and its intersection with micro-enterprise in the United States.
ISED and Aspen are conducting ethnographic studies of informal economic activities in three separate urban communities. This qualitative research examines the attitudes and behaviors of informal workers and explores the aspects of working informally that are appealing and may keep people from taking steps to formalize their enterprises.
• ISED is conducting a qualitative study of people in the African-American community who are engaged in informal work. Fifty in-person qualitative interviews will be conducted—25 in Chicago and 25 in Baltimore.
• Aspen Institute is conducting a qualitative study of people in the Latino community engaged in the informal economy in the New York metropolitan area. Forty qualitative interviews will be conducted, including fifteen people who are operating informally and receiving assistance from micro-enterprise programs.
Aspen will also look at the practices of these programs A first step in the Informal Economy Project is to review the work that has already been done and identify key features of the informal economy. This document represents a joint effort by ISED and The Aspen Institute. A clear message from the review of literature is that informal work activities are a significant presence in the U.S. economy. We discuss some preliminary issues confronting micro-enterprise programs which plan to offer services to informal economy entrepreneurs.
Dr. Katundu is a lecturer at the Moshi Co-operative University (MoCU). He works under the Department of Community and Rural Development specializing in the area of rural development. He holds a PhD and Master of Arts in Rural development from the Sokoine University of Agriculture (SUA), Morogoro Tanzania and a Bachelor of Arts (Hons) in Geography and Environmental Studies from the University of Dar-Es-Salaam, Tanzania. His research interests include: Agriculture and rural development, rural land reform, rural livelihoods and cooperatives, community driven development, environment and natural resource management, entrepreneurship development, impact evaluation. His PhD thesis is titled: Entrepreneurship Education and Business Start Up: Assessing Entrepreneurial Tendencies among University Graduates in Tanzania whereas; Master dissertation is titled: Evaluation of the Association of Tanzania Tobacco Traders’ Reforestation Programme: The Case of Urambo District.
Location Quantities and Shift Share Analysis ProjectJacqueline Tkac
This report provides a brief review of the specific metric of employment sector analysis called Location Quotients (LQ) and Shift-Share. The analysis area focused on in this report is Richmond, Virginia, and the comparison area is the United States.
The term "informal sector" is today widely used in writings on both developing and developed countries. It is invoked to refer to street vendors in Bogota, shoe-shine workers in Calcutta, specialised knitwear makers in Modena and producers of fashion garments in New York City.
What these activities appear to have in common is a mode of organisation different from the unit of production most familiar in economic theory, the firm or corporation. These activities are also likely to be unregulated by the state and excluded from standard economic accounts of national income. In this paper, I survey the literature on the "informal sector" in an attempt to understand the different applications of the term. I also wish to examine if it is possible and useful to arrive at a definition of the informal sector that can be applied to the different contexts, in the developing and developed world, in which the term is used.
I shall argue that different aspects of regulation by the state provide the key to identifying an informal sector. Research on activities encompassed by the term "informal sector" grew out of studies, in the fifties and sixties, on the dualistic nature of developing societies. The concept of dualism or a dual economy relates to various asymmetries in organisation and production, and dualism in the structure of an economy as between traditional and modern, peasant and capitalist sectors was considered to be a distinguishing characteristic of developing countries.
Development was seen in terms of a shift from a traditional to a modern, an unorganised to an organised, a subsistence to a capitalist economy. Models of dualistic development recognised the interactions between the two sectors and examined their implications for growth. In this literature, the pre-capitalist or traditional economy was expected to decline in relation to the growing capitalist or modern economy. In general, these models assumed a diminishing of the prevailing asymmetries over time and a slow disappearance of dualism in the course of development.
The distinction between formal and informal activities emerged from the attempts of scholars to apply the dualism framework to labour markets in urban areas of developing countries.
Shift share analysis is a traditional tool; through a descriptive analysis of the productive structure, it allows the comparison of regional differences within a country, region or state (SIMÕES, 2004).Shift-share analysis is one way to account for the competitiveness of a region's industries and to analyze the local economic base. This analysis is primarily used to decompose employment changes within an economy over a specific period of time into mutually exclusive factors. Like other analytical economic tools, the shift-share technique is only a descriptive tool that should be used in combination with other analysis to provide a summary of a region's key employment potential industries.
Occupational Change and Social Economic Conditions – An Inter Generational An...ijtsrd
The present study examines the occupational change and socio economic condition – an inter generational analysis of Akhnoor tehsil period of 1985 90 and 2015 17 . The major outcome of study is that share of primary activities has sharply declined in 2015 17 as compared to 1985 90. Secondary activities was totally missing in 1985 90 but their share in 2015 17 has been increased. Whereas share of Tertiary activities has increased in 2015 17 as compared to 1985 90. The emerging structural change in occupational structure shows a big decline in share of agriculture, with modest increase in share of industry and sharp rise in occupation in services. The Present study is based on both Primary and Secondary sources. Present study is helpful in finding the occupational change and social and economic conditions in Semi kandi, Kandi and Non kandi villages of Akhnoor tehsil. The present study reveals the structural transformation in occupation in the period of 1985 90 and in 2015 17 and also show the social and Economic status of the people residing in semi kandi, kandi and non kandi villages of Akhnoor tehsil. The study will be having policy implications for the Policy makers, that how regional planning should be done to ensure the development of infrastructure facilities and what measures be undertaken to generate more employment opportunities in the study area. The present study focuses on the Analysis of occupational change and its impacts on people in the period from Ist generation 1985 90 and IInd generation 2015 17 . It also examines the impact of income and employment on the people. To find out the structural transformation either from Primary, Secondary and Tertiary or directly from Primary to Tertiary activities in these areas under study. Vibhuti Sharma | Manali Sharma "Occupational Change and Social Economic Conditions – An Inter Generational Analysis of Akhnoor Tehsil" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-5 | Issue-2 , February 2021, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd38520.pdf Paper Url: https://www.ijtsrd.com/economics/other/38520/occupational-change-and-social-economic-conditions-–-an-inter-generational-analysis-of-akhnoor-tehsil/vibhuti-sharma
Big Data for New Industrialization and Urbanization Development: A Case Study...IJERA Editor
Industrialization and urbanization are considered as interdependent processes of recent economic development.
Innovations in technology and higher affordability of electronic devices have facilitated current age of big data.
Use of digital data provided modern urbanization which is an essential element of industrialization and rapid
income growth globally. Most manufacturing and service production is efficient when undertaken in urbanized
areas where organizations can readily follow best practice in technology and management. Over the past three
decades, China has achieved enormous economic growth, accompanied by a growing number of large cities.
The purpose of this paper is to identify prominent issues relating influence of big data on modern
industrialization and urbanization development in China as well as in other regions. The case study of China
was taken to understand the advancement of big data on industrialization and urbanization enhancement. It was
investigated that industrialization and the rise of the service sector appear to have influenced the growth of
urbanization, but their role was relatively small when compared to the direct effects of economic growth. In the
coming years, urbanization will become increasingly an opportunity as well as a challenge to the country‟s
effort to sustain rapid growth and maintain effective development
Shift Share Analysis Based on Main Activity Sector of Selected Districts of B...Shahadat Hossain Shakil
Shift share analysis is an effective regional planning tool to explore the regional competitiveness and industrial composition. In this study the regional competitiveness among the selected districts of Bangladesh in terms of regional employment figure in the main activity sectors has been tried to develop. The comparative scenario among the several districts has been figured out and the regional influencing factors behind that have been analyzed.
URBAN FUNCTIONAL AND OCCUPATIONAL STRUCTURE IN NORTH 24 PARGANAS DISTRICT, WE...paperpublications3
Abstract: Function and occupation of towns are the crucial factor for urbanization and development .The paper analyzes functional classification of towns and occupational structure of towns in North 24 parganas district, by using Ashok Mitra functional classification method and occupational classification by census report 2011, on the basis of census data in 1971, 1991 and 2011. According to census data in 1971 and 1991 there are nine fold functional classifications and in 2011 only four fold occupational structures have been analyzed. Occupational structure also influences the socioeconomic development of any area.
Keywords: Urban function, urban occupation, urbanization, urban development.
Title: URBAN FUNCTIONAL AND OCCUPATIONAL STRUCTURE IN NORTH 24 PARGANAS DISTRICT, WEST BENGAL
Author: Chandan Sarkar
International Journal of Recent Research in Social Sciences and Humanities (IJRRSSH)
ISSN 2349-7831
Paper Publications
This topic cover:
1. Colonialism and Imperialism
2.
This topic cover:
1. Colonialism & Imperialism
2. Industrial Revolution
3. Capital & Technology
4. Competitive Advantage
5. Trade & Foreign Direct Investment (FDI)
6. Role of the International Holding Company (MNC's)
This paper presents the Socioeconomic Performance of Women in parallel trading and its Implications in Dessie town Ethiopia. The study was carried out in Dessie town Ethiopia. Primary Data were gathered from parallel traders through questionnaire and observation, and secondary data sources were accessed from Dessie town trade and transport office and CSA (Central Statistical Agency). The paper has purely mixed explanatory sequential approach which is based on the collection and analysis of quantitative data to be followed and supported by a qualitative data. The finding of the study has shown that parallel trading is the first among alternatives for women’s divorced or widowed and dependent hitherto to parallel trading. Women in parallel trading were engaged in retails of food items that are easily accessed in the local markets, in which more than two-third of households are dependent on the gains as well as become involved in the retails activity. Though, the economic responses of parallel trading were the bases for women’s livelihood, its performance would not let women’s and their dependent family members /household to have better house and access to education. Furthermore, the study has shown that the socioeconomic performance of parallel trading were constrained by government regulations that exclude and discourage the trading, lack of access to finance, lack of premises and lack of smooth supply of inputs. Therefore, it is important for both local governments and organizations working on women affairs to reconsider their actions and create an environment encouraging for women in parallel trading to grow and integrate to formal economic sectors.
Ricardo and Marx saw technological change as a possible cause of long-period unemployment. Neoclassical and Schumpeterian economists regard technological unemployment as a transitory phenomenon. This paper argues that the capital critique (i) demolishes the neoclassical claim that market mechanisms will restore full employment whenever workers are displaced by technical change, and (ii) rehabilitates the old Ricardian argument that automatic compensation factors are generally absent. The neo-Schumpeterian notion of autonomous investment is also rejected, in favour of the view that, in the long period, all investment is induced. By extending Keynes’s theory of effective demand to the long period through a model based on the supermultiplier, this paper suggests that the ultimate engines of growth are located in the autonomous components of effective demand—exports, government spending and autonomous con- sumption. Technical change plays a role in the accumulation process through its effects on consumption patterns and the material input requirements. However, the impact of technical change is now seen to depend upon circumstances such as income distribution, the availability of bank liquidity and exchange rate policy.
This paper studies wage adjustment during the recent crisis in regulated and unregulated labor markets in Italy. Using a unique dataset on immigrant workers, we show that before the crisis wages in the formal/regulated and informal/unregulated sectors moved in parallel (with a 15 percent premium in the formal labor market). During the crisis, however, formal wages did not adjust down while wages in the unregulated informal labor market fell so that by 2013 the gap had grown to 32 percent. The dierence is especially salient for workers in "simple" occupations where there is high substitutability between immigrant and native workers. Our results are consistent with the view that labor market regulation prevents downward wage adjustment during recessions.
by Sergei Guriev, Biagio Speciale and Michele Tuccio. November 2015
Read more research analysis at https://www.hhs.se/site
Shift share analysis is a traditional tool; through a descriptive analysis of the productive structure, it allows the comparison of regional differences within a country, region or state (SIMÕES, 2004).Shift-share analysis is one way to account for the competitiveness of a region's industries and to analyze the local economic base. This analysis is primarily used to decompose employment changes within an economy over a specific period of time into mutually exclusive factors. Like other analytical economic tools, the shift-share technique is only a descriptive tool that should be used in combination with other analysis to provide a summary of a region's key employment potential industries.
Occupational Change and Social Economic Conditions – An Inter Generational An...ijtsrd
The present study examines the occupational change and socio economic condition – an inter generational analysis of Akhnoor tehsil period of 1985 90 and 2015 17 . The major outcome of study is that share of primary activities has sharply declined in 2015 17 as compared to 1985 90. Secondary activities was totally missing in 1985 90 but their share in 2015 17 has been increased. Whereas share of Tertiary activities has increased in 2015 17 as compared to 1985 90. The emerging structural change in occupational structure shows a big decline in share of agriculture, with modest increase in share of industry and sharp rise in occupation in services. The Present study is based on both Primary and Secondary sources. Present study is helpful in finding the occupational change and social and economic conditions in Semi kandi, Kandi and Non kandi villages of Akhnoor tehsil. The present study reveals the structural transformation in occupation in the period of 1985 90 and in 2015 17 and also show the social and Economic status of the people residing in semi kandi, kandi and non kandi villages of Akhnoor tehsil. The study will be having policy implications for the Policy makers, that how regional planning should be done to ensure the development of infrastructure facilities and what measures be undertaken to generate more employment opportunities in the study area. The present study focuses on the Analysis of occupational change and its impacts on people in the period from Ist generation 1985 90 and IInd generation 2015 17 . It also examines the impact of income and employment on the people. To find out the structural transformation either from Primary, Secondary and Tertiary or directly from Primary to Tertiary activities in these areas under study. Vibhuti Sharma | Manali Sharma "Occupational Change and Social Economic Conditions – An Inter Generational Analysis of Akhnoor Tehsil" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-5 | Issue-2 , February 2021, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd38520.pdf Paper Url: https://www.ijtsrd.com/economics/other/38520/occupational-change-and-social-economic-conditions-–-an-inter-generational-analysis-of-akhnoor-tehsil/vibhuti-sharma
Big Data for New Industrialization and Urbanization Development: A Case Study...IJERA Editor
Industrialization and urbanization are considered as interdependent processes of recent economic development.
Innovations in technology and higher affordability of electronic devices have facilitated current age of big data.
Use of digital data provided modern urbanization which is an essential element of industrialization and rapid
income growth globally. Most manufacturing and service production is efficient when undertaken in urbanized
areas where organizations can readily follow best practice in technology and management. Over the past three
decades, China has achieved enormous economic growth, accompanied by a growing number of large cities.
The purpose of this paper is to identify prominent issues relating influence of big data on modern
industrialization and urbanization development in China as well as in other regions. The case study of China
was taken to understand the advancement of big data on industrialization and urbanization enhancement. It was
investigated that industrialization and the rise of the service sector appear to have influenced the growth of
urbanization, but their role was relatively small when compared to the direct effects of economic growth. In the
coming years, urbanization will become increasingly an opportunity as well as a challenge to the country‟s
effort to sustain rapid growth and maintain effective development
Shift Share Analysis Based on Main Activity Sector of Selected Districts of B...Shahadat Hossain Shakil
Shift share analysis is an effective regional planning tool to explore the regional competitiveness and industrial composition. In this study the regional competitiveness among the selected districts of Bangladesh in terms of regional employment figure in the main activity sectors has been tried to develop. The comparative scenario among the several districts has been figured out and the regional influencing factors behind that have been analyzed.
URBAN FUNCTIONAL AND OCCUPATIONAL STRUCTURE IN NORTH 24 PARGANAS DISTRICT, WE...paperpublications3
Abstract: Function and occupation of towns are the crucial factor for urbanization and development .The paper analyzes functional classification of towns and occupational structure of towns in North 24 parganas district, by using Ashok Mitra functional classification method and occupational classification by census report 2011, on the basis of census data in 1971, 1991 and 2011. According to census data in 1971 and 1991 there are nine fold functional classifications and in 2011 only four fold occupational structures have been analyzed. Occupational structure also influences the socioeconomic development of any area.
Keywords: Urban function, urban occupation, urbanization, urban development.
Title: URBAN FUNCTIONAL AND OCCUPATIONAL STRUCTURE IN NORTH 24 PARGANAS DISTRICT, WEST BENGAL
Author: Chandan Sarkar
International Journal of Recent Research in Social Sciences and Humanities (IJRRSSH)
ISSN 2349-7831
Paper Publications
This topic cover:
1. Colonialism and Imperialism
2.
This topic cover:
1. Colonialism & Imperialism
2. Industrial Revolution
3. Capital & Technology
4. Competitive Advantage
5. Trade & Foreign Direct Investment (FDI)
6. Role of the International Holding Company (MNC's)
This paper presents the Socioeconomic Performance of Women in parallel trading and its Implications in Dessie town Ethiopia. The study was carried out in Dessie town Ethiopia. Primary Data were gathered from parallel traders through questionnaire and observation, and secondary data sources were accessed from Dessie town trade and transport office and CSA (Central Statistical Agency). The paper has purely mixed explanatory sequential approach which is based on the collection and analysis of quantitative data to be followed and supported by a qualitative data. The finding of the study has shown that parallel trading is the first among alternatives for women’s divorced or widowed and dependent hitherto to parallel trading. Women in parallel trading were engaged in retails of food items that are easily accessed in the local markets, in which more than two-third of households are dependent on the gains as well as become involved in the retails activity. Though, the economic responses of parallel trading were the bases for women’s livelihood, its performance would not let women’s and their dependent family members /household to have better house and access to education. Furthermore, the study has shown that the socioeconomic performance of parallel trading were constrained by government regulations that exclude and discourage the trading, lack of access to finance, lack of premises and lack of smooth supply of inputs. Therefore, it is important for both local governments and organizations working on women affairs to reconsider their actions and create an environment encouraging for women in parallel trading to grow and integrate to formal economic sectors.
Ricardo and Marx saw technological change as a possible cause of long-period unemployment. Neoclassical and Schumpeterian economists regard technological unemployment as a transitory phenomenon. This paper argues that the capital critique (i) demolishes the neoclassical claim that market mechanisms will restore full employment whenever workers are displaced by technical change, and (ii) rehabilitates the old Ricardian argument that automatic compensation factors are generally absent. The neo-Schumpeterian notion of autonomous investment is also rejected, in favour of the view that, in the long period, all investment is induced. By extending Keynes’s theory of effective demand to the long period through a model based on the supermultiplier, this paper suggests that the ultimate engines of growth are located in the autonomous components of effective demand—exports, government spending and autonomous con- sumption. Technical change plays a role in the accumulation process through its effects on consumption patterns and the material input requirements. However, the impact of technical change is now seen to depend upon circumstances such as income distribution, the availability of bank liquidity and exchange rate policy.
This paper studies wage adjustment during the recent crisis in regulated and unregulated labor markets in Italy. Using a unique dataset on immigrant workers, we show that before the crisis wages in the formal/regulated and informal/unregulated sectors moved in parallel (with a 15 percent premium in the formal labor market). During the crisis, however, formal wages did not adjust down while wages in the unregulated informal labor market fell so that by 2013 the gap had grown to 32 percent. The dierence is especially salient for workers in "simple" occupations where there is high substitutability between immigrant and native workers. Our results are consistent with the view that labor market regulation prevents downward wage adjustment during recessions.
by Sergei Guriev, Biagio Speciale and Michele Tuccio. November 2015
Read more research analysis at https://www.hhs.se/site
THE FUNCTION OF THE URBAN INFORMAL SECTOR IN EMPLOYMENT Dr Lendy Spires
During 1990’s, “informal economy” seems have lost the interest and urgency characteristic among social scientist during the 1970’s and 1980’s. However, the persistent economic and social downturn that characterized several Latin American countries, including Colombia, during the last decade resurrected interest in the informal economy. The term informal economy1 covers a set of heterogeneous activities, from unpaid labor to any number of unregulated salaried jobs.
This broad range of activities has made it difficult for analysts of the informal sector to agree on its definition. However, there is consensus on two broads points: first, the informal economy is part of the economy at large, which determines its main characteristics and on which it depends; and second, the informal economy is largely defined by activities outside state regulation (Portes, 1994; Broad, 2000). In spite of these two broad agreements, the reasons for the existence of unregulated activities and their function in employment differ and then the implications in terms of labor policies also differ. Some analysts consider the informal sector as the disadvantaged segment of a dualistic labor market and see today’s expansion of the informal economy as part of a more general deterioration of labor market conditions (Tokman, 1992; Klein and Tokman, 2000).
Others view informal economy as unregulated income-earning activities closely related to the formal sector (Portes, 1997). Yet others see in the informal sector signs of incipient entrepreneurship and an escape from state regulation (Maloney, 2000). For others analysts, informalization is not a recent phenomenon but it is a long term, large scale, and systemic phenomenon of the capitalist world-economy (Tabak, 2000). The issue of understanding the function of the informal sector in employment is essential for the design and evaluation of labor policies.
It becomes particular relevant to the Latin American region since most of the countries applied “neoliberal” reforms during the last decade that affected the labor market environment. The globalization of the economy, the privatization process and the flexibilization of labor markets has opened debates on establishing common 1 Informal economy and informal sector are interchangeable used here. labor standards in regional free trade agreements and on the need to regulate labor markets to ensure neat international competition (Maloney, 1997; Klein and Tokman, 2000). For the design of those and other labor policies it is necessary to understand if the informal sector functions as a buffer for employment or it is closely integrated to formal employment.
An Evaluation of Informal Sector Activities and Urban Land Use Management in ...Dr Lendy Spires
The capacity of the informal sector economy to absolve a teeming population of the unemployed into the labour force has posed a considerable challenge to urban land use planning and management not only in Nigeria but also in some other developing countries of the world.
This challenge is borne out of the capacity of the sector to generate land use problems such as sprawl problem, incongruous land uses, building alterations, the menace of temporary structures, alteration of land use functions, open space conversions and land degradation (Okeke, 2000).
These urban land use problems are being aggravated due to urban growth and the consequent phenomenal increase in population as well as the unstable state of the urban economy whereby more people are diverting into these informal activities for daily survival and sustenance of livelihoods especially for millions of people who have either been retrenched from their jobs, or whose incomes are no longer sufficient to support basic needs. (Meagher and Yunusa, 1996).
Since human activities take place in space, there is high demand for urban public land and spaces for the accommodation of the ever growing need of the sector both to settle and trade. Consequently, every “suitable” and “available” land space is converted to the use that suits the business activity thus resulting in the erection of shops, kiosks, workshops and other temporary structures without formal approval. This scenario is not peculiar to the already built up areas but are also evident in well planned residential estates where organized open spaces meant for recreational uses, have been encroached upon by the wave of these activities.
Therefore, in recognition of the important roles which the urban informal sector activities play in providing jobs for the teeming unemployed populace and at the same time enhancing the human resource base of the city which Sethuraman (1976) and Omuta (1986) pointed out as formation of human capital, provision of access to training and at a cost substantially lower than that provided by the formal sector training institutions and coupled with the need for a planned and conducive environment that is suitable for living, working and recreation, has necessitated the need to evaluate the implications of such activities on urban land use and management in other to integrate the sector into the receptive capacity of the overall land use planning in Nigeria.
Informal economy is often stated as a temporary phenomenon which diminishes along economic growth. The sector is regularly taken as granted and its role for development is not properly seen. Around 80 percent of the GDP in Cambodia is produced by the informal sector. Informal economy is also important for the country’s urban areas and particularly for the country’s capital city. The economic development of Phnom Penh, the capital, is combined with a growth in its non-agricultural informal sector.
At the same time the city’s slum settlements are mushrooming, creating more pressures on the informal sector. As a result, many of the city’s informal workers have become working poors. Without proper protection and legalization of the informal sector, these poor citizens cannot be lifted up from the poverty trap and the sustainable development of the city cannot be achieved. In the 1970s informal sector became a common topic in international development discussions. Informality was identifi ed as a continued existence of traditional activities and production methods that would disappear along with industrialization and modernization (Straub, 2005).
The sector was seen marginal for growth and separate from the formal sector. However, later on the informal economy has increased, particularly in the Corresponding author: Ulla Heinonen Water Resources Laboratory Helsinki University of Technology - TKK P.O. Box 5200, FIN-02015 TKK, Finland Email: ulla.heinonen@tkk.fi countries where income is not equally distributed, and has become an integrated part of the economy in many countries (Becker, 2004). Thus, the informal economy - the refined definition of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) - could no longer be seen as a temporary phenomenon, or as a phenomenon that straightforwardly decreases with economic growth. In the recent decades the sector has grown around the world and it is currently the largest “economy” in many countries (ILO, 2002).
It seems to be that if economic growth is not accompanied by improvements in employment and income distribution, the informal economy does not shrink. Instead, it seems to expand, both in urban and in
PERI–URBAN HOUSING IN OYO STATE: CASE STUDY OF APETE IBADANinventionjournals
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI) is an international journal intended for professionals and researchers in all fields of Humanities and Social Science. IJHSSI publishes research articles and reviews within the whole field Humanities and Social Science, new teaching methods, assessment, validation and the impact of new technologies and it will continue to provide information on the latest trends and developments in this ever-expanding subject. The publications of papers are selected through double peer reviewed to ensure originality, relevance, and readability. The articles published in our journal can be accessed online.
The European Unemployment Puzzle: implications from population agingGRAPE
We study the link between the evolving age structure of the working population and unemployment. We build a large new Keynesian OLG model with a realistic age structure, labor market frictions, sticky prices, and aggregate shocks. Once calibrated to the European economy, we quantify the extent to which demographic changes over the last three decades have contributed to the decline of the unemployment rate. Our findings yield important implications for the future evolution of unemployment given the anticipated further aging of the working population in Europe. We also quantify the implications for optimal monetary policy: lowering inflation volatility becomes less costly in terms of GDP and unemployment volatility, which hints that optimal monetary policy may be more hawkish in an aging society. Finally, our results also propose a partial reversal of the European-US unemployment puzzle due to the fact that the share of young workers is expected to remain robust in the US.
Empowering the Unbanked: The Vital Role of NBFCs in Promoting Financial Inclu...Vighnesh Shashtri
In India, financial inclusion remains a critical challenge, with a significant portion of the population still unbanked. Non-Banking Financial Companies (NBFCs) have emerged as key players in bridging this gap by providing financial services to those often overlooked by traditional banking institutions. This article delves into how NBFCs are fostering financial inclusion and empowering the unbanked.
Introduction to Indian Financial System ()Avanish Goel
The financial system of a country is an important tool for economic development of the country, as it helps in creation of wealth by linking savings with investments.
It facilitates the flow of funds form the households (savers) to business firms (investors) to aid in wealth creation and development of both the parties
The secret way to sell pi coins effortlessly.DOT TECH
Well as we all know pi isn't launched yet. But you can still sell your pi coins effortlessly because some whales in China are interested in holding massive pi coins. And they are willing to pay good money for it. If you are interested in selling I will leave a contact for you. Just telegram this number below. I sold about 3000 pi coins to him and he paid me immediately.
Telegram: @Pi_vendor_247
what is the future of Pi Network currency.DOT TECH
The future of the Pi cryptocurrency is uncertain, and its success will depend on several factors. Pi is a relatively new cryptocurrency that aims to be user-friendly and accessible to a wide audience. Here are a few key considerations for its future:
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1. Mainnet Launch: As of my last knowledge update in January 2022, Pi was still in the testnet phase. Its success will depend on a successful transition to a mainnet, where actual transactions can take place.
2. User Adoption: Pi's success will be closely tied to user adoption. The more users who join the network and actively participate, the stronger the ecosystem can become.
3. Utility and Use Cases: For a cryptocurrency to thrive, it must offer utility and practical use cases. The Pi team has talked about various applications, including peer-to-peer transactions, smart contracts, and more. The development and implementation of these features will be essential.
4. Regulatory Environment: The regulatory environment for cryptocurrencies is evolving globally. How Pi navigates and complies with regulations in various jurisdictions will significantly impact its future.
5. Technology Development: The Pi network must continue to develop and improve its technology, security, and scalability to compete with established cryptocurrencies.
6. Community Engagement: The Pi community plays a critical role in its future. Engaged users can help build trust and grow the network.
7. Monetization and Sustainability: The Pi team's monetization strategy, such as fees, partnerships, or other revenue sources, will affect its long-term sustainability.
It's essential to approach Pi or any new cryptocurrency with caution and conduct due diligence. Cryptocurrency investments involve risks, and potential rewards can be uncertain. The success and future of Pi will depend on the collective efforts of its team, community, and the broader cryptocurrency market dynamics. It's advisable to stay updated on Pi's development and follow any updates from the official Pi Network website or announcements from the team.
how to sell pi coins in South Korea profitably.DOT TECH
Yes. You can sell your pi network coins in South Korea or any other country, by finding a verified pi merchant
What is a verified pi merchant?
Since pi network is not launched yet on any exchange, the only way you can sell pi coins is by selling to a verified pi merchant, and this is because pi network is not launched yet on any exchange and no pre-sale or ico offerings Is done on pi.
Since there is no pre-sale, the only way exchanges can get pi is by buying from miners. So a pi merchant facilitates these transactions by acting as a bridge for both transactions.
How can i find a pi vendor/merchant?
Well for those who haven't traded with a pi merchant or who don't already have one. I will leave the telegram id of my personal pi merchant who i trade pi with.
Tele gram: @Pi_vendor_247
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how to sell pi coins at high rate quickly.DOT TECH
Where can I sell my pi coins at a high rate.
Pi is not launched yet on any exchange. But one can easily sell his or her pi coins to investors who want to hold pi till mainnet launch.
This means crypto whales want to hold pi. And you can get a good rate for selling pi to them. I will leave the telegram contact of my personal pi vendor below.
A vendor is someone who buys from a miner and resell it to a holder or crypto whale.
Here is the telegram contact of my vendor:
@Pi_vendor_247
where can I find a legit pi merchant onlineDOT TECH
Yes. This is very easy what you need is a recommendation from someone who has successfully traded pi coins before with a merchant.
Who is a pi merchant?
A pi merchant is someone who buys pi network coins and resell them to Investors looking forward to hold thousands of pi coins before the open mainnet.
I will leave the telegram contact of my personal pi merchant to trade with
@Pi_vendor_247
Turin Startup Ecosystem 2024 - Ricerca sulle Startup e il Sistema dell'Innov...Quotidiano Piemontese
Turin Startup Ecosystem 2024
Una ricerca de il Club degli Investitori, in collaborazione con ToTeM Torino Tech Map e con il supporto della ESCP Business School e di Growth Capital
Poonawalla Fincorp and IndusInd Bank Introduce New Co-Branded Credit Cardnickysharmasucks
The unveiling of the IndusInd Bank Poonawalla Fincorp eLITE RuPay Platinum Credit Card marks a notable milestone in the Indian financial landscape, showcasing a successful partnership between two leading institutions, Poonawalla Fincorp and IndusInd Bank. This co-branded credit card not only offers users a plethora of benefits but also reflects a commitment to innovation and adaptation. With a focus on providing value-driven and customer-centric solutions, this launch represents more than just a new product—it signifies a step towards redefining the banking experience for millions. Promising convenience, rewards, and a touch of luxury in everyday financial transactions, this collaboration aims to cater to the evolving needs of customers and set new standards in the industry.
Even tho Pi network is not listed on any exchange yet.
Buying/Selling or investing in pi network coins is highly possible through the help of vendors. You can buy from vendors[ buy directly from the pi network miners and resell it]. I will leave the telegram contact of my personal vendor.
@Pi_vendor_247
Financial Assets: Debit vs Equity Securities.pptxWrito-Finance
financial assets represent claim for future benefit or cash. Financial assets are formed by establishing contracts between participants. These financial assets are used for collection of huge amounts of money for business purposes.
Two major Types: Debt Securities and Equity Securities.
Debt Securities are Also known as fixed-income securities or instruments. The type of assets is formed by establishing contracts between investor and issuer of the asset.
• The first type of Debit securities is BONDS. Bonds are issued by corporations and government (both local and national government).
• The second important type of Debit security is NOTES. Apart from similarities associated with notes and bonds, notes have shorter term maturity.
• The 3rd important type of Debit security is TRESURY BILLS. These securities have short-term ranging from three months, six months, and one year. Issuer of such securities are governments.
• Above discussed debit securities are mostly issued by governments and corporations. CERTIFICATE OF DEPOSITS CDs are issued by Banks and Financial Institutions. Risk factor associated with CDs gets reduced when issued by reputable institutions or Banks.
Following are the risk attached with debt securities: Credit risk, interest rate risk and currency risk
There are no fixed maturity dates in such securities, and asset’s value is determined by company’s performance. There are two major types of equity securities: common stock and preferred stock.
Common Stock: These are simple equity securities and bear no complexities which the preferred stock bears. Holders of such securities or instrument have the voting rights when it comes to select the company’s board of director or the business decisions to be made.
Preferred Stock: Preferred stocks are sometime referred to as hybrid securities, because it contains elements of both debit security and equity security. Preferred stock confers ownership rights to security holder that is why it is equity instrument
<a href="https://www.writofinance.com/equity-securities-features-types-risk/" >Equity securities </a> as a whole is used for capital funding for companies. Companies have multiple expenses to cover. Potential growth of company is required in competitive market. So, these securities are used for capital generation, and then uses it for company’s growth.
Concluding remarks
Both are employed in business. Businesses are often established through debit securities, then what is the need for equity securities. Companies have to cover multiple expenses and expansion of business. They can also use equity instruments for repayment of debits. So, there are multiple uses for securities. As an investor, you need tools for analysis. Investment decisions are made by carefully analyzing the market. For better analysis of the stock market, investors often employ financial analysis of companies.
Which Crypto to Buy Today for Short-Term in May-June 2024.pdf
Lurking in the Cities: Urbanization and the Informal Economy
1. Lurking in the Cities: Urbanization and the Informal
Economy
Ceyhun Elgin
Bogazici University
Cem Oyvaty
University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Abstract
This study investigates the empirical relationship between the level of urbanization
and size of the informal economy using cross-country datasets proxying GDP and
employment shares of urban informal sector. Our estimation results indicate that
there is an inverted-U relationship between informality and the level of urbanization.
That is, the share of the informal sector grows in the early phases of urbanization due
to several pull and push factors; however, it tends to fall in the latter phases. We also
show that factors like level of taxes, trade openness, and institutional quality tend to
aect the size of the informal economy.
Keywords: urbanization, informal sector, Kuznets curve, panel data.
JEL Classi
2. cation Numbers: E26, O11, 017.
Address: Bogazici University, Department of Economics, Natuk Birkan Building, 34342 Bebek, Istanbul,
Turkey. Phone: +90-212-359-7653. Fax: +90-212-287-2453. E-mail: ceyhun.elgin@boun.edu.tr.
yCorresponding Author. Address:Department of Economics, University of Massachusetts Amherst,
Thompson Hall, MA 01003, USA. Phone: +1-413-461-6560. Fax: +1-413-545-2921. E-mail: coy-
vat@econs.umass.edu.
1
3. I. INTRODUCTION
Urbanization is a process, which is often observed as a frequent consequence of economic
development. New industries in urban areas create new job opportunities, stimulating the
shift of labor from rural to urban areas. Nevertheless, the growth in formal sector employment
might not keep pace with the growing population of new urban dwellers. Still migration
towards urban sector continues. As a result, many of the new dwellers end up in informal
urban activities.
Informal sector or economy, sometimes also titled shadow, hidden, black, parallel, second
or underground economy (or sector) is de
4. ned by Hart (2008) as a set of economic activities
that takes place outside the framework of bureaucratic public and private sector establish-ments.
Another paper by Ihrig and Moe (2004) de
5. nes it as a sector which produces legal
goods, but does not comply with government regulations. Similar de
6. nitions are provided by
Schneider and Enste (2000), Schneider (2005, 2007) and Schneider, Buehn and Montenegro
(2010) as well.
Informality is a widespread phenomenon and poses serious social, economic, cultural and
political challenges across the world; however many issues about its nature and consequences
still remain largely under-explored or unresolved. (See Schneider and Enste, 2000; Schneider,
2005, 2007; Buehn and Schneider, 2012 and Elgin and Oztunali, 2012 among others.) For
example, the evidence presented in the existing literature, has failed to generate a consensus
around the determinants of the informal sector among researchers. There are also many other
open questions including even such basic ones such as whether informal sector size would
be larger in low income or high income nations (see Dreher and Schneider, 2010); whether
taxes are positively correlated with informal sector size or not (See Schneider and Enste,
2000, Friedman et al. 2000 and Elgin, 2010) or whether shadow economy and corruption are
substitutes or complements (Dreher and Schneider, 2010). As the number of papers in the
growing literature on informality indicates, there is an increasing attention on the economic
analysis of the informal economy.
2
7. The shift from the rural to the urban informal sector can be explained by several pull
and push factors. In many cases, the urban informal sector oers better opportunities than
the rural sector. Earnings can be higher in urban informal employment than in rural occu-pations
and urban areas tend to oer better public services due to an urban bias in policies
(Lipton, 1976). Even in the cases in which conditions between two sectors are similar, many
individuals prefer the urban informal sector with the expectation of
8. nding a job opportunity
in the formal sector in the future (Banerjee, 1983).
The technical changes that industrialization brings to urban industry are joined by tech-nical
improvements in the rural sector. However, the technical change might be unbalanced
and reduce the incomes of small scale producers (Boyce, 1993). It also can damage the non-agricultural
activities in the rural sector (Hymer and Resnick, 1969). In addition, in many
cases the technical changes in the rural sector are labor-saving (de Janvry, 1981; Boyce, 1993)
and pull down the demand for agricultural labor. These processes can lower the incomes of
many rural dwellers and push them to the urban informal sector.
The pull and push factors that foster the growth of urban informal activities can be
greater than any counteracting factors during the early phases of development that involves
urbanization stimulated by early industrialization. Therefore, in many cases the
9. rst phases
of urbanization feature a greater growth in the urban informal sector than in the urban
formal sector (eg. de Janvry, 1981; Furtado,1976; Moser, 1978).
However, as urbanization and industrialization continue, the share of the informal urban
sector tends to dwindle. First, as the urban share of population increases the migration
process can slow down. The move towards the urban sector increases the per capita incomes
of rural dwellers; therefore, many of these dwellers might cease to prefer the earnings oered
by the urban informal sector. In addition, according to Marxian literature (eg. Marx, 1867;
Marx, 1932; Baran and Sweezy, 1966; Aglietta, 2000) capitalist development leads to greater
concentration and centralization of capital. Hence, capitalist accumulation reduces the share
of small scale informal activities, which have weaker links with the growing formal sector.
3
10. In summary, we propose that there is an inverted-U curve relationship between urban-ization
and the share of urban informal sector. The share of informal sector
11. rst increases in
the early phases of urbanization and then decreases as urbanization continues. We observe
such a tendency for urban informal sector's output share in Figure 1 using Schneider, Buehn
and Montenegro (2010)'s averaged data from 1999 to 2007 for a set of 152 countries which
is
12. tted with polynomial trend lines (indicated by Poly (All)). Using the same dataset, we
also draw the polynomial regression line using data from only 114 developing countries.1
Figure 1 about here
In a similar fashion, Figure 2 illustrates the same tendency for a dierent group of coun-tries:
Latin American and Caribbean countries, MENA (Middle Eastern and North African)
countries and others.2 Our proposed inverted-U curve is also consistent with Kuznets (1955)'s
hypothesis, which underlines the unbalanced gains of early development and the agricultural
and industrial revolutions' dislocating eects. Kuznets claims that there is a tendency for
economic positions of new urban dwellers and their descendants to change in time and for
labor markets to become more homogenous during the later stages of development.
Figure 2 about here
Indeed, the existence of an inverted U relationship between urbanization and the share of
the urban informal sector was
13. rst proposed and tested by Rauch (1993). However, Rauch's
data was limited to the share of self-employment in Latin American countries; it excludes
informal activities operated by wage-workers. In this study, we empirically test the existence
of the inverted U all for output and non-agricultural employment shares of informal sector
and for share of non-agricultural self-employment. We also use signi
14. cantly larger number
of countries from three dierent datasets. Our estimation results also indicate that the
share of the informal economy is either small when the urban population relative to the
1The method of choosing the developing countries will be explained in detail in the next section.
2Sources of the data and a more detailed empirical analysis will be provided in the next section.
4
15. total population is small or large and it is considerably larger when the urban population is
medium size. We also examine the impact of factors such as trade, population density, taxes,
and institutional quality that might contribute to or counteract the inverted-U trend.3
The rest of the paper is organized as follows: In the second section of the paper we build
the theoretical framework which we want to utilize to account for the proposed relationship
between urbanization and informality. To this end, we
17. ne and review the concept of
informality. Then we provide a theoretical account of the growth and decline of the informal
sector in the early and later stages of urbanization, respectively. Next, in the third section
of the paper we conduct an empirical analysis and establish a robust inverted-U relationship
between urbanization and the size of the informal sector, even after controlling for various
variables that might be associated with informality. Finally, we provide concluding remarks
in the last section.
II. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
A. Informal Sector
The informal sector is an important set of economic activities, which plays a crucial role
on a country's development. The size and structure of informal sector can vary in dierent
stages of development. By de
19. ne, measure
and calculate. It can include a wide range of activities, from street traders in Thailand to
20. rms in Italy implementing
exible specialization. Nevertheless, for examining the impact
of development on informal sector, we need to develop a concrete de
21. nition for the informal
sector.
In this paper, we will measure the informal sector by using Schneider, Buehn and Mon-tenegro
(2010)'s de
22. nition. According to this paper, the informal sector4 are market-oriented
3Even though we will address this issue further in the empirical section, we recognize that in a paper of this
nature it simply is impossible to overcome endogeneity issues in a completely satisfactory manner. However,
to establish robustness we investigate this empirical relationship with dierent econometric speci
24. cations and data series and obtain qualitatively similar results. Moreover, we also mention the
results of an endogeneity test which does not favor the presence of endogeneity in our estimations.
4Schneider, Buehn and Montenegro (2010) use the term shadow economy for describing the informal
sector.
5
25. production activities that are hidden from state authority to avoid:
payment of income, value added, or other taxes
payment of social security contributions
having to meet certain legal labor market standards, such as minimum wages, maximum
working hours, safety standards etc.
complying with certain administrative procedures, such as completing statistical ques-tionnaires
or other administrative forms
This de
26. nition is also consistent with dierent approaches including structuralist ap-proaches
(Castells and Portes, 1989). We are not entirely satis
28. nition of the informal sector as the economic activities of the self-employed since it ex-cludes
the activities of unregulated
29. rms with salaried employees.5 We also reject the as-sumption
made in a group of studies (Ranis and Stewart, 1999; PREALC, 1981; ILO, 2002)
that the informal sector includes only small-scale enterprises. As Harriss-White (2009) points
out, large-scale unregulated activities can exist either by the direct use of political power or
with the protection of ma
30. a and/or formal forces such as the police. We did not wish to
exclude these cases from our de
31. nition of the informal sector.
B. Growth of Informal Sector
In his groundbreaking paper Economic Development with Unlimited Supplies of Labor,
Arthur Lewis (1954) claims that the growth of capitalism would attract laborers in the
subsistence sector to the capitalist sector. In Lewis's model, not only agricultural laborers on
small scale farms, but also petty retail traders and casual workers like carriers or gardeners
form the unlimited supplies of labor of the capitalist sector. Lewis de
32. nes the capitalist
sector as a sector which uses reproducible capital, and pays capitalists for the use thereof
and the subsistence sector as all that part of the economy which is not using reproducible
5Nevertheless, we use non-agricultural self-employment share as a proxy for urban informal sector's em-
ployment share. The reasoning of this is explained in the following sections.
6
33. capital. Thus, in the Lewis model subsistence sector covers at least a part of the informal
sector and there would be a
ow of labor from urban informal to urban formal sector.
Following this, many scholars (Castells and Portes, 1989; Copestake, 2003) claim that
Lewis was wrong, since in his model subsistence sector shrinks with the growth of capitalist
sector, but this pattern is not observed in many developing economies6. In many devel-oping
economies, the industrialization process and growing formal service activities do not
create sucient growth and formal jobs to absorb the explosive increase in the urban labor
supply resulting from large-scale rural-to-urban migration. As a result, in some cases indus-trialization
results in rising unemployment or/and an increase in the size of informal sector
(Todaro, 1969). The growth of the informal sector was observed all in Asian (Moser, 1978),
African (Wuyts, 2001) and Latin American (de Janvry, 1981; Furtado, 1976) countries in
their early phases of development. The informal sector is also recently growing in China
(Hart-Landsberg and Burkett, 2007), which is a lower income country transforming to a
medium income one.
Although the formal sector might not create enough jobs for the new city dwellers, people
still prefer to migrate to the cities, which stimulates the growth of the informal economy.
There are several pull factors that could explain this behavior. According to Cole and
Sanders (1985), the growth of the formal urban sector increases the demand of the products
of the urban subsistence sector. As a result, urban subsistence wages would rise, which
would increase the urban-subsistence, rural-subsistence wage gap. Hence, migration would
be stimulated.
Another reason could be migrants' future expectation of
34. nding a job in the formal sector
(Harris and Todaro, 1970). As Joshi and Joshi (1976) show for India, there might be cases in
which average informal sector earnings are close to rural earnings. Still, many rural dwellers
6In fact, the Lewis (1954) model does not say anything about the medium-run changes in the relative
sizes of either urban informal/formal or urban subsistence/capitalist sectors. It is reasonable to claim that
the growth of the capitalist sector would lead to a
ow of labor from subsistence to the capitalist sector.
However, this
ow does not guarantee a reduction in the urban subsistence sector, since there might be a
greater
ow from the rural to the urban subsistence sector.
7
36. nding a job in the formal sector and hold an
informal job while looking for an alternative employment (Banerjee, 1983). However, it may
take a long time to
37. nd formal employment - in some cases it might take more than 50
years. (Cole and Sanders, 1985). Hence, many of the new urban dwellers are never be able
to move to the formal sector, which leads to congestion in the informal sector. Therefore, as
urbanization continues, it often results in a large informal labor force.
An urban bias in national policies also contributes to the pull of the cities (Lipton, 1976;
Williamson, 1988). In many countries, the state changes the domestic terms of trade in
favor of the urban sector, which encourages further migration (Kay, 2002). In addition,
social investments including educational and medical facilities, roads, water supplies and
electricity are disproportionately made in urban areas. Many of the migrants move to cities
to access better schooling and health care for their families (World Bank, 2009). As a form
of family investment, some families send a young adult to the city with the expectation that
the migrant will send remittances. Many of these new urban dwellers who cannot
38. nd formal
jobs enter to the informal sector.
Industrialization brings technological improvements to the urban sector. These techno-logical
improvements could also spill over to the rural sector. The rural sector can also bene
39. t
from infrastructure investments: transportation, irrigation, electricity, and so on. It adapts
techniques from the urban sector and starts using new seeds, fertilizers, and machinery. The
new agricultural technology's increasing returns to scale gives large-scale farms an advantage
over small-scale farms (Sen, 1996). This unbalanced development might damage small scale
producers by lowering prices. Boyce (1993) shows that there was a positive relationship
between land size and adoption of new technology during the Philippines's Green Revolu-tion.
By keeping crop prices at lower levels, the Green Revolution pauperized the small scale
farmers and possibly pushed them to urban sector. Hence, the improvements in the rural
sector might push a portion of rural dwellers that do not bene
40. t from these improvements
to the urban informal sector.
8
41. In many cases, the technological improvements decrease the demand for agricultural la-bor.
According to de Janvry (1981), technological change in Latin America between 1960 and
1974 was biased towards labor-saving techniques. Increasing use of machinery in countries
like Colombia, Brazil and Argentina reduced the need for agricultural labor. Likewise, the
mechanization of agriculture, the shift to the use of chemical herbicides and the introduction
of light threshing machines contributed to labor displacement in Philippine rice agriculture
during the 1970s and 80s (Boyce, 1993).
A similar process is also observed in 1950's Turkey. After the Second World War, the
mechanization in large scale farms reduced the demand for rural wage labor. According to
Koymen (2008), the labor displacement in plantation type farms forced peasants to move
to the urban sector. There was a rapid population increase in both industrial centers and
in regional centers, such as Trabzon, Diyarbakr in which industrialization was not observed
(Besikci, 1969; Yerasimos, 2001). This clearly suggests that the migration was not driven
entirely by pull factors. Migrants in non-industrialized cities were likely employed in informal
jobs and contributed to the growth of informal sector.
Another push factor that forces migration is the destruction of z-goods production. Z-goods
is a term used by Hymer and Resnick (1969), to represent subsistence non-agricultural
activities in the rural sector. According to their de
42. nition, z-goods production includes
activities held by small scale service and artisan establishments in the village. Importantly,
z-goods are consumed within the village.
Accordingly, if the z-good is an inferior good, a rise in rural income would decrease the
production of the z-good, whereas if the z-good is a normal good, a rise in rural income
would increase the production of the z-good. Nevertheless, they suggest that z-goods are
most often inferior goods. As a larger set of urban goods become available and as their quality
improves, urban goods become preferred substitutes for z-goods. Thus, growing urban goods
production often damages z-goods production in developing economies.
Industrialization not only attracts or pushes rural dwellers to the urban informal sector,
9
43. but in many cases it also results in faster growth in the urban informal sector compared to
the urban formal sector. This higher relative growth of the urban informal sector is observed
in many case studies for dierent periods7. In addition, by using a cross country analysis,
Rauch (1993) shows that there is an inverted-U relationship between the relative size of
informal sector and urbanization in Latin American countries. Thus, he shows that the
growth of informal sector is greater during the early phase of development.
During the period of early development, informal activities' comparative advantages not
only ensure survival of many informal industries competing with formal
44. rms, but also lead to
relatively higher growth of the informal sector. Indeed, the formal sector is usually associated
with better managerial organization and greater capital intensity, technology and skill (e.g
La Porta and Schleifer, 2008; Temkin, 2009; Yamada, 1996; Portes Schauer, 1993;
Yuki, 2007; ILO, 1972)8. However, the informal sector also has competitive advantages over
the formal sector. First, by de
46. rms have a cost advantage since they avoid paying taxes. Second, most studies show that
average wages in the informal sector are lower compared to formal sector (Karpat, 1976;
Joshi and Joshi 1976; Portes and Schauer, 1993; Temkin, 2009). This is partially due to
lack of unionization and to informal
47. rms' avoidance of labor market regulations such as the
minimum wages. In addition, informal
48. rms avoid paying social security contributions for
their workers. Hence, they also have cost advantage on labor payments.
Tokman (1978) claims that although a decrease in the share of informal
49. rms could be
expected in the long run, the informal sector can also survive for a period due to market
imperfections. For example, he shows that with the help of distance the small retail shops can
have higher prices than supermarkets. The price gap between small shops and supermarkets
rises as the distance between two increases.
Many informal self-employed activities can survive with the help of self-exploitation. In
7See Bhattacharya (2011) for India; Moser (1978) for Indonesia; Bosch, Goni and Maloney (2007) for
Brazil; Ranis and Stewart (1999) for the Philippines
8Still, there are exceptional cases that are exhibited by Ranis and Stewart (1999) and Swaminathan
(1991).
10
50. many cases (Temkin, 2009), the earnings of the self-employed are lower than the average
earnings of informal employees. Thus, the self-employed were forced to lower their own labor
costs to be able to compete with formal and informal
51. rms and the other self-employed.
Still, self-employment is attractive for many migrants and develops as an important part of
informal sector. In fact, Maloney (2004) shows that the majority of the self-employed in
Brazil do not prefer to move to a formal job and most of the male self-employed are happy
with their current activity. Although, they earn less, the self-employed prefer being their
own bosses and having
exible hours.
C. Informal Sector in Later Phases of Development
According to many works in the Marxian literature (e.g. Marx; Baran and Sweezy, 1966;
Gordon, Edwards and Reich, 1994; Aglietta, 2000), capitalist accumulation increases the
size of corporations and concentrates capital in fewer hands. We often observe the increasing
concentration of capital together with the collapse of traditional activities that are attached
to the informal sector. In addition, as urbanization continues pressure on the land decreases
and agricultural income rises making remaining the rural dwellers less willing to move to the
urban informal sector (Rauch, 1993). Therefore, the share of the informal sector may decline
in the later stages of development.
According to Marx (1867, 1932), capitalist development is associated with the creation of
modern, industrial cities. Wherever the capitalist mode of production penetrates, it destroys
the crafts and traditional industrial activities. Thereby, the capitalist development leads
to centralization of capital. The process of concentration of capital is also mentioned in
contemporary Marxian literature by the followers of theories of monopoly capital (Baran
and Sweezy, 1966; Foster, McChesney and Jonna, 2011), social structure of accumulation
(Gordon, Edwards and Reich, 1994) and the regulation school (Aglietta, 2000). According
to these theories, the concentration of capital is a result of capitalists' desire to eliminate
the other
52. rms and seek monopoly power. Monopoly power increases pro
53. ts and reduces
risks - very appealing for a capitalist. Once the monopolistic or oligopolistic structure is
11
54. achieved in an industry, the capitalist creates and maintains barriers that reduce new smaller
competitors' chances of survival in that industry. Larger companies can use various tools
such as high capital requirements, high product dierentiation, research and development
intensity, information asymmetries, formal barriers set up by governments for keeping their
market power etc. for maintaining their monopoly power.9
Therefore, we observe an asymmetric structure in capitalist development. Structural
changes in an industry that would lead to the destruction of traditional informal activities
and to the concentration of capital in fewer hands are likely. However, a structural change
which would destroy oligopolies in favor of traditional sector is more unlikely to happen.
This asymmetric tendency leads to the reduction of traditional informal activities over time.
Also, the improvements in marketing activities favor the larger formal enterprises and
reduce the attractiveness of traditional products in the later phases of capitalist develop-ment.
According to Baran and Sweezy (1966), until the end of 19th century, advertising
played a small role in in
uencing consumers' preferences in the US. However, starting from
1890's, the advertising activities improved signi
55. cantly and started to support the growing
monopolization of the economy. By using means of advertising, trademarks, brand names,
distinctive packaging and product dierentiation, the relatively large
56. rms earn capability of
pronouncing the dierences between their products and the products of informal enterprises
that are seemingly homogeneous. The greater eort for this type of product dierentiation
would bring large formal enterprises greater monopoly rents. This might reduce the com-petitiveness
of traditional informal activities that have weak links with the formal sector. In
summary, the capital accumulation followed by urbanization pulls down the share of tradi-tional
informal sector in GDP and leads to growing large scale enterprises during the later
phase of capitalist development.
9The claim for concentration of capital is supported by the empirical evidence presented by Foster,
McChesney and Jonna (2011). They show that the ratio between the total revenues of top 500 corporations
and world income GDP has a rising trend during the period 1960-2009. They also exhibit that revenues of
top 200 US corporations as a percentage of total US business revenue signi
58. In addition, agricultural incomes increase due to lower pressure on land in the later phases
of urbanization. This process would raise the agricultural incomes per capita. Therefore, the
rural dwellers would no longer prefer not to move from rural sector to urban informal sector
(Rauch, 1993). The rural-to-urban migration will slow down, which would either reduce the
size of traditional informal sector or prohibit the growth it.
III. EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS
In this section we run panel regressions to gain a deeper understanding of the relationship
between urbanization and the out the informal sector. In the
60. rst
discuss how we measure the rate of urbanization, the output and employment shares of the
informal sector and select our control variables by explaining our data sources. In the second
subsection we present estimation results of the panel analysis.
A. Variable Selection
In order to separate the eect of the variation in urbanization on the variation in the size of
the informal sector, we use various control variables most of which are widely employed in the
empirical literature using informal sector size as the dependent variable. Our control variables
are tax burden, capital-output ratio, trade openness, population density, unemployment rate
and three institutional quality variables, namely law and order, bureaucratic quality and
corruption control indices.
Ceteris paribus, we expect that lower values for institutional quality variables should be
associated with a larger informal sector size. This stems from the fact that worse institu-tional
quality acts as a burden on formal
61. rms, producers and households. Considering that
the informal sector is generally a labor intensive sector, we expect a negative correlation
between informality and capital-output ratio. Capital intensity also shows the level of cap-ital
accumulation which we expect to increase capital concentration and reduce traditional
informal activities. Higher population density would enable greater supply of labor and cre-ate
more room for informal
63. correlation. Moreover, for unemployment we expect a positive coecient since individuals
would be more willing to accept the informal jobs in the case of high unemployment. As for
taxes one might tend to expect a positive correlation since one of the main motives to go
informal is avoiding taxes. However, as documented by Friedman et al. (2000), Elgin (2010)
and many others empirical studies usually associate higher tax levels with a smaller informal
sector size.10
Finally, for trade openness, our expectation is also ambiguous. According to the struc-turalist
view, the formal enterprises interlink their activities to the informal sector for the
aim of cost reduction and increasing labor
exibility (Castells and Portes, 1989; Chen, 2006;
Carr and Chen, 2002). Since openness is a proxy that serves for the external subordination
of the informal sector to the formal sector we might expect a positive correlation between
openness and informal sector size. On the other hand, opening to international trade may
also ease a government's ability to scrutinize informal production. Following this logic, one
might obtain a negative correlation between openness and informal sector size. Moreover,
trade openness might also be eective in increasing the external returns to human capital.
Considering that the informal economy is unskilled labor intensive (and at the same time
less human capital intensive compared to the formal economy), this might further contribute
to the decline of informality. 11
Table 1 about here
B. Data Sources
We use three dierent variables to proxy the magnitude of informality. The one with
highest number of observations is obtained from the panel estimates of Schneider, Buehn
and Montenegro (2010) running from 1999 to 2007 which uses a dynamic version of MIMIC
10The main reason for this somewhat surprising observation is that taxes might be endogenous. Speci
64. cally,
as argued by Elgin (2010), what matters more than the level of taxes is whether governments use the tax
revenue for activities discouraging informality or not.
11The
65. ndings of Bakis et al. (2010) on Turkish wages using a very large data set corroborates this link.
In this paper the author associate a higher trade openness with a larger returns to higher education due to
the knowledge spillover from the foreign to the domestic sector. This is particularly true for the median to
upper quantiles of the wage distribution.
14
66. (multiple-indicator multiple-cause) approach to estimate the size of the informal economy.
This approach builds upon the works of Frey and Weck-Hannemann (1983, 1984) and is es-sentially
based on the use of a speci
67. c structural equation model, titled the MIMIC approach.
This approach treats the size of the shadow economy as an unobserved latent variable and
essentially consists of two steps: In the
68. rst step, one determines the causes and the indica-tors
of the shadow economy. Then in the second step, given the causes and the indicators
and the speci
69. ed relationship among them through the unobserved latent variable, one runs
a structural equation model to estimate the coecients of the causes and the indicators. 12
In our case this data covers 152 countries over a time span of 9 years with 1365 observations.
Moreover, for robustness we also use two other variables to proxy informality. These
are share of self-employed and share of informal employment in total non-agricultural em-ployment.
We obtained these datasets from Charmes (2009). As the data for informal
employment is usually very limited 13, self-employment is a widely used proxy for informal
employment. In both cases estimates are obtained from countrywide surveys.14 In the case
of informal employment the data spans from 1975 to 2007 in
70. ve-year intervals15. On the
other hand, in the case self employment the time span is from 1970s to 2000s in ten-year
intervals.
As a measure of urbanization we use the ratio of urban population to total population
and extract the data from the World Development Indicators (WDI) of the World Bank.
Similarly, we also obtain the tax burden, rate of unemployment and population density data
from WDI. As a measure for corruption control, we use the corruption control index of the
International Country Risk Guide (ICRG) provided by the Political Risk Services (PRS).
Similarly, the indices of bureaucratic quality and law and order are obtained from ICRG,
as well. These three variables aim to control for institutional quality. The greater values of
12See Schneider (2007) and Schneider, Buehn and Montenegro (2010) for details and an explanation of
superiority of this methodology to others and comparisons of various methods previously used to estimate
the size of the informal sector.
13Notice from Table 1 that we only have 95 observations. This dataset only includes developing economies
14See the cited paper for more detailed sources and explanations.
15The last observations are for 8 year period (2000-2007).
15
72. ned as the ratio of the sum of exports and imports to aggregate
GDP) come from the Penn World Tables (PWT) 7.0. Finally, to create the series for capital-output
ratio we simply employ the the perpetual inventory method using the following system
of equations:
Kt+1 = Kt(1 ) + It (1)
K1998
Y1998
=
P2007
i=1998
Ii
Yi
+ gY
(2)
Equation (1) is the standard law of motion for capital, where Kt stands for the aggregate
capital stock in year t, for the depreciation rate of physical capital, and It for the amount
of investment in year t.16 Equation (2) is based on the assumption that the economy is at
the steady state in the initial period of analysis which we take as 1998 here. Once the capital
stock in 1998 is calculated using equation 2, equation 1 allows us to create a capital stock
series for the years between 1998 and 2007. Finally, we divide the capital stock by real GDP
to obtain the capital-output ratio. Descriptive statistics of all the variables are provided in
Table 1.
C. Empirical Results
We
73. rst check the relationship between urbanization and the informal sector size as % of
GDP by using Schneider, Buehn and Montenegro (2010)'s dataset. The panel equation we
estimate is of the following form:
ISi;t =
77. kXki;t + i + i;t;
where for country i in year t, IS stands for the informal sector size as % of GDP, urb
for urbanization, Xki;t are various control variables included in the regression. Moreover, i
16We set = 0:05 and obtain the data on investment from PWT 7.0.
16
79. xed-eects and i;t is the error term. Notice that, in order to check
for the potential inverted-U relationship between urbanization and the informal sector we
include the urb2 term on the right-hand-side of the regression equation.
Table 2 about here
Table 2 presents results of the
80. xed-eect linear panel estimation with an AR(1) distur-bance
using data for all the 152 countries in our dataset.17 Here, we run 6 regressions with
dierent independent variables in each. As both the coecient for urban and urbansquared
are signi
81. cantly positive and negative, respectively, the inverted-U relationship between ur-banization
and informal sector is robust to the inclusion of dierent control variables to the
regression equation. Other than urbanization, another factor that seems to be correlated
with the informal sector size in 4 of the 6 regressions is the tax burden and its coecient
is negative.18 The institutional variables are not signi
82. cant, since these variables change
modestly in nine years period of time. Another variable that seems to matter is unemploy-ment.
As expected, higher unemployment (in the formal sector) is associated with larger
informal sector size. Finally, we observe a more interesting result in estimation 6 in which
we replace the urbansquare term with UrbanCapital that captures the interaction between
urbanization and capital-output ratio. The signs of the coecient in this regression indicate
that the capital-output ratio signi
83. cantly aects the relationship between urbanization and
the informal sector. Speci
84. cally, when the capital-output ratio is low, urbanization and the
size of the informal sector are positively correlated. On the other hand, when capital-output
ratio is high, urbanization and informal sector are negatively correlated. This interaction of
capital output ratio with urbanization shows that the capital intensity might be the driving
force behind the inverted-U relationship we investigate. The magnitudes of the coecients
17Hausman test points us in favor of a
85. xed-eect regression and Wooldridge test rejects absence of
autocorrelation. Moreover, in order to check for possible endogeneity of our regressors we ran an instrumental
variable estimation using one-period lagged values of the regressors as instruments. However, Hausman test
rejects the presence of signi
86. cant dierences in the estimates.
18Considering the cited papers above this is not a surprising result.
17
87. of urbanization and the interaction term between urbanization and the capital-output ra-tio
(0.13 and 0.06, respectively.) imply that when the capital-output ratio is lower (larger)
than about 2.17 urbanization and the size of the informal sector are positively (negatively)
correlated.
Table 3 about here
The results for the complete dataset strongly support our theoretical arguments for
Schneider, Buehn and Montenegro (2010)'s dataset. However, considering that the varia-tion
in both urbanization and in the size of the informal sector are small in highly developed
mature economies, a closer look at the data would be more appropriate. Indeed both the pro-cess
of urbanization and informality are merely phenomena of developing economies. To this
end using the UNDP classi
88. cation19, we divided Schneider, Buehn and Montenegro's dataset
into two subsets: Developed and developing economies. This division creates a subset of 114
developing economies which we can further utilize to analyze the relationship between urban-ization
and informal sector. Table 3 presents summary statistics of this developing-country
subset.
Table 4 about here
We estimate the same panel equation and Table 4 presents results of the
89. xed-eect linear
panel estimation with an AR(1) disturbance using data for the 114 developing countries.
Again, the results are in line with our theoretical hypothesis and similar to the regression
results with the complete dataset, except now two more coecients of independent variables
are signi
90. cant in certain regressions. These are population density and openness both of
which are negatively correlated with the informal sector size. As for the openness, the
results indicate that the out of the two counteracting eects, the one reducing informality
seems to be the dominant one.
19In this division we simply exclude countries under the very high human developed index category. (See
UNDP, 2010)
18
91. Considering that the time-series dimension of Schneider, Buehn and Montenegro (2010)'s
dataset is limited and the urbanization-informal sector relationship might have a similar path
across countries one might want to check results of ordinary-least squares (OLS) regressions.
The advantage of an OLS regression here is that it gives an idea of the longer term relationship
between urbanization and the informal sector size. Therefore, to check for robustness, in
addition to the
92. xed-eect regressions we also run OLS regressions using pooled data.20
Since there are no country
94. cation, we also introduce dummy
variables to represent several country groups. These are dummies for Subsaharan African,
European Union, Latin American and Caribbean and MENA countries. This is to capture
the common institutional characteristics share by countries in each group.
Table 5 about here
Table 5 presents results of the OLS regressions. In total we run 8 regressions, 4 using
data from developing countries (DC) and another 4 using the complete dataset. The results
again given evidence in favor of the inverted-U relationship between urbanization and the
informal sector. Since the OLS regression captures longer term relationships, in addition to
the capital-output ratio, the coecients of two institutional quality variables (bureaucratic
quality and law and order indices) are signi
95. cant as well. Moreover, as expected they are all
negatively correlated with the informal sector size. The coecients of most of the regional
dummies are signi
96. cant, too. On the other hand, corruption becomes insigni
97. cant once we
control for population density, unemployment and capital-output ratio.
Next, we exhibit the relationship between urbanization and the informal sector size as %
of urban employment by using Charmes (2009)'s dataset.
SEi;t =
101. kXki;t + i + i;t;
20Actually, the Breusch and Pagan Lagrange multiplier test rejects the null hypothesis that the OLS is
the appropriate estimation method.
19
106. kXki;t + i + i;t;
where for country i in year t, IE stands for non-agricultural informal employment and SE
for non-agricultural self-employment as % of non-agricultural self- employment respectively.
The rest are similar to the previous regressions. Charmes (2009) dataset reports observations
for periods rather than exact years. Therefore, we selected the median years of periods as
years of observations21.
Table 6 about here
In Table 6, we report regressions results using informal and self-employment as depen-dent
variables in dierent panel regressions.22 The
107. rst three regressions in Table 6 use self-employment,
whereas the last three regressions use informal employment as the dependent
variable. Estimations, 1, 2, 4 and 5 indicate that there is an inverted-U relationship between
self-employment/informal employment and urbanization. Moreover, similar to regression 6
in Table 2, in regression 3 we observe that the capital-output ratio signi
108. cantly aects the
relationship between urbanization and self-employment. Again, when the capital-output ra-tio
is low, urbanization and self-employment are positively correlated. On the other hand,
when capital-output ratio is high, urbanization and self-employment are negatively corre-lated.
However, even though the estimated coecients in regression 6 have the expected
signs, as they are not signi
110. nd support for this for informal employment.
One reason for this might be that the number of observations is signi
111. cantly low in this
regression. Finally, other control variables population density, openness and tax burden do
not seem to be consistently signi
112. cant in these regressions.
21We selected the years 1977, 1982, 1987, 1992, 1997 and 2004 for informal employment and 1975, 1985,
1995 and 2005 for self-employment.
22Here, as the Hausman text points us in favor of a
114. xed-eects estimator
in a static panel data setting. We did not prefer to present the results for OLS regressions, since Charmes
(2009)'s dataset already covers a long period of time and the dataset is very imbalanced. Moreover, to
check for possible endogeneity of our regressors we again ran an instrumental variable estimation using one-
period lagged values of the regressors as instruments. Again, Hausman test rejects the presence of signi
116. IV. CONCLUDING REMARKS
This article examines how urbanization aects the size of the informal sector during the
development process. The empirical evidence reveals an inverted-U relationship between
urbanization and the share of informal sector. According to our interpretation, this result is
caused by several factors that both push and pull labor towards the informal sector in the
early phases of industrialization. During the later phases of development, the impact of these
pull and push factors are reduced as a natural result of rural dwellers getting wealthier. In
addition, greater capital accumulation leads to greater concentration of capital and reduces
the share of informal activities.
These results are also in line with the Kuznetsian hypothesis, which predicts an inverted-
U relationship between development and urban inequality. The growth of the informal sector
partially explains the rising inequality in the Kuznets process. The later tendency towards
a declining share of informal activities can lead to rising homogeneity in labor markets,
which is also consistent with Kuznets's hypothesis. Nevertheless, the article also shows that
other variables such as trade, tax burden, institutional structure and the like can either
accentuate or mitigate the typical inverted-U trend. Our conclusions bene
117. t from Schneider,
Buehn and Montenegro (2010) and Charmes (2009)'s datasets. Although these datasets are
complements for each other, both datasets suer from various problems. Speci
118. cally, the
timeline of Schneider, Buehn and Montenegro's dataset is relatively limited and Charmes's
dataset is discrete and imbalanced. Hence, our study leaves space for further examinations
that can bene
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126. Tables and Figures
Table 1: Complete Dataset Summary Statistics
Mean Std. Dev. Min. Max. Obs.
Output Share of Informal Sector (in %) 34.60 13.54 8.40 72.5 1365
Non-agricultural Self-employment (in %) 26.44 19.12 0.20 95.30 293
Informal Employment (in %) 55.48 18.63 5.40 95.20 95
Urbanization (in %) 55.84 23.52 8.34 100.00 1368
Law and Order Index 3.89 1.35 0.50 6.00 1177
Bureaucratic Quality Index 2.23 1.11 0.00 4.00 1179
Corruption Control 2.78 1.22 0.00 6.00 1176
Population Density 198.87 730.67 1.52 6646.74 1366
Openness (in %) 89.55 52.53 4.83 453.44 1359
Capital-Output Ratio 2.33 1.97 0.74 10.91 1368
Tax Burden (in %) 17.16 7.07 0.82 57.49 796
Unemployment (in %) 8.88 5.85 0.70 37.30 816
28
127. Table 2: Output Share of Informal Sector and Urbanization: All Countries
Dependent variable: IS
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)
Urbanization 1.34* 1.35* 1.36* 1.37* 0.89* 0.133*
(0.09) (0.09) (0.09) (0.13) (0.10) (0.03)
Urbanization-squared -0.01* -0.01* -0.01* -0.01* -0.008*
(0.001) (0.001) (0.001) (0.001) (0.001)
Tax Burden -0.09* -0.08* -0.08* -0.06** -0.02 -0.02
(0.02) (0.02) (0.02) (0.02) (0.03) (0.03)
Openness -0.006** -0.007** -0.01* -0.006 -0.005***
(0.003) (0.003) (0.004) (0.004) (0.003)
Population Density -0.0008 -0.001 -0.0002 -0.0005
(0.002) (0.002) (0.008) (0.0008)
Bureaucratic Quality -0.32 -0.21 -0.14
(0.30) (0.26) (0.23)
Corruption Control 0.07 -0.05 0.02
(0.08) (0.08) (0.07)
Law and Order -0.17 -0.007 0.11
(0.11) (0.12) (0.11)
Unemployment Rate 0.04* 0.03*
(0.01) (0.01)
Capital-Output Ratio 7.36*
(0.95)
UrbanCapital -0.06*
(0.01)
R-squared 0.33 0.33 0.34 0.28 0.38 0.46
Observations 670 662 660 576 402 402
F-Test 89.05 68.48 54.85 22.50 21.41 26.85
All panel regressions include a country
128. xed eect. Robust standard errors are reported in parentheses. *,
**, *** denote 1, 5 and 10% con