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Animal Abuse in Childhood and Later Support for
Interpersonal Violence in Families
Clifton P. Flynn1
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH CAROLINA SPARTANBURG
A survey of university students tested whether committing animal abuse
during childhood was related to approval of interpersonal violence against
children and women in families. Respondents who had abused an animal
as children or adolescents were significantly more likely to support
corporal punishment, even after controlling for frequency of childhood
spanking, race, biblical literalism, and gender. Those who had perpetrated
animal abuse were also more likely to approve of a husband slapping his
wife. Engaging in childhood violence against less powerful beings฀
animals฀may generalize to the acceptance of violence against less pow-
erful members of families and society฀women and children. This paper
discusses the implications of this process.
Several scholars have examined the link between animal abuse and violence to
humans, but only recently have researchers focused on how maltreatment of
animals is related to violence within families (Boat, 1995; Lockwood & Ascione,
1998). These few studies have looked at how animal abuse in families may be a sign
of other forms of violence, such as child abuse (DeViney, Dickert, & Lockwood,
1983) or wife abuse (Ascione, 1998). Arkow (1996) argues that childhood animal
cruelty may identify not only those who currently live in violent families but also
those who may engage in future antisocial behavior. Further, Ascione ( 1992, 1993)
suggests that experiencing animal cruelty, as well as various other forms of
violence in families, may interfere with the development of empathy in children.
Exploration has begun on the connection between animal cruelty and violent
behavior in families. No studies, however, have examined whether animal abuse
committed as a youth is related to later approval of violence against women and
children in families.
Animal Abuse
Earlier studies, using samples of aggressive criminals (Felthous & Kellert, 1986;
Kellert & Felthous, 1985) or troubled youth (Rigdon & Tapia, 1979; Tapia, 1971)
162
have found an association between animal abuse in childhood and later violent
behavior. This phenomenon was essentially characteristic of males with harsh
childhoods, often including violence inflicted by their fathers. A more recent study
(Miller & Knutson, 1997) found a significant correlation between physical punish-
ment and animal abuse for two populations-violent criminals and college stu-
dents. Taken together, these studies provide evidence that animal abuse can serve
both as a marker for children experiencing violence and abuse and as a link to future
violent behavior. Thus, the childhood socialization of those who are cruel to
animals may provide multiple opportunities to learn and rehearse violence.
Owens & Straus (1975) examined the relationship between violence experi-
enced as a child and acceptance of interpersonal violence as an adult. They found
that committing violent acts as a child was positively related to approving
interpersonal violence-including spanking a child and slapping a wife. This
relationship, somewhat stronger for males than females, was not affected by
socioeconomic status. If engaging in violence against humans as a child leads to
more favorable attitudes toward interpersonal violence, then committing violence
against animals could have a similar result.
Attitudes toward Nonabusive Violence in Families
Corporal Punishment
The physical punishment of children enjoys strong normative support in this
country. In 1986, 84% of Americans agreed that "it is sometimes necessary to
discipline a child with a good, hard spanking." By 1991, only 73% agreed with
administering corporal punishment. Support for spanking had declined somewhat
(National Opinion Research Center, 1991). Not only do nearly three out of four
Americans approve of spanking, but certain groups have demonstrated particularly
favorable attitudes. Race, religion, and region have been important variables
related to spanking attitudes (Flynn, 1996a). Research has found that
African-Americans (Alvy, 1987, Flynn, 1998), conservative Protestants, those
who believe the Bible is the literal word of God (Ellison & Sherkat, 1993; Wiehe,
1990), and Southerners (Flynn, 1994, 1996b) have shown strong support for the
physical punishment of children.
Husband-to-Wife Violence
In contrast to attitudes toward corporal punishment, Americans strongly opposed
husbands hitting their wives. As of 1994, only 10% of Americans said that there
163
were "any situations that you can imagine in which you would approve of a husband
slapping his wife's face." This represented a significant decline since 1964, when
21 % approved of a husband slapping his wife (Straus, Kaufman Kantor, & Moore,
1994). These researchers found that gender, ethnicity, region, and age all related to
support for husband-to-wife interpersonal violence. Males, whites, Southerners,
and younger respondents were more likely to approve of such violence.
If abusing animals both socializes children to engage in violence, and inhibits
the development of empathy in children, then not only is animal abuse more likely
to lead to interpersonal violence,but also animal abuse may relate to more accepting
attitudes toward interpersonal violence. This may be particularly true if a child who
has abused animals has also been a victim of violence within the family. This study
investigates the link between perpetrating animal abuse in childhood and maintain-
ing favorable attitudes in young adulthood toward nonabusive violence against
children and women in families. Specifically, are young adults who abused animals
as children or adolescents more likely to support spanking children, and to approve
of a husband slapping his wife?
Methods
Sample and Data Collection
Participants were 267 undergraduate students taking introductory psychology and
sociology courses at a public southeastern university in the fall of 1997. Students
completed an eighteen-page questionnaire asking about their experiences with
animal abuse, their experiences with and attitudes about various forms of family
violence, and certain demographic information. Participation was voluntary.
Administered in classes, the questionnaire took approximately 25 minutes to
complete. Because of the potentially disturbing items on the questionnaire, in-
formed consent was obtained from each student. To insure students' complete
anonymity, however, this process was conducted separately from the administra-
tion of the questionnaire
Nearly three-fourths of the sample was white (73.4%), and about one-fifth
were African-American. Over two-thirds of the respondents were female (68.4%).
Most of the respondents were typical college age students at or near the beginning
of their college careers. The majority of students were either freshmen (58.8%) or
sophomores (24.3%). Eighty percent were under the age of twenty-one, and almost
92% were younger than twenty-five. Ninety percent were single, and 95.5% were
childless.
164
Measures
Animal abuse. Perpetrating animal abuse was measured using five items from the
Boat Inventory on Animal-Related Experiences, formerly called the Animal-Related
Trauma Inventory (Boat, 1997, personal communication). Miller and Knutson
(1997) adapted the inventory for use in questionnaire format, and that version,
modified, was used here. The five acts of animal abuse were (a) killing a pet; (b)
killing a stray or wild animal; (c) hurting or torturing an animal to tease it or cause
it pain; (d) touching an animal sexually; and (e) having sex with an animal. If the
respondent admitted to committing any one of the five acts, then the respondent was
considered to have perpetrated animal abuse. Items concerning killing an animal
explicitly excluded killing for food ( farm animals intended for slaughter), hunting,
and mercy killing, so that socially-approved behaviors were not counted as abuse.
In addition, for each type of cruelty respondents were asked to report the type
of animal involved, what was done to the animal, the number of separate incidents,
and the age when the cruelty was first committed. For type of animal, the possible
responses were (a) dogs, (b) cats, (c) other small animals (e.g., rodents, birds,
reptiles, poultry), (d) large animals (horses, sheep, goats, cattle, donkey, pigs), and
(e) other. The response choices for method of cruelty included (a) poisoned (gas,
drugs, alcohol), (b) drowned, strangled, smothered, (c) hit, beat, kicked, threw
against a wall or object, (d) shot, and (e) stabbed or poked with sharp object, burned,
blew up, and castrated or mutilated genitals. For number of incidents, respondents
could choose either one, two, three to five, or six or more. Finally, the possible
responses for age at first incident were "2 to 5," "6 to 12," "teenager," or "adult."
Attitudes toward corporal punishment. The following item measured the variable:
"Do you strongly agree, agree, disagree, or strongly disagree that it is sometimes
necessary to discipline a child with a good, hard spanking?" Responses were coded
from 0 to 3, with 3 being "strongly agree," such that a higher score indicated a more
favorable attitude toward spanking.
Approval of husband slapping wife. Respondents were asked whether they strongly
agreed, agreed, disagreed, or strongly disagreed with the following statement: "I
can imagine a situation in which I would approve of a husband slapping his wife."
As with the spanking variable, responses were coded from 0 to 3, with 3 being
"strongly agree," so that a higher score means greater approval for a wife being
slapped by her husband.
165
Control variables. Four variables served as control variables: frequency of physical
punishment prior to adolescence, race, biblical literalism, and gender. Frequency
of physical punishment was measured by asking the following question: "Before
you were a teenager, about how often would you say your parents (or stepparents)
used physical punishment, like spanking, slapping, or hitting you?" Possible
responses were never, once, twice, 3-5 times, 6-10 times, 11-20 times, or more than
20 times. Responses were coded from 0 to 6, with 0 being "never" and 6 being
"more than twenty times." The question was asked twice-once for each parent-
and the two answers were summed to get a total frequency of preteen physical
punishment score.
Race was dichotomized as white or nonwhite. Biblical literalism was measured
by asking respondents whether they strongly agreed, agree, disagreed, or strongly
disagreed that "the Bible is the literal word of God." Responses were coded from
0 to 3, with a higher number indicating greater belief in biblical literalism.
Results
Perpetrating Animal Abuse
Over one-sixth of the sample-17.6%-reported perpetrating at least one act of
animal abuse. The most common form of abuse was killing a stray animal ( 13.1 %),
followed by hurting or torturing an animal (6.7%), and killing a pet (2.6%). There
was very little evidence of sexual acts committed on animals (see Table 1).
Males were nearly four times more likely than females to have abused an
animal. More than a third of males, but only one out of ten females, admitted to
harming or killing an animal. Whites were somewhat more likely than nonwhites
to have committed animal abuse-19.4% vs. 12.7%.
Table 2 summarizes the data regarding the type of animals abused, the method
of abuse used, the number of separate incidents, and age of the first incident for the
three most prevalent types of animal cruelty. The most common victims of animal
cruelty were small animals (rodents, birds, reptiles, and poultry), dogs, and cats. For
respondents who reported killing animals, the typical victims were small animals.
Of the thirty-five individuals who had killed a wild or stray animal, 77.1 % said they
had killed a small animal. For those who had hurt or tortured animals, small animals s
(50.0%) and dogs (44.4%) were the most likely victims.
The majority of those who had perpetrated animal abuse-33 out of 47
(70.2%)-had committed only one type of abuse. About one in five (n=9) had
166
committed two different types, 8.5% had inflicted three types of abuse, and one
respondent reported committing four of the five types of animal cruelty.
Almost all perpetrators, however, had abused animals on more than one
occasion. Although only 35.3% said they had only killed a stray or wild animal on
one occasion, nearly four out of ten had done so twice, and approximately
one-fourth had killed a stray or wild animal in three or more separate incidents.
Similarly, only 22.2% of those who had hurt or tortured an animal had done so only
once. One-third reported two separate incidents of cruelty, one-sixth reported three
to five incidents, and 27.8% reported six or more.
For those who had killed a stray or wild animal (n=35), 70.6% reported that the
act occurred during adolescence, with 29.4% saying they killed an animal between
ages six to twelve. Half of the eighteen respondents who hurt or tortured an animal
did so between the ages of six and twelve, while one-third hurt or tortured animals
as teenagers.
Attitudes toward Spanking Children and Slapping Wives
As expected, corporal punishment received fairly strong support. Seventy-one
percent of respondents reported that they either agreed (47.2%) or strongly agreed
(23.8%) that "it is sometimes necessary to discipline a child with a good, hard
spanking."
Not surprisingly, very little support existed for a husband slapping his wife.
Only 7.2% of the students agreed (6.4%) or strongly agreed (.8%) that they could
"imagine a situation in which they would approve of a husband slapping his wife."
Eighty percent of respondents strongly disagreed with that statement.
167
Relationship between Animal Abuse and Attitudes toward Violence
Spanking. Respondents who had abused an animal during childhood had signifi-
cantly more favorable attitudes toward corporal punishment (M=2.18) than those
who had not perpetrated animal abuse (M=1.81, p< .05). However, there may be
168
other factors related to attitudes toward corporal punishment that may account for
this difference. To control for this possibility, a multiple regression analysis was
performed (see Table 3), with four control variables in the model: the frequency of
physical punishment received from both parents before age 13, the race of the
respondent (white/nonwhite), belief in biblical literalism, and the respondent's s
gender. When controlling for these factors, the difference between animal abuse
groups remains, with those committing animal abuse still having more favorable
attitudes toward spanking. The adjusted mean for spanking attitudes among those
who had abused an animal was 2.13, compared with 1.82 for those who had not
perpetrated animal abuse (p=.0357). Three of the four control variables were also
significantly related to attitudes toward corporal punishment, with nonwhites,
biblical literalists, and those who were spanked frequently as children being more
supportive of spanking. Gender was not significantly related to spanking attitudes.
Husband Slapping Wife. Because of the small number of participants who ex-
pressed any degree of approval for a husband slapping his wife (n=19), this attitude
variable was dichotomized as either approving or disapproving of a wife being
slapped by her husband, and a chi-square analysis was performed. Respondents
who had abused an animal were more likely to approve of a husband slapping his
wife than those who had never committed animal abuse by three to one-15.6%
compared with 5.4% (xz=5.727, p=.017). No differences based on gender were
found, as only 7% of both males and females approved of a husband slapping his
wife.
169
Discussion
The high incidence of childhood animal abuse uncovered in this sample of college
students is alarming. As a child, one out of six respondents and one in three male
respondents had harmed or killed an animal. Interestingly, students were more
likely to have killed a wild or stray animal than they were to have hurt or tortured
an animal. Although this may seem counterintuitive at first glance, there are at least
two logical explanations for such a finding. First, since small animals were the most
likely type of animal to be killed, some respondents may have reported socially
sanctioned behaviors, such as killing mice and rats, or snakes (i.e., "vermin") that
may not be seen by themselves or others as abusive. This possibility calls attention
to more precise operationalization of animal cruelty in future studies. However, a
second and equally plausible explanation is that hurting or torturing an animal to
tease or cause pain is a more deviant act than killing an animal, and thus it occurs
less frequently. While killing animals is socially sanctioned in many circum-
stances, torturing animals never is. The act of torturing an animal for the thrill of
inflicting pain and suffering is, in many ways, a more disturbing act, both
psychologically and socially, than ending an animal's life.
Committing animal abuse during childhood is related to later approval of
interpersonal violence against children and women in families. The findings are
consistent with the conclusions of Owens and Straus (1975), who argued that the
social structure of childhood violence, including violence committed by children,
is related to approving interpersonal violence as an adult. Although their study
focused on violence against humans, these findings suggest that the relationship
holds for childhood violence against animals as well.
Perpetrating animal abuse during childhood was a significant predictor of
attitudes toward corporal punishment-even after controlling for race, gender,
biblical literalism, and frequency of being spanked as a child. Previous research
(Straus, 1991 ) has shown that parents who approve of corporal punishment not only
tend to use it more frequently, but also are more likely to be physically abusive to
their children. If being cruel to animals as a child leads to later support for hitting
children, then it may also make it easier to actually hit children as an adult. Given
the host of potential negative outcomes associated with spanking-antisocial
behavior, substance abuse, depression, interpersonal violence-the relationship
between animal cruelty and support for spanking should be cause for concern
(Straus, 1994).
170
Because of the small number of respondents who had both perpetrated animal
abuse as children and who approved of a husband slapping his wife, the relationship
between these variables should be interpreted cautiously. Nevertheless, the fact that
a statistically significant result was obtained suggests that the relationship is a fairly
powerful one.
Ascione (1992, 1993) has argued that animal abuse could interfere with the
development of empathy in children. The findings from this study can be inter-
preted in light of this position. If cruelty to animals does cause children to be less
empathic, it makes sense that they may be less troubled as young adults by parents
hitting children or husbands hitting wives. Further, if abusing animals not only
inhibits one's ability to show kindness and compassion, but also socializes one to
use violence, then perpetrators may be more likely not only to approve intimate
violence, but to engage in it as well. It is important to acknowledge that some
children may start out with an empathy deficit that could cause them to approve of
and employ violence against both human and nonhuman animals. Only further
research can answer this question.
Either way, future research should explore the link between childhood animal
cruelty and later violence in families. Beyond that, social scientists should also
explore how abusing animals as a child may influence adult attitudes toward hitting
animals, as well as abusive treatment of animals as an adult.
Even though the relationship between perpetrating animal abuse and accept-
ance of interpersonal violence did not differ by gender, the fact that males are nearly
four times more likely to abuse animals should not be overlooked. The socialization
of males includes lessons about dominance and aggression. Animal abuse offers an
opportunity to rehearse dominance and aggression against less powerful beings,
thereby reinforcing the beliefs that support such behaviors, particularly if the abuse
is not perceived by parents or society as being a serious offense.
Although not measured in this study, future researchers should examine the
reaction of parents, other authority figures, and peers to youths' animal abuse. The
response of significant others may play an important role in determining the effect
of abusing animals on one's attitudes toward, and propensity for engaging in,
interpersonal violence. Parents and others who ignore animal cruelty may contrib-
ute to a greater acceptance of violence against human and nonhuman animals. The
high incidence of childhood animal cruelty also suggests that many parents are
unaware of the abusive acts their children are committing against animals, and thus,
of the potential long-term negative consequences for their children's development.
171
Ending animal abuse will have important consequences for the well-being of
children and women. Efforts to stop the cruel treatment of animals are likely to
contribute to the decreased tolerance for interpersonal violence, and thus to
lessening the actual incidence of violence against women and children. But just as
important, as Solot (1997) reminds us, attention to violence toward animals is
needed not just because it is related to violence toward humans. Rather, such efforts
will help to end the needless suffering of innocent animals, and thus contribute to
achieving a nonviolent society for all living beings.
Note
1.Correspondence should be sent to Clifton P. Flynn, Department of Sociology, University
of South Carolina Spartanburg, Spartanburg, SC 29303, or e-mail to cflynn@gw.uscs.edu.
I wish to thank Jill Jones, Kenneth Shapiro, and two anonymous reviewers for their valuable
comments.
References
Alvy, K. T. (1987). Black parenting: Strategies for training. New York: Irvington.
Arkow, P. (1996). The relationships between animal abuse and other forms of family
violence. Family Violence and Sexual Assault Bulletin, 12, 29-34.
Ascione, F. R. (1992). Enhancing children's attitudes about the humane treatment of
animals: Generalization to human-directed empathy. Anthrozoos, 5, 3, 176-191.
Ascione, F. R. (1993). Children who are cruel to animals: A review of research and
implications for developmental psychology. Anthrozoos, 6, 4, 226-247.
Ascione, F. R. (1998). Battered women's reports of their partners' and their children's
cruelty to animals. Journal of Emotional Abuse, 1, 119-133.
Boat, B. W. (1995). The relationship between violence to children and violence to animals:
An ignored link? Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 10, 2, 229-235.
DeViney, E., Dickert, J., & Lockwood, R. (1983). The care of pets within child abusing
families. International Journal for the Study of Animal Problems, 4, 4, 321-329.
Ellison, C. G., & Sherkat, D. E. (1993). Conservative protestantism and support for corporal
punishment. American Sociological Review, 58, 131-144.
Felthous, A. R., & Kellert, S. R. (1986). Violence against animals and people: Is aggression
against living creatures generalized? Bulletin of the American Academy of Psychiatry
Law, 14, 1, 55-69.
Flynn, C. P. (1994). Regional differences in attitudes toward corporal punishment. Journal
of Marriage and the Family, 56, 314-324.
Flynn, C. P. (1996a). Normative support for corporal punishment: Attitudes, correlates, and
implications. Aggressive and Violent Behavior, 1, 47-55.
172
Flynn, C. P. (1996b). Regional differences in spanking experiences and attitudes: A
comparison of northeastern and southern college students. Journal of Family Violence,
11, 59-80.
Flynn, C. P. (1998). To spank or not to spank: The effect of age of child and situation on
support for corporal punishment. Journal of Family Violence, 13, 21-37.
Kellert, S. R., & Felthous, A. R. (1985). Childhood cruelty toward animals among criminals
and noncriminals. Human Relations, 38, 12, 1113-1129.
Lockwood, R., & Ascione, F. R. (1998). Cruelty to animals and interpersonal violence:
Readings in research and application. West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press.
Miller, K. S., & Knutson, J. F. (1997). Reports of severe physical punishment and exposure
to animal cruelty by inmates convicted of felonies and by university students. Child
Abuse and Neglect, 21, 1, 59-82.
National Opinion Research Center (1991). General social surveys, 1972-1991 cumulative
codebook. Storrs, CT: Roper Center for Public Opinion Research.
Owens, D. J., & Straus, M. A. (1975). The social structure of violence in childhood and
approval of violence as an adult. Aggressive Behavior, 1, 193-211.
Rigdon, J. D., & Tapia, F. (1977). Children who are cruel to animals: A follow-up study.
Journal of Operational Psychiatry, 8, 1, 27-36.
Solot, D. (1997). Untangling the animal abuse web. Society and Animals, 5, 257-265.
Straus, M. A. (1991). Discipline and deviance: Physical punishment of children and
violence and other crime in adulthood. Social Problems, 38, 133-154.
Straus, M. A. (1994). Beating the devil out of them: Corporal punishment in American
families. New York: Lexington Books.
Straus, M. A., Kaufman Kantor, G., & Moore, D. W. (1994). Change in cultural norms
approving marital violence from 1968 to 1994. Paper presented at the annual meeting
of the American Sociological Association, Los Angeles, CA.
Tapia, F. (1971). Children who are cruel to animals. Child Psychiatry and Human
Development, 2, 2, 70-77.
Wiehe, V. R. (1990). Religious influence on parental attitudes toward the use of corporal
punishment. Journal of Family Violence, 5, 173-186.

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Animal Abuse In Childhood And Later Support For Interpersonal Violence In Families

  • 1. 161 Animal Abuse in Childhood and Later Support for Interpersonal Violence in Families Clifton P. Flynn1 UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH CAROLINA SPARTANBURG A survey of university students tested whether committing animal abuse during childhood was related to approval of interpersonal violence against children and women in families. Respondents who had abused an animal as children or adolescents were significantly more likely to support corporal punishment, even after controlling for frequency of childhood spanking, race, biblical literalism, and gender. Those who had perpetrated animal abuse were also more likely to approve of a husband slapping his wife. Engaging in childhood violence against less powerful beings฀ animals฀may generalize to the acceptance of violence against less pow- erful members of families and society฀women and children. This paper discusses the implications of this process. Several scholars have examined the link between animal abuse and violence to humans, but only recently have researchers focused on how maltreatment of animals is related to violence within families (Boat, 1995; Lockwood & Ascione, 1998). These few studies have looked at how animal abuse in families may be a sign of other forms of violence, such as child abuse (DeViney, Dickert, & Lockwood, 1983) or wife abuse (Ascione, 1998). Arkow (1996) argues that childhood animal cruelty may identify not only those who currently live in violent families but also those who may engage in future antisocial behavior. Further, Ascione ( 1992, 1993) suggests that experiencing animal cruelty, as well as various other forms of violence in families, may interfere with the development of empathy in children. Exploration has begun on the connection between animal cruelty and violent behavior in families. No studies, however, have examined whether animal abuse committed as a youth is related to later approval of violence against women and children in families. Animal Abuse Earlier studies, using samples of aggressive criminals (Felthous & Kellert, 1986; Kellert & Felthous, 1985) or troubled youth (Rigdon & Tapia, 1979; Tapia, 1971)
  • 2. 162 have found an association between animal abuse in childhood and later violent behavior. This phenomenon was essentially characteristic of males with harsh childhoods, often including violence inflicted by their fathers. A more recent study (Miller & Knutson, 1997) found a significant correlation between physical punish- ment and animal abuse for two populations-violent criminals and college stu- dents. Taken together, these studies provide evidence that animal abuse can serve both as a marker for children experiencing violence and abuse and as a link to future violent behavior. Thus, the childhood socialization of those who are cruel to animals may provide multiple opportunities to learn and rehearse violence. Owens & Straus (1975) examined the relationship between violence experi- enced as a child and acceptance of interpersonal violence as an adult. They found that committing violent acts as a child was positively related to approving interpersonal violence-including spanking a child and slapping a wife. This relationship, somewhat stronger for males than females, was not affected by socioeconomic status. If engaging in violence against humans as a child leads to more favorable attitudes toward interpersonal violence, then committing violence against animals could have a similar result. Attitudes toward Nonabusive Violence in Families Corporal Punishment The physical punishment of children enjoys strong normative support in this country. In 1986, 84% of Americans agreed that "it is sometimes necessary to discipline a child with a good, hard spanking." By 1991, only 73% agreed with administering corporal punishment. Support for spanking had declined somewhat (National Opinion Research Center, 1991). Not only do nearly three out of four Americans approve of spanking, but certain groups have demonstrated particularly favorable attitudes. Race, religion, and region have been important variables related to spanking attitudes (Flynn, 1996a). Research has found that African-Americans (Alvy, 1987, Flynn, 1998), conservative Protestants, those who believe the Bible is the literal word of God (Ellison & Sherkat, 1993; Wiehe, 1990), and Southerners (Flynn, 1994, 1996b) have shown strong support for the physical punishment of children. Husband-to-Wife Violence In contrast to attitudes toward corporal punishment, Americans strongly opposed husbands hitting their wives. As of 1994, only 10% of Americans said that there
  • 3. 163 were "any situations that you can imagine in which you would approve of a husband slapping his wife's face." This represented a significant decline since 1964, when 21 % approved of a husband slapping his wife (Straus, Kaufman Kantor, & Moore, 1994). These researchers found that gender, ethnicity, region, and age all related to support for husband-to-wife interpersonal violence. Males, whites, Southerners, and younger respondents were more likely to approve of such violence. If abusing animals both socializes children to engage in violence, and inhibits the development of empathy in children, then not only is animal abuse more likely to lead to interpersonal violence,but also animal abuse may relate to more accepting attitudes toward interpersonal violence. This may be particularly true if a child who has abused animals has also been a victim of violence within the family. This study investigates the link between perpetrating animal abuse in childhood and maintain- ing favorable attitudes in young adulthood toward nonabusive violence against children and women in families. Specifically, are young adults who abused animals as children or adolescents more likely to support spanking children, and to approve of a husband slapping his wife? Methods Sample and Data Collection Participants were 267 undergraduate students taking introductory psychology and sociology courses at a public southeastern university in the fall of 1997. Students completed an eighteen-page questionnaire asking about their experiences with animal abuse, their experiences with and attitudes about various forms of family violence, and certain demographic information. Participation was voluntary. Administered in classes, the questionnaire took approximately 25 minutes to complete. Because of the potentially disturbing items on the questionnaire, in- formed consent was obtained from each student. To insure students' complete anonymity, however, this process was conducted separately from the administra- tion of the questionnaire Nearly three-fourths of the sample was white (73.4%), and about one-fifth were African-American. Over two-thirds of the respondents were female (68.4%). Most of the respondents were typical college age students at or near the beginning of their college careers. The majority of students were either freshmen (58.8%) or sophomores (24.3%). Eighty percent were under the age of twenty-one, and almost 92% were younger than twenty-five. Ninety percent were single, and 95.5% were childless.
  • 4. 164 Measures Animal abuse. Perpetrating animal abuse was measured using five items from the Boat Inventory on Animal-Related Experiences, formerly called the Animal-Related Trauma Inventory (Boat, 1997, personal communication). Miller and Knutson (1997) adapted the inventory for use in questionnaire format, and that version, modified, was used here. The five acts of animal abuse were (a) killing a pet; (b) killing a stray or wild animal; (c) hurting or torturing an animal to tease it or cause it pain; (d) touching an animal sexually; and (e) having sex with an animal. If the respondent admitted to committing any one of the five acts, then the respondent was considered to have perpetrated animal abuse. Items concerning killing an animal explicitly excluded killing for food ( farm animals intended for slaughter), hunting, and mercy killing, so that socially-approved behaviors were not counted as abuse. In addition, for each type of cruelty respondents were asked to report the type of animal involved, what was done to the animal, the number of separate incidents, and the age when the cruelty was first committed. For type of animal, the possible responses were (a) dogs, (b) cats, (c) other small animals (e.g., rodents, birds, reptiles, poultry), (d) large animals (horses, sheep, goats, cattle, donkey, pigs), and (e) other. The response choices for method of cruelty included (a) poisoned (gas, drugs, alcohol), (b) drowned, strangled, smothered, (c) hit, beat, kicked, threw against a wall or object, (d) shot, and (e) stabbed or poked with sharp object, burned, blew up, and castrated or mutilated genitals. For number of incidents, respondents could choose either one, two, three to five, or six or more. Finally, the possible responses for age at first incident were "2 to 5," "6 to 12," "teenager," or "adult." Attitudes toward corporal punishment. The following item measured the variable: "Do you strongly agree, agree, disagree, or strongly disagree that it is sometimes necessary to discipline a child with a good, hard spanking?" Responses were coded from 0 to 3, with 3 being "strongly agree," such that a higher score indicated a more favorable attitude toward spanking. Approval of husband slapping wife. Respondents were asked whether they strongly agreed, agreed, disagreed, or strongly disagreed with the following statement: "I can imagine a situation in which I would approve of a husband slapping his wife." As with the spanking variable, responses were coded from 0 to 3, with 3 being "strongly agree," so that a higher score means greater approval for a wife being slapped by her husband.
  • 5. 165 Control variables. Four variables served as control variables: frequency of physical punishment prior to adolescence, race, biblical literalism, and gender. Frequency of physical punishment was measured by asking the following question: "Before you were a teenager, about how often would you say your parents (or stepparents) used physical punishment, like spanking, slapping, or hitting you?" Possible responses were never, once, twice, 3-5 times, 6-10 times, 11-20 times, or more than 20 times. Responses were coded from 0 to 6, with 0 being "never" and 6 being "more than twenty times." The question was asked twice-once for each parent- and the two answers were summed to get a total frequency of preteen physical punishment score. Race was dichotomized as white or nonwhite. Biblical literalism was measured by asking respondents whether they strongly agreed, agree, disagreed, or strongly disagreed that "the Bible is the literal word of God." Responses were coded from 0 to 3, with a higher number indicating greater belief in biblical literalism. Results Perpetrating Animal Abuse Over one-sixth of the sample-17.6%-reported perpetrating at least one act of animal abuse. The most common form of abuse was killing a stray animal ( 13.1 %), followed by hurting or torturing an animal (6.7%), and killing a pet (2.6%). There was very little evidence of sexual acts committed on animals (see Table 1). Males were nearly four times more likely than females to have abused an animal. More than a third of males, but only one out of ten females, admitted to harming or killing an animal. Whites were somewhat more likely than nonwhites to have committed animal abuse-19.4% vs. 12.7%. Table 2 summarizes the data regarding the type of animals abused, the method of abuse used, the number of separate incidents, and age of the first incident for the three most prevalent types of animal cruelty. The most common victims of animal cruelty were small animals (rodents, birds, reptiles, and poultry), dogs, and cats. For respondents who reported killing animals, the typical victims were small animals. Of the thirty-five individuals who had killed a wild or stray animal, 77.1 % said they had killed a small animal. For those who had hurt or tortured animals, small animals s (50.0%) and dogs (44.4%) were the most likely victims. The majority of those who had perpetrated animal abuse-33 out of 47 (70.2%)-had committed only one type of abuse. About one in five (n=9) had
  • 6. 166 committed two different types, 8.5% had inflicted three types of abuse, and one respondent reported committing four of the five types of animal cruelty. Almost all perpetrators, however, had abused animals on more than one occasion. Although only 35.3% said they had only killed a stray or wild animal on one occasion, nearly four out of ten had done so twice, and approximately one-fourth had killed a stray or wild animal in three or more separate incidents. Similarly, only 22.2% of those who had hurt or tortured an animal had done so only once. One-third reported two separate incidents of cruelty, one-sixth reported three to five incidents, and 27.8% reported six or more. For those who had killed a stray or wild animal (n=35), 70.6% reported that the act occurred during adolescence, with 29.4% saying they killed an animal between ages six to twelve. Half of the eighteen respondents who hurt or tortured an animal did so between the ages of six and twelve, while one-third hurt or tortured animals as teenagers. Attitudes toward Spanking Children and Slapping Wives As expected, corporal punishment received fairly strong support. Seventy-one percent of respondents reported that they either agreed (47.2%) or strongly agreed (23.8%) that "it is sometimes necessary to discipline a child with a good, hard spanking." Not surprisingly, very little support existed for a husband slapping his wife. Only 7.2% of the students agreed (6.4%) or strongly agreed (.8%) that they could "imagine a situation in which they would approve of a husband slapping his wife." Eighty percent of respondents strongly disagreed with that statement.
  • 7. 167 Relationship between Animal Abuse and Attitudes toward Violence Spanking. Respondents who had abused an animal during childhood had signifi- cantly more favorable attitudes toward corporal punishment (M=2.18) than those who had not perpetrated animal abuse (M=1.81, p< .05). However, there may be
  • 8. 168 other factors related to attitudes toward corporal punishment that may account for this difference. To control for this possibility, a multiple regression analysis was performed (see Table 3), with four control variables in the model: the frequency of physical punishment received from both parents before age 13, the race of the respondent (white/nonwhite), belief in biblical literalism, and the respondent's s gender. When controlling for these factors, the difference between animal abuse groups remains, with those committing animal abuse still having more favorable attitudes toward spanking. The adjusted mean for spanking attitudes among those who had abused an animal was 2.13, compared with 1.82 for those who had not perpetrated animal abuse (p=.0357). Three of the four control variables were also significantly related to attitudes toward corporal punishment, with nonwhites, biblical literalists, and those who were spanked frequently as children being more supportive of spanking. Gender was not significantly related to spanking attitudes. Husband Slapping Wife. Because of the small number of participants who ex- pressed any degree of approval for a husband slapping his wife (n=19), this attitude variable was dichotomized as either approving or disapproving of a wife being slapped by her husband, and a chi-square analysis was performed. Respondents who had abused an animal were more likely to approve of a husband slapping his wife than those who had never committed animal abuse by three to one-15.6% compared with 5.4% (xz=5.727, p=.017). No differences based on gender were found, as only 7% of both males and females approved of a husband slapping his wife.
  • 9. 169 Discussion The high incidence of childhood animal abuse uncovered in this sample of college students is alarming. As a child, one out of six respondents and one in three male respondents had harmed or killed an animal. Interestingly, students were more likely to have killed a wild or stray animal than they were to have hurt or tortured an animal. Although this may seem counterintuitive at first glance, there are at least two logical explanations for such a finding. First, since small animals were the most likely type of animal to be killed, some respondents may have reported socially sanctioned behaviors, such as killing mice and rats, or snakes (i.e., "vermin") that may not be seen by themselves or others as abusive. This possibility calls attention to more precise operationalization of animal cruelty in future studies. However, a second and equally plausible explanation is that hurting or torturing an animal to tease or cause pain is a more deviant act than killing an animal, and thus it occurs less frequently. While killing animals is socially sanctioned in many circum- stances, torturing animals never is. The act of torturing an animal for the thrill of inflicting pain and suffering is, in many ways, a more disturbing act, both psychologically and socially, than ending an animal's life. Committing animal abuse during childhood is related to later approval of interpersonal violence against children and women in families. The findings are consistent with the conclusions of Owens and Straus (1975), who argued that the social structure of childhood violence, including violence committed by children, is related to approving interpersonal violence as an adult. Although their study focused on violence against humans, these findings suggest that the relationship holds for childhood violence against animals as well. Perpetrating animal abuse during childhood was a significant predictor of attitudes toward corporal punishment-even after controlling for race, gender, biblical literalism, and frequency of being spanked as a child. Previous research (Straus, 1991 ) has shown that parents who approve of corporal punishment not only tend to use it more frequently, but also are more likely to be physically abusive to their children. If being cruel to animals as a child leads to later support for hitting children, then it may also make it easier to actually hit children as an adult. Given the host of potential negative outcomes associated with spanking-antisocial behavior, substance abuse, depression, interpersonal violence-the relationship between animal cruelty and support for spanking should be cause for concern (Straus, 1994).
  • 10. 170 Because of the small number of respondents who had both perpetrated animal abuse as children and who approved of a husband slapping his wife, the relationship between these variables should be interpreted cautiously. Nevertheless, the fact that a statistically significant result was obtained suggests that the relationship is a fairly powerful one. Ascione (1992, 1993) has argued that animal abuse could interfere with the development of empathy in children. The findings from this study can be inter- preted in light of this position. If cruelty to animals does cause children to be less empathic, it makes sense that they may be less troubled as young adults by parents hitting children or husbands hitting wives. Further, if abusing animals not only inhibits one's ability to show kindness and compassion, but also socializes one to use violence, then perpetrators may be more likely not only to approve intimate violence, but to engage in it as well. It is important to acknowledge that some children may start out with an empathy deficit that could cause them to approve of and employ violence against both human and nonhuman animals. Only further research can answer this question. Either way, future research should explore the link between childhood animal cruelty and later violence in families. Beyond that, social scientists should also explore how abusing animals as a child may influence adult attitudes toward hitting animals, as well as abusive treatment of animals as an adult. Even though the relationship between perpetrating animal abuse and accept- ance of interpersonal violence did not differ by gender, the fact that males are nearly four times more likely to abuse animals should not be overlooked. The socialization of males includes lessons about dominance and aggression. Animal abuse offers an opportunity to rehearse dominance and aggression against less powerful beings, thereby reinforcing the beliefs that support such behaviors, particularly if the abuse is not perceived by parents or society as being a serious offense. Although not measured in this study, future researchers should examine the reaction of parents, other authority figures, and peers to youths' animal abuse. The response of significant others may play an important role in determining the effect of abusing animals on one's attitudes toward, and propensity for engaging in, interpersonal violence. Parents and others who ignore animal cruelty may contrib- ute to a greater acceptance of violence against human and nonhuman animals. The high incidence of childhood animal cruelty also suggests that many parents are unaware of the abusive acts their children are committing against animals, and thus, of the potential long-term negative consequences for their children's development.
  • 11. 171 Ending animal abuse will have important consequences for the well-being of children and women. Efforts to stop the cruel treatment of animals are likely to contribute to the decreased tolerance for interpersonal violence, and thus to lessening the actual incidence of violence against women and children. But just as important, as Solot (1997) reminds us, attention to violence toward animals is needed not just because it is related to violence toward humans. Rather, such efforts will help to end the needless suffering of innocent animals, and thus contribute to achieving a nonviolent society for all living beings. Note 1.Correspondence should be sent to Clifton P. Flynn, Department of Sociology, University of South Carolina Spartanburg, Spartanburg, SC 29303, or e-mail to cflynn@gw.uscs.edu. I wish to thank Jill Jones, Kenneth Shapiro, and two anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments. References Alvy, K. T. (1987). Black parenting: Strategies for training. New York: Irvington. Arkow, P. (1996). The relationships between animal abuse and other forms of family violence. Family Violence and Sexual Assault Bulletin, 12, 29-34. Ascione, F. R. (1992). Enhancing children's attitudes about the humane treatment of animals: Generalization to human-directed empathy. Anthrozoos, 5, 3, 176-191. Ascione, F. R. (1993). Children who are cruel to animals: A review of research and implications for developmental psychology. Anthrozoos, 6, 4, 226-247. Ascione, F. R. (1998). Battered women's reports of their partners' and their children's cruelty to animals. Journal of Emotional Abuse, 1, 119-133. Boat, B. W. (1995). The relationship between violence to children and violence to animals: An ignored link? Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 10, 2, 229-235. DeViney, E., Dickert, J., & Lockwood, R. (1983). The care of pets within child abusing families. International Journal for the Study of Animal Problems, 4, 4, 321-329. Ellison, C. G., & Sherkat, D. E. (1993). Conservative protestantism and support for corporal punishment. American Sociological Review, 58, 131-144. Felthous, A. R., & Kellert, S. R. (1986). Violence against animals and people: Is aggression against living creatures generalized? Bulletin of the American Academy of Psychiatry Law, 14, 1, 55-69. Flynn, C. P. (1994). Regional differences in attitudes toward corporal punishment. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 56, 314-324. Flynn, C. P. (1996a). Normative support for corporal punishment: Attitudes, correlates, and implications. Aggressive and Violent Behavior, 1, 47-55.
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