From the Organization of African Unity (OAU) to African Union (AU) The African Union initiated by Pan Africanists to improve the lives of Africans through sustainable development and to resolve conflicts in the continent. But the competence of the African Union has been put to question. The inability of the AU to resolve the conflict in central African Republic, the continuous terrorist attacks in Nigeria by Boko-Haram, in Kenya and Somalia by Al-Shabba, has led the international community to focus on insecurity in the African continent. Though this change from OAU to AU the AU still faces some challenges. Nonetheless it has registered some success.

1. AFRICAN UNION: TRANSITION AND ITS
ABILITY TO RESPOND TO CONFLICTS IN
AFRICA.
By Saron M. Obia
Abstract
From the Organization of African Unity (OAU) to African Union (AU) The African Union
initiated by Pan Africanists to improve the lives of Africans through sustainable development
and to resolve conflicts in the continent. But the competence of the African Union has been put
to question. The inability of the AU to resolve the conflict in central African Republic, the
continuous terrorist attacks in Nigeria by Boko-Haram, in Kenya and Somalia by Al-Shabba, has
led the international community to focus on insecurity in the African continent. Though this
change from OAU to AU the AU still faces some challenges. Nonetheless it has registered some
success.
Introduction
Though considered a blueprint of the European Union (EU), the African Union (AU) has been
challenged at the level of competence in relation to member states. African leaders perceived the
AU as an organization which seeks to establish peace, security and unity amongst African states,
due to the mutations in international politics and territorial boundary disputes. Formally known
as the Organization for African Unity (OAU), before a transition to the present African Union,
questions have been posed; what was the agenda OAU? What necessitated the transition from
OAU to AU? These questions helps to explore the history of the OAU and the transition to the
AU.
It is imperative to highlight that the OAU was founded in an era of militancy and confident
optimism, as some African states had achieved independence (Ghana and Tanzania just to name

2. a few) and urged other states to follow the pattern. Statesmen at that period were Kwame
Nkrumah, Abdel Nasser, Julius Nyerere and Sekou Toure had acquired the status of giants and
visionaries.
The OAU was formed in a period which African countries were fighting against marginalisation
and seek for development of their territories. Its formation was the culmination of a long struggle
by Pan Africanism, a struggle which goes back to the 19th
Century. Pan Africanist such as
Nkrumah said; “the independence of Ghana is meanless if Africa is not independent”.
Movements were driven by the black intellectuals of African descent in the Diaspora. At first the
movement was essentially a protest movement of black people against their exploitation
(Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA)), also against racism and uplifting of the
black people (Negritude by Aime Cesaire)1
. The movements were led by the middle class
intellectuals in the US and the Caribbean such as Du Bois (Afro-American)2
and Padmore
(Caribbean). The first Pan African conference was held in London in 1900 and was followed by
others in Paris and New York.
The OAU operated on the basis of its Charter and the 1991 Treaty Establishing the African
Economic Community (known as the Abuja Treaty). The major organs were the Assembly of
Heads of State and Government, Council of Ministers and the General Secretariat as well as the
Commission of Mediation, Conciliation and Arbitration; Economic and Social Commission;
Educational, Scientific, Cultural and Health Commission; and Defence Commission. The
Commission of Mediation, Conciliation and Arbitration were replaced by the Mechanism for
Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution in 1993.
Moreover, the OAU was established on the 25th of May, 1963 in Addis Ababa, on signature of
the OAU Charter by representatives of 32 governments. A further 21 states joined the
organisation, with South Africa becoming the 53rd member in 1994. July 9, 2011, South Sudan
became the 54th African Union (AU) member. The aim was to promote the unity and solidarity
of African states, coordinate and intensify cooperation and efforts to achieve sustainable
development in Africa; state sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence; eradicate all
forms of imperialism from Africa; promote international cooperation, with regard to the charter
of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; and coordinate and
1
Aime Cesaire and Sedar Senghor through Negritude created a journal entitled “L’Etudiant Noir”
2
DuBois was the first to have a PhD. In 1900. He equally wrote a conference report to Queen Victoria.

3. harmonize members political, diplomatic, economic, educational, cultural, health, scientific,
technical and defence policies.
The organization also has as objectives the eradication of colonialism and to combat racial
discrimination. So its first resolution was about combating apartheid and about the liberation
movements. Through its coordination committee for the liberation of Africa, the OAU supported
the emancipation of African territories that were not yet independent. The aim was achieved in
1990 with Namibia securing its independence. Africa achieved its fight against apartheid with
the liberation of Nelson Mandela3
and his election as President of South Africa.
The OAU Summit adopted the gradual approach of strengthening the new states, but retaining
the aspirations for continental unity as a driving ideology. Thus denying itself any powers over
the sovereignty of the new states and therefore could not impose on its member states as to what
development approach they should adopt.
No AFRICAN LEADER APPROACH TO BE
ADOPTED
1 Julius Nye ere Gradualism and
Reintegration
2 Kwame Nkrumah Continental Unity
3 Leopold Senghor Negritude
4 Nelson Mandela Unity and Reconciliation
5 Momar Khadaffi Equality and Repartriation
6 Sekou Toure Total Independence
7 Gamal Abdel Nasser Equality
8 Jomo Kenyatta Gradualism
9 Robert Mugabe Repatriation of whites
The table above shows the various approach adopted by some African state men to fight African
marginalisation and the same time bring about its development. Though Africa is faced with a
new virus known as “Neo-colonialism”4
. The split of Casablanca and Monrovia blocks, made
several countries (Egypt, Ghana, Tanzania and Guinea) to adopt the social planning development
model, based on the difficulties encountered by their former colonial masters who were linked to
3
President Nelson Mandela created the African National Congress (ANC), was a peace advocate and created the
Umhonto we sizwe ( Spear of the Nation)
4
Al Mathaba Anti Imperialism Center/ conference trained Charles Taylor, President Mugabe against the new
system (Neo-Colonialism)

4. the America. The Western powers worked hard by various means of persuasion or by covert
support of military takeover to dissuade these countries from following the “socialist” model of
development.
The Paris Peace Settlement gave an opportunity to showcase pan Africanism, Blaise Diagne was
the only African in the French government (ministry of colonial affairs) an assisted DuBois in
the initiation of Pan African congresses. Below are the five DuBoisan5
congresses;
CONGRESSES LOCATION YEAR
First Pan African Congress London 1900
Second Pan African Congress Brussels 1921
Third DuBoisan Congress Lisbon 1923
Fourth Pan African Congress New York 1927
Fifth Pan African Congress Manchester 1945
However, the fifth Pan African Congress which took place in 1945 in Manchester, shaped the
African continent significantly. This Congress was the pinnacle of the movement. It was
different from the previous congresses in three fundamental ways;
1- A large number of activists attended this congress from the US, Europe and Africa
2- The first time leading African nationalist (such as Julius Nyerere, Tafwa Balewa,
Kenyatta and Nkrumah just to name these few) took active and prominent part in the
Congress Nkrumah was Secretary of the Congress (W.E.B. DuBois was Chairperson of
the Congress)
3- The fifth Congress underscored, as Nkrumah pointed out “for the first time the necessity
for well-organised, firmly-knit movement as a primary condition for the success of the
national liberation struggle in Africa was stressed”.
According to Lamelle, “Pan-Africanism was no longer simply a protest movement by people of
African descent in the Caribbean and the United States; it was becoming a weapon which
African nationalists use to fight imperialism. Pan Africanism has been frustrated by some realists
5
The DuBoisan Congresses came as a result of the opportunities given by the Paris Peace Settlement to showcase
Pan Africanism, which Blaise Diagne attended.

5. due to “Neo-colonialism”. The Pan-African movement was strengthened by Ghana
independence, and the organisation of the All Africa Conference in Accra in 1959. This was at a
time when most African countries were still struggling against colonial rule (Assimilation and
Indirect Rule)6
. The Accra conference, brought nationalists from all over Africa where the issue
of solidarity and unity in the struggle against colonialism was the central theme of the
conference. According to Abdul Rahman B., the Accra Meeting provided an important
psychological, political and practical boost to the nationalist movements within the framework of
Pan African unity which Nkrumah strongly advocated. It also became apparent to all the
nationalist leaders who came to Accra that the role of an African state (as exemplified by the role
the Ghana government played in organising the Conference) was strategic in the struggle against
colonialism and towards economic development and political unity after independence.
Transition of the OAU to the AU
According to Abdalla Bujra (2002)7
, the first Summit of the African Union was a historic
occasion. But for him the first Summit of the OAU had a very different atmosphere. By contrast,
the launch of the AU was sober and muted, with little incendiary rhetoric or passion. Critics
pointed the weakness of the AU institutions and their inherited arrears. But much of the Summit
was businesslike and realistic. Also, report of the launching ceremony of the AU was perceived
ironically, because the Foreign Minister of Togo who was excluded from joining the OAU, due
to the putsch carried out in Togo which led to the assassination of the President. Yet Putsch
(foreign minister of Togo) gave the inaugural speech at the AU on behalf of West Africa. They
are three scenarios that account for the ironical transition;
1-Most African countries were marred by internal conflicts of various intensity
- The conflict in Sudan
-The conflict in Nigeria (against Boko-Haram and Niger Delta threatening to split from the
federal republic)
2-Africa is economically poor than it was at the time of the founding of the OAU
6
Assimilation was a system introduced by the French government in their colonies or oversea territories as
referred. Indirect rule was introduced by the British in her former territories like Nigeria and Southern Cameroon.
7
Abdalla Bujra (2002) AFRICA: TRANSITION FROM THE OAU TO THE AU

6. -Some African countries considered heavily indebted poor countries. Cameroon8
achieved it
complexion point in 2009, when her debt was cancelled.
3- Most African leaders hardly claim to have control of their economic and political policies of
their fatherland. Hence the absence of passion, confidence, optimism, and the muted businesslike
nature of the 2002 Durban9
inauguration of the AU. Africans now understood the dynamics of
international politics, which is a brutal sphere painted white. Through the 1990s, leaders debated
the need to amend the OAU’s structures to reflect the challenges of a changing world. In 1999,
the OAU Heads of State and Government issued the Sirte Declaration calling for the
establishment of a new African Union. The vision was to restructure the organization to
accelerate the process of integration in Africa, support the empowerment of African states in the
global economy and address the multifaceted social, economic and political problems facing the
continent. In total, four summits were held before the official launching of the African Union,
the:
1- Sirte Summit (1999), which adopted the Sirte Declaration calling for the establishment of the
AU
2- Lomé Summit (2000), which adopted the AU Constitutive Act
3- Lusaka Summit (2001), which drew up the road map for implementation of the AU
4- Durban Summit (2002), which launched the AU and convened its first Assembly of Heads of
State and Governments.
A significant number of OAU structures were moved forward to the AU. Similarly, many of the
OAU’s core commitments, decisions, strategy and framework continue top AU policies. While
the footprint of the OAU is still noticed, the AU Constitutive Act and protocols established a
significant number of new structures, at the level of major organs and through a range of new
technical and subsidiary committees. Many of these have evolved since 2002 and some are still
under development.
8
Cameroon’s debt was cancelled by the Bretton Wood Institution in 2009, and was listed amongst heavily
indebted poor countries initiative.
9
The AU was launched in 2002 in Durban, after the Lusaka (Zambia) Summit of 2001

7. Languages
Under article 11 of the Protocol to the AU Constitutive Act, the official languages of the AU and
all its institutions are English, Arabic, French, Kiswahili, Portuguese and Spanish, just to name a
few. The AU’s working languages are Portuguese, English, French and Arabic.
African Union (AU) Symbols
1-The AU emblem comprises four elements. The palm leaves shooting up on either side of the
outer circle stand for “peace”.
2-The gold circle symbolizes “Africa’s wealth and bright future”.
3-The plain map of Africa without boundaries in the inner circle signifies “African unity”.
4- The small interlocking red rings at the base of the emblem stand for “African solidarity and
the blood shed for the liberation of Africa”.
The current African Union flag was adopted at the Assembly of Heads of State and Government
12th ordinary session in June 201010
. The design is a dark-green map of the African continent on
a white sun, surrounded by a circle of 53 at five-pointed gold (yellow) stars, on a dark-green
field. The green background symbolizes Africa’s hope, and the stars represent Member States.
OBJECTIVES OF THE AFRICAN UNION
The African Union was created with the objectives of complimenting the lapses of Organization
of African Unity (OAU). The Assembly of the African Union adopt sensitive decisions, in a sub-
annual meeting of state men and government of each member state. The secretariat of the AU
Commission, is based in Addis Ababa.
The African union like other organization has a number of objectives for the African continents,
namely:
1-To work with relevant international partners in the eradication of preventable diseases and the
promotion of good health on the continent.
10
The AU flag was adopted during the 12 ordinary session of the Assembly of Head of states and government in
2010

8. 2-To promote and defend Africa’s common positions on issues of interest to the continent and its
peoples.
3-To accelerate the political and socio-economic integration of the continent.
4-To achieve greater unity and solidarity within the continent.
5-To encourage international cooperation, taking into account the United Nations Charter and the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
6-To defend the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of its Member.
7-To promote sustainable development at the economic, social and cultural levels as well as the
integration of African economies.
8-To promote peace, security, and stability on the continent.
9-To establish the necessary conditions for the union to be in the concept of nations.
10-To promote democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good
governance.
11-To promote and protect human and peoples' rights in accordance with the African Charter on
Human and Peoples' Rights and other relevant human rights instruments.
12-To advance the development of the continent by promoting research in all fields, particularly
in science and technology.
13-To promote co-operation in all aspect of human activity to improve on the living standards of
African peoples.
14-To coordinate and harmonize policies between the existing and future Regional Economic
Communities for the gradual attainment of the objectives of the Union.
The African Union is a judicial entity. The main organ of the African Union is the assembly,
which is made of all heads of states or government of member states. The Assembly is chaired
by President Idriss Déby, of Chad. The AU also has a representative body, the Pan African

9. Parliament, which consists of 265 members elected by the national legislatures of the AU
member states. Its first president was Bethel Nnaemeka Amadi.
The Peace and Security Council of the African union
The Peace and Security Council (PSC)11
is mechanism for conflict prevention, management and
resolution. The Central Organ was the OAU’s operational body mandated to make decisions on
issues of peace and security. AU was first made up of nine and later increased to 14 Member
States.
The peace and Security Council is the AUs decision making body responsible for maintaining
peace and security in the continent. It has 15 members, elected by the AU Executive Council on
regional basis (three from Southern Africa; three from Central Africa; three from East Africa;
two from North Africa; and four from West Africa). Botswana , Kenya ,Burundi, Chad, Nigeria,
Egypt, Niger, Republic of the Congo, Rwanda , Togo ,Sierra Leone, South Africa , Uganda and
Zambia. Members of the PSC are elected for three-year mandate (five members) or two-year (ten
members) terms and can be re-elected for another term. There are no permanent members and no
veto.
Members are elected according to the principle of equitable regional representation and national
rotation. National rotation is agreed within the regional groups. Regional representation12
is
usually: Southern Africa (South Africa, Zimbabwe, Mozambique and Namibia): three seats,
Central Africa (Cameroon, Congo, Gabon, Chad and Equatorial Guinea): three seats, Northern
Africa: two Seats, Eastern Africa (Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda and Rwanda): three Seats, Western
Africa (Nigeria, Ivory Coast, Senegal, Gambia, Mali, Togo and Niger): four seats.
Article 5(2) of the Peace and Security Council (PSC) Protocol states criteria for members into
the PSC commission: contribution to the promotion and maintenance of peace and security in
Africa; participation in conflict resolution, peace-making and peace-building at regional and
continental levels; willingness and ability to take up responsibility for regional and continental
conflict resolution initiatives; contribution to the Peace Fund and Special Fund; respect for
11
The Peace and Security Council one of the major organs of the AU, See Williams, P. D. (2009) The Peace and
Security Council of the African Union: Evaluating an Embryonic International Institution
12
The AU is not only limited to regional integration, but also intergovernmental authorities on development

10. constitutional governance, the rule of law, human rights; and commitment to AU financial
obligations.
During the AU inaugural meeting in Durban, the African leaders ratified the Protocol Relating to
the Establishment of the Peace and Security Council which came into force on 26 December
2003. The Protocol defines the PSC as “a decision-making organ for the prevention,
management and resolution of conflicts. The PSC shall facilitate timely and efficient response to
conflict and crisis in Africa”.
The Protocol also stipulates that “The Peace and Security Council is supported by a Commission,
a Panel of the Wise (PoW), a Continental Early Warning System (CEWS)13
, an African Standby
Force (ASF) and a Special Fund.”
In March 2004, the PSC adopted its Rules of Procedure and held its inaugural meeting a day later
.Two months later, the PSC was solemnly launched at the level of Heads of State and
Government on 25 May 2004.
The PSC derives it authority from article 20 of the Constitutive Act (stated in article 9 of the
Protocol on Amendments to the Constitutive Act 2003) together with article 2 of the 2002
Protocol Relating to the Establishment of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union.
Under article 7 of the Protocol, the PSC authority include:
1-To promote peace, security and stability in Africa
2-To develop a common defense policy for the Union; and
3-To promote and encourage democratic practices, good governance and the rule of law, protect
human rights and fundamental freedoms, respect for the sanctity of human life and international
humanitarian law, as part of efforts to prevent conflicts.
4-Recommend intervention in a Member State in respect of grave circumstances, namely war
crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity
13
Continental Early Warning System (CEWS) describe future conflicts or disputes (for instance late night meetings
and influx of arms), but the African peer review contain four pillars to attend to any issue which may arise.

11. 5-Anticipate and prevent disputes, conflicts, as well as policies, which may lead to genocide and
crimes against humanity
6-Undertake peace-making, peace-building and peace-support missions
7-Ensure implementation of key conventions and instruments to combat international terrorism
8-Promote coordination between regional organizations and the AU regarding peace, security
and stability in Africa.
9-Examine and take action in situations where the national independence and sovereignty of a
Member State is threatened by acts of aggression, including those of mercenaries
The Peace and Security Council (PSC) Secretariat, established under article 10(4) of the PSC
Protocol, provides direct operational support. The Secretariat sits within the AU Commission’s
Peace and Security Department. The PSC holds in session. All members are required to have a
permanent residence at AU Headquarters. Meetings are held in three levels: permanent
representatives, ministers or Heads of State and Government. Article 8(2) of the PSC Protocol
requires Permanent Representatives to meet at least twice a month, and Ministers and Heads of
State and Government at least once a year. Article 8(6) provides that the Chair ship should be
rotational following alphabetical order of country names, for one calendar month. PSC meetings
include closed sessions, open meetings and informal consultations.
The PSC Chairperson is mandated to draft provisional programme of work and the agenda. The
Chairperson draws the attention of members to any situation that threatens peace, security and
stability in the continent, and gets briefings from PSC committees and other AU organs and
institutions. The agenda is based on proposals submitted by the Chairperson of the AU
Commission. The inclusion of any item on the agenda may not be opposed by a Member State.
PSC decisions are guided by the principle of consensus. Where consensus is not possible,
decisions on procedural matters are taken by a simple majority (i.e. through a democratic vote);
on substantive matters, by a two-thirds majority (PSC Protocol, article 8(13)). A party to a
conflict under consideration by the PSC may not participate in the discussion or decision making
process relating to that conflict or situation (PSC Protocol, article 8(9)).

12. Shortcomings of the African Union (AU)
High handedness of some leaders arrogance within the AU, as concerns crises plaguing Africa,
like in Libya against Khadaffi’s14
regime, Ivory Coast post electoral crisis, and Nigeria’s war on
terrorism have dampened the credibility of the organization. According to Africa Briefing Report
(2011), the AU did little in conflict resolution in Libya following the reaction of the international
community, which has been criticized within and outside the continent.
The AU appears to have lost credibility due to the interplay of the following fundamental factors:
the popular protests in Libyan and the Middle East have been perceived as an ‘Arab Spring’,
rather than an African issue; internal wrangling in Sudan, Nigeria (Niger Delta threatening to
quit the Federal Republic of Nigeria)15
, Gabon’s post electoral crisis with a former AU peer
(Jean Ping) instigating violent activities. Despite the AU High Panel (Toumani Ture of Mali,
Zuma of RSA, Museveni of Uganda, Abdul Aziz of Mauritanie, Nguesso of Congo-Brazzaville)
adopting a different approach, which includes; a ceasefire, humanitarian aid, the protection of
civilians, dialogue, and an inclusive transitional period, meeting the aspirations of the Libyan
people gathered much criticism. The AU’s mediation proposals were rejected by the Libyan
opposition (Transnational National Council), which insisted on Gaddafi’s departure.
The AU has also been criticized for not properly handling the conflict in Ivory Coast, among
others, by not being forthright in supporting the Economic Community of West African States
(ECOWAS) position on intervention. The situation in Ivory Coast portrayed lack of coherent
strategy by AU Panel. The AU’s choice to send Thabo Mbeki to resolve the dispute between
President Laurent Gbagbo and Ouattara in December 2010 failed on two accounts. First, Mbeki
did not cooperate with ECOWAS. Secondly, South Africa was seen as a peacemaker that often
opted for a pro-government (the case of pro- Gbagbo)16
approach.
14
The AU failed to attend to the crisis in Libya. Khadaffi said “I am an international leader, the dean of the Arab
rulers, the king of kings of Africa and the Imam of Muslims and my international status does not allow me to
descend to a lower level” could this have made him a dictator?
15
The inability for the AU PSC to attend to conflict in Nigeria, due to limited number of soldiers
16
The case of President Laurent Gbagbo in Ivory Coast showcase the failure of the AU union to respond to conflict
in Africa (imperialists involvement) and the case of Gabon, with Jean Ping post-electoral violence due to the re-
election of President Ali Bongo.

13. Similarly, Ralia Odinga compromised his neutrality as a mediator when he supported military
action prior to confirmation by ECOWAS. President Bingu wa Mutharika visit to Ivory Coast in
an effort to salvage the declining role of the AU, proved unsuccessful and President Theodore
Obianguema was considered too controversial to be involved in the resolution of the crisis
because of his questionable human rights credentials. The AU attempts at a peaceful solution to
the Ivorian crisis was hampered by internal wrangling of member states that undermined the
credibility of the AU as the main political mediator. These divisions were reflected within the
AU mediation team (Africa Briefing Report, 2011).
AU faces financial difficulties among its members, as well as limited technical know-how. This
portrays the inability to pay dues, as in 2006 only 12 countries paid their yearly contributions. In
fact, some countries are classified as indebted countries. The initiative (poor heavily indebted
countries) created to help some African states, some internally devastated by their own conflicts
(Sudan, Libya, Nigeria and Congo) and cannot afford to participate in other conflicts. In fact,
Africa’s political economy is largely characterized by socio-economic and political instability;
conflicting religious interest such as (Boko-Haram)17
, regional and ethnic interests; unbridle
corruption. AU heavily relies on the political and economic support from the regional institutions
and the international community which also have limited resources (due to the new world order)
and often slow in decision-making and rigid in their decisions on funding and support (the case
of Nigeria and US, President Obama refused to support President Buhari in the fight against
Boko-Haram). The AU’s peace and security machinery does not focus effectively on one trouble
spot at a time. For instance, with conflicts in Ivory Coast, the Democratic Republic of Congo,
and most recently Nigeria. AU missions have been taken over by the UN and none of the AU
missions identified here succeeded without the UN’s assistance.
The successes and challenges of the African Union
The defunct Organization of African Unity (OUA) was created in 1963 to eradicate imperialism
in Africa18
, to the African Union establishment in July 2002 at the Durban heads of state summit
with main agenda propelling African states towards peace and prosperity as the basis for
17
Boko-Haram is the major security threat for Africa, particularly Nigeria, in Borno and Yobe (attack in December
10, 2015) and Abuja (December 5, 2015).
18
The AU has registered some successes as well as challenges, for more read Salim A. Salim (2001) The Challenges
Facing Africa for the Coming Decade

14. achieving economic and political integration of member states. The AU was modeled on the
European Union with structures that included the AU Commission which is the administrative
branch made up of 10 commissioners and headed by a President ,an Assembly of heads of state
governments, and Executive in which countries were represented by their foreign ministers. The
transition from OAU to AU was to revolutionalise the institutional framework towards the pan-
African perspective of which some critics regard as a mere ‘talking shop’ to an action-oriented
forum. It is therefore appropriate to enumerate the achievements of the AU in its first decade,
this can best be discussed from two broad aspect.
The AU has registered a number of successes through its direct collaboration and contribution
with the international community in conflict resolution in some strategic spots, such as in Sudan,
resolving post-election violent conflicts in Ivory Coast and Kenya, and forcing putsch to hand
back power to civilian regimes. Unlike the OAU which advocates a doctrine of ‘non-
interference’ (Westphalia Treaty) in the internal affairs of member states, the AU has the
authority through decisions of its Peace and Security Council to interfere in member states to
protect, promote peace and democracy, including deployment of military forces (AFRICOM)19
in situations in which genocide (Rwanda and Congo) and crimes against humanity (e.g the case
of Charles Tylor) are being committed.
Also, the AU’s unique voluntary ‘Peer Review Mechanism’ (PRM) by which individual member
states agree to be assessed by a team of experts drawn from various states is designed to
encourage democracy and good governance. AU observer missions are now sent as a matter of
routine to cover elections in all member states, in accordance with the African Charter on
Democracy, Elections and Governance. There have also been some setbacks, such as decisions
made by the AU to move its July 2012 bi-annual summit from Lilongwe in Malawi, to Addis
Ababa in response to Malawi’s refusal to invite the Sudan’s head of state, Omar al-Bashir, to
participating on grounds that he is charged and under warrant of arrest by the International
Criminal Court (ICC)20
for war crimes: it reflected potential conflict between African
regionalism and international mechanisms to protect and promote the rule of law, respect for
human rights and justice. From the above, the drastic fall in conflicts, coups, and the increasing
19
AFRICOM the force established by the PSC to protect, promote peace and democracy in the continent.
20
The international warrant of arrest issued by the ICC against President Omar al-Bashir led to the change of
venue of AU bi-annual summit from Lilongwe-Malawi to Addis Ababa in 2012

15. number of successful elections in the region in the past decade, it can be inferred that the AU has
added value to Africa’s political performance.
In pursuit of prosperity in the region, the AU has established declarations and institutions to
promote and support economic integration among its 54 member states as the pathway to
sustainable development. Progress has been made by the AU commission, in collaboration with
international partners and the UN, towards better coordination and harmonization of
development policies and programmes with the 5 Regional Economic Communities (RECs)
representing the various geographical regions of the continent. Some of these RECs, such as the
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the East African Community (EAC)
and the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC), have been quite active in exploring
possibilities to harmonize budgetary and fiscal policies for a monetary union on the basis of a
common currency. Proposals for an African central bank and African monetary union at the
continental level are still in the pipeline, as vested interest and concerns about sovereignty hold
back the necessary political will to enforce the process. The present experience of a monetary
union within the EU could also be a source of disincentive. Despite numerous protocols and
signing of technical consensus to facilitate the free movement of goods and people across
borders. The AU’s efforts for the removal of trade barriers between countries in the union is not
impressive and the value is low as a per percentage of total trade.
A major challenge confronting the AU and its leaders is how to respond to the job and livelihood
aspirations of Africa’s youth who account for as much as three-quarters of the labour force in
most countries; many have gone to school and attended universities to become productive
members of society, but end up being jobless (this has led to youths engagement in cyber
criminality, terrorism and even drug addiction)21
. To provide solutions, the AU summit in
Malabo-Equatorial Guinea, adopted a ‘Declaration on Creating Employment for Accelerating
Youth Development and Empowerment’. The AU rightly recognizes the demographic dividend
to be reaped from the region’s youthful population, as numerous countries in Asia have benefited
over the past two decades, hence, member states are encouraged to link their growth performance
21
The AU is faced with the challenge of integrating youths in the job market. This has contributed to the increasing
rate of non-conventional crimes such as cybercrimes, due to frustration.

16. and development pattern to the creation of employment and socio-economic opportunities
especially for young people.
The AU now pays more attention to international development cooperation and relationship with
international partners than has hitherto been the case. This is most obvious in the case of China’s
ever growing presence in Africa, which the AU appears to regard as a positive factor. The
headquarters of the AU is now housed in a magnificent multi-million dollar complex in Addis
Ababa that has been provided by China as a “gift to Africa”. Africa’s traditional partners in the
West tend to view the romance with China with skepticism. Citizens of some AU member states
are apprehensive about the consequences on their personal well- being and livelihoods of
growing Chinese presence in their national economies. The AU would have to adopt an
appropriate strategy to manage international cooperation in an era of globalization and in a
changing world order; it would need to come up with a relevant and practical concept of
‘innovative and transformative partnership’ which its member states would certainly need to
complement national development efforts.
Here are some immediate challenges facing the African Union (AU):
1-Appropriate technical know-how to establish a solid and efficient Commission which would
have the professional and intellectual capacity to prepare manage and implement relevant
Programmes;
2-The Commission urgently needs the necessary financial resources to establish its various
organs. It is not clear where the considerable financial resources needed will come from; neither
is it clear how the professional, highly skilled and capable manpower will be obtained and from
where. The need for capable leadership and competent institutions is urgent if the AU is to start
on a better note than the OAU.
The long-term issues are numerous and complex. Here are some of the most important ones:
1-The relationship between the African Union (AU) and the Regional Economic Communities
(RECs) is key to economic cooperation and eventual economic integration; the role of the RECs
must be clarified, internal cohesion established relationship between the RECs on the one hand
and the AU, must be examined and properly established;

17. 2-Relationship between New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD)22
and CSSDCA
must be ironed out especially over the issue of peace, stability and conflict. The all-important
issue of how these two inter-governmental organizations will work within the AU, since each has
established its own Secretariat.
3- The Executive Council and the Permanent Representative Committee are crucial. If this
relationship is not fully clarified, the functions of the Union will be ineffective and often
paralyzed.
4-While all members of the Union have equal status and rights, it is obvious that they are not.
The larger and more powerful countries would eventually want to establish some form of
hegemony and play leading role in various spheres. How will the Union handle this?
5-The New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD) Programme, once it begins to be
operational, will inevitably create hierarchy amongst countries – fast and slow track countries
based on their performance in the Peer Review mechanism. What will be the implication of such
hierarchy?
22
New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD) was created in 2001 in Lusaka in Zambia. It is a voluntarism
system for economic governance and development in Africa.

18. Reference:
Abdallah Borja (2002) Africa: Transition from the OAU to the AU
Adebayo Adedeji (2002) “From the Lagos Plan of Action to NEPAD and from the Final Act of
Lagos to the Constitutive Act: Wither Africa?” Keynote Address at African Forum for
Envisioning Africa Focus on NEPAD
Adebayo Adedeji (1978) Executive Secretary of ECA, “Africa and the Development Crises” in
Africa.
Salim A. Salim (2001) The Challenges Facing Africa for the Coming Decade
Williams, P. D. (2009) The Peace and Security Council of the African Union: Evaluating an
Embryonic International Institution