This document provides an overview of a working paper on postulates regarding Russia-India relations published by the Russian International Affairs Council in 2013. It discusses the following key areas:
1. Russia and India share similar positions on creating a new polycentric world order and opposing aspects of economic globalization that negatively impact developing nations. There is potential to strengthen cooperation within the RIC group.
2. Both countries have similar views on regional issues in South Asia and neither supports internationalization of sensitive issues like Kashmir. Cooperation on Afghanistan is also discussed.
3. While India is not a member of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, both countries view nuclear proliferation as a threat and support non-prolif
India Bangladesh Relations: Synergy & Issues DevakiNandan6
It is All about India Bangladesh relations, what's are the main issues including geostrategic importance to mutual security concern. Is Bangladesh worried about big brother syndrome or it is like friendship.
The Postulates on Russia’s Foreign Policy developed with the participation of the Russian International Affairs Council’s members and experts discuss Russia’s position in the international arena, the role of global challenges in shaping the foreign policy agenda and outline foreign policy priorities for the period from 2012 to 2018. The main purpose of the Postulates is to encourage a public discourse about new contours and orientation of Russia’s foreign policy and to devise the solutions to be protected against traditional and emerging security challenges.
Everything you need to know about Indo-Russia Bilateral Summit 2018. Also about India and Russian relationship. United States Reaction on the deals made between India and China.
The report provides a comprehensive analysis of current events in the Arab world.
A number of experts believe that the changes we are seeing today are only the first stage in the region’s systemic transformation that will last decades. On the one hand, it predefines important features of the current situation such as the inherent uncertainty, changeability, and volatility. As a result both external and regional players struggle to predict the future course of events. On the other hand, while this instability remains, and for as long the results of this “tectonic shift” remain unknown, external players can to some extent influence
the events, forecast them and sometimes direct them to the right track.
The report was drawn up as part of the “Middle East: Political Dynamics and Russia’s Interests” project organized by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC).
Материалы международной конференции «Россия–Европейский союз: возможности пар...Russian Council
Материалы подготовлены по итогам международной конференции «Россия–Европейский союз: возможности партнерства», организованной Российским советом по международным делам (РСМД) совместно с Институтом мировой экономики и международных отношений РАН (ИМЭМО РАН) и Российским союзом промышленников и предпринимателей (РСПП) при поддержке Правительства Российской Федерации. Конференция состоялась в Москве
21 марта 2013 года. В сборнике представлены выступления докладчиков на
трех тематических секциях: «Общие параметры партнерства Россия–ЕС»,
«Экономические параметры партнерства Россия–ЕС», «Евразийская интеграция в контексте партнерства России и ЕС».
India Bangladesh Relations: Synergy & Issues DevakiNandan6
It is All about India Bangladesh relations, what's are the main issues including geostrategic importance to mutual security concern. Is Bangladesh worried about big brother syndrome or it is like friendship.
The Postulates on Russia’s Foreign Policy developed with the participation of the Russian International Affairs Council’s members and experts discuss Russia’s position in the international arena, the role of global challenges in shaping the foreign policy agenda and outline foreign policy priorities for the period from 2012 to 2018. The main purpose of the Postulates is to encourage a public discourse about new contours and orientation of Russia’s foreign policy and to devise the solutions to be protected against traditional and emerging security challenges.
Everything you need to know about Indo-Russia Bilateral Summit 2018. Also about India and Russian relationship. United States Reaction on the deals made between India and China.
The report provides a comprehensive analysis of current events in the Arab world.
A number of experts believe that the changes we are seeing today are only the first stage in the region’s systemic transformation that will last decades. On the one hand, it predefines important features of the current situation such as the inherent uncertainty, changeability, and volatility. As a result both external and regional players struggle to predict the future course of events. On the other hand, while this instability remains, and for as long the results of this “tectonic shift” remain unknown, external players can to some extent influence
the events, forecast them and sometimes direct them to the right track.
The report was drawn up as part of the “Middle East: Political Dynamics and Russia’s Interests” project organized by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC).
Материалы международной конференции «Россия–Европейский союз: возможности пар...Russian Council
Материалы подготовлены по итогам международной конференции «Россия–Европейский союз: возможности партнерства», организованной Российским советом по международным делам (РСМД) совместно с Институтом мировой экономики и международных отношений РАН (ИМЭМО РАН) и Российским союзом промышленников и предпринимателей (РСПП) при поддержке Правительства Российской Федерации. Конференция состоялась в Москве
21 марта 2013 года. В сборнике представлены выступления докладчиков на
трех тематических секциях: «Общие параметры партнерства Россия–ЕС»,
«Экономические параметры партнерства Россия–ЕС», «Евразийская интеграция в контексте партнерства России и ЕС».
Россия и ЕС на перепутье. Общие и расходящиеся интересы. Рабочая тетрадь №31/...Russian Council
Россия и ЕС считают, что сохранить формат привычного сотрудничества (т. е. вернуться к его состоянию до украинского кризиса) невозможно. Однако ни одна из сторон не уточняет, какими именно аспектами отношений докризисного периода она готова пожертвовать, за исключением намерений о стратегическом партнерстве. Ни одна из сторон до сих пор не предложила концепцию будущих отношений, на основе которой можно построить новый формат взаимодействия. В рабочей тетради проанализированы общие и расходящиеся интересы России и ЕС, рассмотрены механизмы сотрудничества, сформулированы рекомендации, направленные на возобновление сотрудничества.
Тема миграции вышла сегодня на первый план в мировой политической повестке. Беспрецедентный приток беженцев в Европу, с одной стороны, и высокие темпы экономической иммиграции из регионов условного Юга в направлении условного Севера, с другой – стали причиной острейших политических размежеваний и раскола общественного мнения.
В течение последних полутора лет в дискурсе политиков и журналистов прочно утвердились выражения «миграционный кризис» и «кризис беженцев». Но в какой мере термин «кризис» отражает реальное положение дел, а в какой – способ его восприятия? Что может быть предпринято на государственном и международном уровнях для того, чтобы изменить это положение? Как выглядит на настоящий момент международное сотрудничество в миграционной сфере? Каковы перспективы такого сотрудничества в обозримом будущем? И каково место России в рамках этого сотрудничества?
Поставленные выше вопросы обсуждались на II Международной конференции «Миграционный кризис: международное сотрудничество и национальные стратегии», организованной 22–23 сентября 2016 г. в Москве Российским советом по международным делам (РСМД) и Российской академией народного хозяйства и государственной службы при Президенте РФ (РАНХиГС).
Представленный аналитический материал отражает основные итоги дискуссии по следующим вопросам: (1) анализ международной миграционной системы, сформировавшейся в течение полувека; (2) рассмотрение ситуации кризиса с экономической, политической и гуманитарной точек зрения; (3) обращение к феномену миграции сквозь призму проблематики безопасности; (4) обзор состояния международного сотрудничества в сфере миграционного
регулирования.
Вторая международная конференция «Россия и Китай: к новому качеству двусторон...Russian Council
30–31 мая 2016 г. Российский совет по международным делам провел Вторую международную конференцию «Россия и Китай: к новому качеству двусторонних отношений».
В Конференции приняли участие видные государственные и общественные деятели двух стран, ведущие специалисты по различным вопросам двусторонних отношений, представители деловых кругов и средств массовой информации России и Китая. В ходе мероприятия были оценены нынешнее состояние и тенденции развития российско-китайскихотношений, выявлены основные достижения и нерешенные проблемы двустороннего взаимодействия и сформулированы предложения политическому руководству России и Китая по дальнейшему развитию стратегического партнерства.
В последние годы взаимодействие России и Китая достигло беспрецедентно высокого уровня стратегического партнерства и взаимного доверия, открыв новые возможности для откровенного диалога по широкому кругу актуальных проблем. В рамках пленарных и экспертных сессий Конференции состоялось обсуждение приоритетных направлений российско-¬китайского сотрудничества в двустороннем и многостороннем форматах.
Особое внимание было уделено координации усилий России и Китая по развитию институтов глобального управления и обеспечению безопасности в Северо¬-Восточной Азии, потенциалу взаимодействия сторон в треугольнике Россия–Индия–Китай, вопросам инфраструктурного и экономического сотрудничества на евразийском пространстве, влиянию внутренних и внешних факторов на качество и объем российско-китайской торговли, перспективам реализации двусторонних проектов в области образования и культуры, в медиасфере, поиску совместных решений современных проблем экологии.
Вторая международная конференция РСМД «Россия и Китай: к новому качеству двусторонних отношений» продолжила плодотворный диалог, начавшийся в 2015 г., и подтвердила свой статус площадки для регулярного обмена мнениями по актуальным проблемам отношений Москвы и Пекина с возможностью привлечения к дискуссии российских и китайских экспертов. Конференция собрала более 500 представителей официальных и деловых кругов, ведущих экспертов России и Китая, стран ЕАЭС и ЕС, США, Японии, Республики Корея и Индии, а также 70 журналистов из 35 российских и зарубежных СМИ.
Полный список выступающих, видеозапись пленарных сессий, а также материалы выступлений доступны на странице Конференции: russiancouncil.ru/rucn2016.
РСМД выражает признательность всем партнерам и участникам Конференции и высоко ценит высказанные идеи и предложения. Рекомендации участников были максимальным образом учтены при подготовке настоящей публикации.
Proposals on Building a Regional Security System in West Asia and North AfricaRussian Council
This paper presents proposals on building a regional security system in West Asia and North Africa. The authors propose to use the term “West Asia” to facilitate new views and approaches on the existing problems and bring economic and geographical interaction to the forefront of the relations between the external and regional actors and within regional actors themselves. The authors emphasize the need to reorganize the economies of the states of the region, including, in particular, the Arab Mashreq subregion. It would help to restore the previously disrupted balance of power. The multiplicity of crises in West Asia and North Africa impairs the effectiveness of the region’s international institutions and is not conducive to advancing regional integration projects. Setting up provisional working groups comprised of regional leaders (or using similar formats) appears to be the most adequate solution; strategically, the most adequate way would be to create a comprehensive security system.
Assisting Development in Central Asia: Strategic Horizons of Russian Engagem...Russian Council
Authors:
V.M. Sergeev, Dr. of History (Chairman); A.A. Kazantsev, Dr. of Political Science; V.I. Bartenev, Ph.D. in History
This working paper was prepared as part of the Russian International Affairs Council’s project The Situation in Central Asia after the Possible Withdrawal of the Coalition Forces from Afghanistan. It examines aspects of Russia’s participation in rendering assistance to the countries in the region. The authors identify drivers of instability in Central Asia, review the involvement of the main players and donors in assisting development in the region, and evaluate Russia’s role and capacity in this field with due account of its national interests. The authors offer a number of recommendations on increasing the efficiency of Russian aid to Central Asian countries.
The views and opinions of authors expressed herein do not necessarily state or reflect those of RIAC.
International Cooperation in Environment Protection, Preservation, and Ratio...Russian Council
Materials of the International scientific symposium held in Moscow on September 4, 2012: Working paper.
Russian International Affairs Council pays special attention to the Arctic.
Council is convinced that there are no problems in the Arctic that cannot be solved on the basis of cooperation, common sense and solid foundation of international law. In order to promote realization of Russian interests in the Arctic by establishing effective international interaction in this region RIAC initiated the project titled “Roadmap for International Cooperation in the Arctic”. The International scientific symposium “International Cooperation in Environment Protection, Preservation, and Rational Management of Biological Resources in the Arctic Ocean” was organized in the framework of this project. This Working Paper includes texts of presentations at the symposium held in Moscow on September 4, 2012.
Russia—Republic of Korea Relations: Revising the Bilateral AgendaRussian Council
This Working Paper was prepared by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) as a part of the project “Russia and the Asia-Pacific Region: Conceptual Basis for Security and Development Policy”. The team of authors has conducted comprehensive analysis of Russia—Republic of Korea relations, as well as individual
aspects thereof in a regional context, including economic, scientific and technical cooperation. The research proceeded with practical recommendations aimed at fulfilling Russia’s interests in the Asia-Pacific and strengthening efficient bilateral interaction with ROK.
Russia–European Union: Potential for PartnershipRussian Council
The report analyses the development of Russia–European Union Relations. In the authors’
opinion the high level of economic interdependence between Russia and the European
Union, their geographic proximity and the nature of international relations in a globalized
world make it imperative that the parties continue to build and develop their relations.
The key issue is to give this cooperation a new impetus and increase the level of trust. The
report outlines recommended steps to make relations as good as possible.
Russia's interests in the context of Asia-Pacific region security and develop...Russian Council
The report contains main conclusions and recommendations made upon the outcomes of the First Asia-Pacific Forum held on November 28-29, 2011 by Russian International Affairs Council jointly with Russian APEC Studies Center.
Россия–Республика Корея: к новой повестке двусторонних отношенийRussian Council
Рабочая тетрадь подготовлена Российским советом по международным делам (РСМД) в рамках проекта «Россия и АТР: концептуальные основы политики в области безопасности и развития». Авторский коллектив провел комплексный анализ отношений России и Республики Корея, а также их отдельных аспектов, включая экономическое и научно-техническое сотрудничество двух стран, в региональном контексте. На основе проведенного исследования был составлен перечень конкретных рекомендаций, призванных способствовать реализации интересов России в Азиатско-Тихоокеанском регионе и выстраиванию эффективного двустороннего взаимодействия с Республикой Корея.
Модернизация механизмов сотрудничества России и ЕС. Доклад № 27/2016Russian Council
В условиях украинского кризиса по инициативе ЕС деятельность многих механизмов диалога с Россией была приостановлена. В то же время обе стороны отдают себе отчет в том, что санкции и приостановка политического диалога – не навсегда. Рано или поздно отношения между Россией и ЕС будут нормализованы. Хотя очевидно также, что эти отношения уже не станут прежними. В данном докладе на основе критического анализа опыта взаимодействия России и ЕС до современного кризиса сформулированы соображения, как могли бы выстраиваться институты диалога и управления их сотрудничеством после того, как отношения России и ЕС вступят в фазу нормализации.
Доклад опубликован в рамках совместного проекта Российского совета по международным делам (РСМД) и Центра им. Роберта Боша Германского совета по международным отношениям (DGAP), направленного на оценку состояния отношений между Россией и ЕС и поиск путей их нормализации.
Migration Crisis: International Cooperation and National StrategiesRussian Council
Migration has moved to the top of the global political agenda in recent times. The unprecedented influx of
refugees to Europe, on the one hand, and the high rate of South–North economic migration on the other,
have led to sharp political and public opinion divisions.
Over the last year-and-a-half, the expressions “migration crisis” and “refugee crisis” have become firmly
lodged in the political and journalist discourse. However, to what extent does the term “crisis” reflect the
real state of affairs? And to what extent does it reflect the way it is perceived? What can be done at the
national and international levels to change the situation? What is the current state of international cooperation on migration regulation? What is the outlook for this cooperation in the foreseeable future? And
what is Russia’s place in this cooperation?
The abovementioned issues were discussed during the II International conference “Migration crisis:
international cooperation and national strategies”, that was held on September 22-23, 2016 in Moscow
and organized by Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) and The Russian Presidental Academy of
National Economy and Public Administration (RANEPA). The paper presents the key results of the discussion of the following questions: (1) an analysis of the international migration system over the past half a century; (2) an examination of the demographic, economic, political and humanitarian aspects of the
crisis; (3) a look at the phenomenon of migration in reference to security problems; (4) a review of the state
of international cooperation in migration regulation.
Арктика. Предложения к дорожной карте международного сотрудничестваRussian Council
Дорожная карта – документ, определяющий последовательные шаги и содержание взаимодействия Российской Федерации с зарубежными партнерами (государствами и международными организациями) по актуальным вопросам международного сотрудничества в Арктике на 2012–2018 годы.
Цель настоящих предложений – содействие реализации интересов России через эффективное международное сотрудничество в регионе. Дорожная карта включает
в себя различные аспекты: правовой, институциональный, экологический, природоресурсный, транспортный, военный, научно-исследовательский.
Russia and the Visegrad Group: The Ukrainian ChallengeRussian Council
The Eastern Partnership policy that triggered the Ukrainian crisis has provided ample opportunity to reflect on Russia–EU relations, alongside with evaluating cooperation between Russia and the Visegrad Group countries (also called the Visegrad Four or V4). The Visegrad Four have taken on responsibility for the eastward enlargement of the European Union having become its members.
Defining Dialogue: How to Manage Russia-UK Security RelationsRussian Council
At present, Russian-British relations are in deep crisis.
Will countries be able to restore a regular and systematic dialogue at the highest level?
What are the prospects for cooperation between Russia and Britain in the sphere of security, combating international terrorism and countering extremism, including in the Greater Middle East?
What mechanisms need to be worked out to strengthen confidence-building measures, prevent radicalization and develop cooperation in the fight against cybercrime.
These and other issues related to the past, present and future of Russian-British security relations are discussed in the joint report of the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) and the Royal United Services Institute for Defense and Security Studies (RUSI).
Internationalization of Russian Universities: The Chinese VectorRussian Council
This Report was prepared by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) as a part of the project “The Development of Russian—Chinese Relations”, based on research of the practical experience accumulated by several leading Russian universities. The Report contains a number of particular recommendations aimed at reinforcing Russia’s positions in the education market of China and the Asia-Pacific region in general, as well as developing Russia’s innovation potential through the expansion of mutually beneficial scientific and educational cooperation between the two countries.
Интересы России в Азиатско-Тихоокеанском регионе: безопасность и развитиеRussian Council
В докладе представлены основные выводы и рекомендации по итогам Первого азиатско-тихоокеанского форума, проведенного Российским советом по международным делам и Российским центром исследований АТЭС 28–29 ноября 2011 года.
Development of Russian–Chinese Trade, Economic, Financial and Cross-Border Re...Russian Council
This Working Paper was prepared as part of a research project concerning the development of strategic partnership and constructive cooperation between Russia and China carried out by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC).
The authors present the results of a comprehensive review of Russian–Chinese trade, economic, financial and cross-border relations, analyse the impact of strengthening bilateral cooperation between the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China on the prospects of a “partnership for modernization”, and offer some recommendations in the area of bilateral relations and the development of Eastern Siberia and the Russian Far East.
The Working Paper was prepared by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) as part of the “Russia–India: Toward a New Bilateral Agenda” project. The purpose of the Paper is to identify the prospects and offer recommendations for developing Russia–India relations. The publication takes the form of postulates that deal with the full spectrum of relations between the two countries and their overlapping interests in regional and global politics.
Russia-Iran Partnership: an Overview and Prospects for the Future. RIAC and I...Russian Council
The Report is prepared by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) in partnership with the Institute for Iran-Eurasia Studies (IRAS) as part of the project “Russia-Iran Relations on the Modern Stage”.
The goal of the publication is to present the views of Russian and Iranian experts on the main areas of RussiaIran cooperation, to reveal the commonality and differences in their approaches to common threats and challenges. The Report discusses Russian and Iranian vision of global governance and role of great powers, cooperation in the Middle East region, Central Asia and Afghanistan, trade and economic relations, common
transport projects and interaction in international organizations such as SCO, EAEU, SREB initiative etc.
Russia’s Interests in Central Asia: Contents, Perspectives, LimitationsRussian Council
The purpose of this analytical report prepared in the framework of the project “Central
Asia after a Possible Withdrawal of Coalition Forces from Afghanistan” undertaken by
the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) is to make an attempt to identify the
actual position of Central Asia on the scale of Russian foreign policy priorities, to evaluate
opportunities and limitations available to Russia, to blueprint measures in consolidating
Russian positions in the region for the long-term perspective.
RIAC and the authors of the report hope that the presented material would be able to
give a new impetus to the topical discussion at the level of expert community, authorities
and businessmen, and to become a foundation for the development of the Foreign
Policy Concept of the Russian Federation in Central Asia.
70th Anniversary of Russia-India Relations: New Horizons of Privileged Partne...Russian Council
In 2017, Russia and India celebrate the 70th anniversary of diplomatic relations. Over the years, the two states have steadily developed mutually beneficial ties. Their cooperation has achieved the level of special and privileged strategic partnership. Regular contacts between the two leaders have become an established practice. On June 1–2, 2017, Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi is visiting Russia. On May 30, 2017, President of Russia Vladimir Putin’s article “Russia and India: 70 years together” was published in the Times of India. In the article the Russian President stated that the enormous potential of cooperation between the two great powers will be further explored for the benefit of the peoples of India and Russia and the international community in general.
However, in order to make full use of the collaboration potential, ties between Russia and India should be taken to a qualitatively new level. Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) and the Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF) have drafted a joint report in order to open up a new discussion on the prospects of Russia-India relations and the steps required to develop them further. The authors express hope that ideas and recommendations expressed in the paper will provide the necessary expert support for state level contacts and will be helpful in foreign policy decision-making by the two governments.
This report presents the results of analysis of the state of Russia–China relations in 2016 and the first quarter of 2017. Leading Russian and Chinese experts study major Russia’s and China’s interests and prospects for cooperation on the international arena, key areas and ways of expanding trade, economy and investment ties between the two states, assess the dynamics of militarytechnical collaboration and priorities of cooperation in culture, science, education and mass media between the two states, and set forth recommendations for promoting Russia – China interaction.
Particular attention is given to multilateral collaboration in Eurasia.
Second International Conference “Russia and China: Taking on a New Quality of...Russian Council
On May 30-31, 2016 Russian International Affairs Council held the Second International Conference titled “Russia and China: Taking on a New Quality of Bilateral Relations”. Senior officials, academics, experts on various aspects of bilateral relations, as well as representatives of businesses and media from both Russia and China took part in the Conference. The plenary and expert sessions of the Conference discussed priority areas of Russia–China bilateral and multilateral cooperation. Particular attention was given to coordinating Russia and China’s efforts channeled into developing global governance institutions and ensuring security in Northeast Asia, to the prospects for interaction within the Russia – India – China triangle, to the issues of infrastructure and economic cooperation in Eurasia, to the impact both internal and external factors have on the quality and volume of the Russia-China trade, to the prospects for implementing bilateral projects in education and culture, in the media sphere, and to the joint search for solutions to the current environmental problems.
G20, G8, BRICS development momentum and interests of RussiaRussian Council
The report presents key findings and recommendations of several scientific and expert workshops conducted by Russian International Affairs Council within the project «Increasing the effectiveness of Russia’s Participation in G8, G20, and BRICS in accordance with the Priorities and National Interests of Russia».
The Russian Federation’s International Science and Technology Cooperation: An...Russian Council
This report has been prepared as part of the Russian International Affairs Council’s project Russia’s International Science and Technology Cooperation. The report looks into the present state of Russian science in comparative perspective, analyses Russia’s key goals and objectives in terms of improving the international competitiveness of domestic science, provides an overview of Russian legislation on international science and technology cooperation, and identifies the key issues that international science and technology cooperation is expected to help resolve. The author identifies a number of priority areas in Russia’s international science and technology cooperation and proposes a number of steps to promote Russia’s interests in international science and technology cooperation.
Current state of Russia’s relations with Japan and prospects for their develo...Russian Council
The report presents the results of a comprehensive analysis of contemporary Russian-
Japanese relations made by a team of Russian Japanologists within a framework of the
Russian International Affairs Council’s research program. Political, trade and economic,
scientific, technological and cultural cooperation and also the approaches to the resolution
of “the northern territories’ problem” are among the key issues considered by the authors.
Cooperation in Science and Education to Promote an Innovative Approach to Rus...Russian Council
Possessing knowledge as such, ability to learn and contribute to the process of knowledge development is what diff erentiates developed societies from developing ones. As humanity watches global progress in robotics and artifi cial intelligence, the start of the Fourth Industrial Revolution was announced at Davos 2016.1 Innovation was also the focus of the 2016 Boao Forum for Asia.2 Seeking to keep pace with their peers internationally, Russia and China also prioritize science, education, technology and innovation.
The Strategy for Innovative Development of the Russian Federation for the period until 2020, as well as China’s offi cial document entitled “Vision and Actions on Jointly Building Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road” list eff orts to expand international scientifi c cooperation and build up innovation capacity as top-priority objectives.3 Amid the apparent restrictions of extensive development models in both Russia and China, bilateral cooperation in science and education appears to be an increasingly ambitious objective aiming to build up the national innovative capacity of the two countries.
Damage Assessment: EU-Russia relations in crisisRussian Council
A new Special Report edited by Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) and European Leadership Network (ELN) assesses the damage to EU-Russia relations after three years of crisis.
Featuring Russian and European experts, the report presents their analysis on fundamental aspects of deteriorating EU-Russia relations, including economic impact, political relations and people-to-people contact. For each of these areas the Russian experts present and assess developments inside their own country, while Western authors describe the situation at the EU level and in selected European Union countries.
Russia and Europe: Somewhat Different, Somewhat the Same?Russian Council
There are more issues that divide Russia and the EU than that unite them. Although both sides support the fundamentals of the current world-order (especially when confronted with a challenge like IS), Russia believes that the current arrangement does not grant equality and is asymmetrically patterned after the West. While civil societies on both sides believe that sanctions should be ended and relations strengthened, and while both have incurred losses as a result of restrictive measures, they diverge on the conditions of relaunching economic relations, on the feasibility of technical cooperation in the absence of political convergence, and on what EU – Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) cooperation could look like. While the EU and Russia feel the need to cooperate on a settlement in Ukraine, on stabilisation in the Middle East, on the fi ght against terrorism, they diverge over what should be done, over whether human rights / democracy or security / stability should prevail, and over how international organisations should be used.
In this context two parallel tracks should be promoted. The fi rst one is ad hoc cooperation on burning common threats (the settlement in Ukraine and the fi ght against IS and terrorism), or economic issues of immediate mutual benefi t (aviation, the space, medicine, and gas). Various international fora as well as bilateral EU-Russia arrangements should be open for this cooperation. At the same time, sustainable long-term cooperation depends on conceptual discussions over the future set-up, which would guarantee that the preferences of both sides are taken into consideration and neither feels discriminated or betrayed. Mutual understanding is essential for these discussions, it can be cultivated through wider civil society dialogue, more balanced media coverage, the preservation of existing economic links and expert discussions. Only this conceptual settlement will reverse the current ‘divide-unite’ split in favour of more unity.
Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. Model 2014–2015Russian Council
The working paper is devoted to the activities of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), its influence on the Central Asian region, adjacent areas and states. Its relevance derives from the national security interests of Russia and the Central Asian region, connected to the need to develop and adopt a long-term SCO Development Strategy up to 2025. The document provides different scenarios for the Organisation’s development, its likely reaction to crises in the region, including in Afghanistan, the possibility of the key players (Russia and China) strengthening its potential, as well as options for increasing the number of permanent members and collaborating with observer countries (India, Pakistan, Iran and Mongolia).
The possibilities for and impediments to strengthening the geopolitical role of the SCO are analysed and practical recommendations are given.
The Russian Arctic: Potential for International CooperationRussian Council
The report continues work held in line with the “Roadmap for International Cooperation in the Arctic” project organized by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC). The report looks into the network of circumpolar territories including new industrial regions on the Arctic continental shelf, analyses key goals of educational cooperation and identifies opportunities for international collaboration among small and medium-sized businesses in the Arctic. Authors present their vision for strategic governance in the Russian Arctic and inter-municipal cooperation in the coastal zone of the Russian Federation.
Modern Russian–Iranian Relations: Challenges and OpportunitiesRussian Council
This working paper was prepared as part of the Russian International Affairs Council’s (RIAC) project Modern Russian–Iranian Relations. These two nations have great potential for bilateral cooperation, but that potential has not yet been fully realized. Incipient progress in negotiations on Iran’s nuclear programme and a prospective easing of the sanctions against Iran open up new possibilities for fostering and strengthening ties between Russia and Iran. This working paper analyses the current state of these two countries’ trade and economic ties; potential areas of cooperation in the Caspian region, Central Asia and the Middle East; and Russia’s future role in resolving the situation with Iran’s nuclear programme. The authors outline several specific areas and recommendations for bilateral dialogue, as well as actions that could bring cooperation to a new and higher level.
Russia’s Guiding Landmarks in the Asia-Pacific after the APEC Summit in Vladi...Russian Council
On October 12–13, 2012, the Second Asia-Pacific Forum was held in Moscow, organized by the Russian International Affairs Council and Russian APEC Study Center in partnership with the International Affairs magazine. Representatives from government authorities, expert and business communities of Russia, the United States, China, Japan, Korea, Thailand, and the Philippines attended the event. The forum was held in the format of plenary sessions and a series of panel discussions dealing with specific areas of Russia’s cooperation with Asia-Pacifi c countries ranging from nuclear power to cooperation in information technologies. This report presents the key conclusions and proposals advanced by forum participants for public debate.
A Report of the CSIS Russia and Eurasia Program and the Russian International Affairs Council
At a time when tension between the US and Russia is higher than it has been in decades, we cannot forget that the relationship between these two countries is among the most important for global security. On any number of issues, from arms control to the Middle East, failure of the U.S. and Russia to communicate will make things much, much worse, with repercussions that will last for generations and affect the entire world. For this reason, CSIS and RIAC convened some of Russia’s and America’s top experts to think through the future of the bilateral relationship. The result is a series of papers that identify both the spheres where coordination is crucial and those where it may be possible, responding to mutual interests and potentially helping to stabilize the relationship and buffer against conflict in the future. For both, they offer concrete recommendations and a clear-eyed take on what can, and what cannot be done.
The analyses that follow examine prospects for Russia-U.S. cooperation in several crucial regions and fields: economics, energy, the Arctic, Euro-Atlantic security, the Middle East, strategic stability, cybersecurity, and countering terrorism and extremism. They offer actionable recommendations in each area, some of which can, and should be undertaken today, and some of which should be considered by policymakers in Moscow and Washington as they chart a course through dangerous and uncertain times.
Possibilities of a Strategic Relationship Between Russia and Saudi ArabiaRussian Council
Russia’s foreign policy in the Middle East is a multidimensional endeavour, which calls for something akin to strategic relations to be built with inf uential regional actors. Pursuing a partnership with Saudi Arabia
is a comprehensive task for the Russian Federation.
Saudi Arabia is a leading country in the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf (GCC) and, like Russia, it is a serious player on the global oil market. Changes in the region and around the world, as well as the declaration by Saudi Arabia in April 2016 of its socioeconomic transformation in the “Vision for Saudi Arabia until the year 2030” open up new opportunities for the two countries.
Предложения по российско-американскому сотрудничеству в сфере кибербезопаснос...Russian Council
Текущее состояние российско-американских отношений отличается высоким уровнем недоверия. Напряженность нарастала в течение трех лет, государства наложили друг на друга санкции, активно распространяют пропаганду и обмениваются взаимными обвинениями. Ситуация в двусторонних отношениях непредсказуема: если эскалация продолжится, вся система международных отношений может быть дестабилизована. Текущее ухудшение отношений между двумя странами затронуло все сферы взаимодействия, включая кибербезопасность.
Взаимодействие в сфере кибербезопасности – достаточно новый аспект, который никогда не входил в число приоритетных направлений наравне с борьбой с терроризмом, украинским и сирийским кризисами, экономическими санкциями и др.
Несмотря на то, что государства по обе стороны Атлантического океана осознают необходимость решения ключевых вопросов кибербезопасности, мнения сторон относительно необходимых мер и применения норм международного права к вопросам киберпространства расходятся.
В этой связи требуется работа по двум направлениям. Первое – сотрудничество в предотвращении киберпреступлений и принятие мер по борьбе с кибертерроризмом. Россия и США не могут найти общий язык при обсуждении предотвращения киберпреступлений. Отчасти это вызвано отсутствием общепринятой терминологии применительно к киберпространству.
Кроме того, анонимность киберпреступлений не только затрудняет процесс атрибуции, но и зачастую подрывает статус-кво в двусторонних отношениях. Второе направление включает в себя разработку норм поведения, а также защиту объектов критической инфраструктуры от кибератак. Хотя группа правительственных экспертов ООН ведет активную работу над разработкой правил игры, государствам необходимо найти способы применения существующих и потенциальных норм на практике. Также необходимо дать четкие определения объектам критической инфраструктуры и киберпреступлений.
На данном этапе критически важно продолжение диалога и налаживание взаимопонимания при помощи экспертных встреч и публикаций, сотрудничества на техническом уровне и сбалансированного участия СМИ.
На протяжении 2016 г. российские и американские эксперты по вопросам кибербезопасности совместно работали над предложениями по решению проблем в двусторонних отношениях, связанных с этой сферой.
В результате двусторонних усилий Российский совет по международным делам (РСМД) и Институт Восток-Запад (ИВЗ) выделили ряд вызовов и проблем в сфере кибербезопасности, а также предложений по их решению для улучшения российско-американского сотрудничества в киберпространстве. Стороны выражают надежду, что изложенные ниже предложения смогут лечь в основу будущего сотрудничества.
Презентация Лоуренса Макдоннелла. Дебаты «Fake News и мировая политика»Russian Council
18 июля 2017 г. в библиотеке им. Ф.М. Достоевского РСМД провел дебаты на тему «Fake News и мировая политика».
Лекторами на мероприятии выступили бывший корреспондент ВВС в Москве Лоуренс Макдоннелл и заместитель редактора международного отдела РБК, бывший главный редактор англоязычного аналитического ресурса Russia Direct Павел Кошкин. В роли модератора дискуссии выступал менеджер по связям со СМИ и правительственными структурами РСМД Николай Маркоткин.
Web Internationalization of Russian Universities (2016–2017). Report No. 31/2017Russian Council
This report is the result of a new stage in the research of the online English-language resources on the websites of Russian universities and is a follow-up to the initial report produced by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) entitled “Web Internationalization: Russian Universities” in 2015.
The authors developed a methodology for assessing the English-language websites of universities. The online resources of 47 universities were analysed and compared with those of 11 QS Top 100 World Universities.
The results of the study are presented in the form of a ranking of the English-language websites of Russian universities. An analysis of common problems and a list of recommendations have also been provided.
Россия и Запад: как управлять «холодным миром»?Russian Council
Пятый позиционный документ Рабочей группы проекта «Строительство Большой Европы: необходимые меры до 2030 г.».
Группа видных членов и сторонников Панъевропейской Рабочей группы по сотрудничеству в Большой Европе, в которую входят бывшие министры иностранных дел и обороны, а также высшие должностные лица России, Великобритании, Турции, Польши, Германии, Италии и Финляндии, призвала руководство стран евроатлантического региона остановить дальнейшее раскручивание нисходящей спирали в отношениях между Россией и Западом и эффективно управлять рисками путем повышения стабильности в сфере безопасности.
Отмечая серьезность ситуации, члены Рабочей группы предупреждают, что она чревата военной конфронтацией между Россией и Западом — как умышленной, так и ненамеренной. Отдавая себе отчет в том, что рассчитывать на скорое улучшение отношений не приходится, они считают, что стабилизация ситуации требует общей приверженности всех стран евроатлантического региона отказу от применения силы, более осторожного и сдержанного подхода к наращиванию военного потенциала и активного использования возможностей контроля над вооружениями и укрепления доверия.
Managing the Cold Peace between Russia and the West. Fifth Task Force Positio...Russian Council
A group of prominent Members and Supporters of the Pan-European Task Force on Cooperation in Greater Europe, including former foreign and defence ministers and senior officials from Russia, the United Kingdom, Turkey, Poland, Germany, Italy and Finland has joined forces to appeal to the leadership of the countries in the Euro-Atlantic area to halt the downward spiral in West-Russia relations and manage its risks better through developing a more stable and sustainable security relationship.
Theses on Russia’s Foreign Policy and Global Positioning (2017–2024)Russian Council
5 years ago, in 2012, Postulates on Russia's Foreign Policy (2012-2018) marked the beginning of RIAC’s project work. This report has become RIAC’s trademark for several years, its amendments being used in the updated Concept of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation.
The world is now standing at a road fork, and Russia’s key task is to ensure no era of extremes, to promote comfortable and manageable international environment without limitations, conflicts, and splits.
Addressing the changed international situation, quantitative and qualitative growth of challenges for Russia’s foreign policy RIAC and Center for Strategic Research (CSR) presented Theses on Russia’s Foreign Policy and Global Positioning (2017–2024).
As part of the project, 30 interviews were conducted with RIAC members: prominent diplomats, major international relations experts, media executives and entrepreneurs. As a separate part of the project, a series of case studies were conducted with the participation of experts and RIAC members.
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The theses were based upon the results of a parallel study conducted by a team of researchers at the Primakov Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO) of the Russian Academy of Sciences.
Text: Ivan Timofeev, RIAC Director of Programs.
Edited by Andrey Kortunov, RIAC Director General and Sergey Utkin, Head of Foreign and Security Policy Department of the Centre for Strategic Research.
Тезисы по внешней политике и позиционированию России в мире (2017–2024 гг.)Russian Council
5 лет назад, в 2012 г. РСМД открыл проектную деятельность изданием Тезисов о внешней политики России (2012–2018). Доклад стал визитной карточкой Совета на несколько лет, а предложения были использованы в новой редакции Концепции внешней политики РФ.
Сейчас мир стоит на развилке, перед Россией стоит задача не допустить новой эпохи крайностей, способствовать созданию комфортной, управляемой международной среды без ограничительных линий, конфликтов и расколов.
Отвечая на изменившуюся международную ситуацию, количественный и качественный рост вызовов для российской внешней политики, РСМД и Центр стратегических разработок (ЦСР) представили «Тезисы по внешней политике и позиционированию России в мире».
В рамках проекта было проведено 30 интервью с членами РСМД — известными дипломатами, крупными учеными-международниками, руководителями СМИ, представителями бизнеса.
Отдельной составляющей проекта стала серия ситуационных анализов с участием экспертов и сотрудников РСМД.
Подготовке тезисов помогли результаты работы группы ученых из Института мировой
экономики и международных отношений имени Е. М. Примакова (ИМЭМО РАН), которая велась параллельно с исследованием РСМД.
Автор текста: Иван Тимофеев, программный директор РСМД.
Под редакцией: Андрея Кортунова, генерального директора РСМД и Сергея Уткина, руководителя направления «Внешняя политика и безопасность» ЦСР.
70-летие дипломатических отношений России и Индии: Новые горизонты привилегир...Russian Council
В 2017 г. Россия и Индия отмечают 70-летие дипломатических отношений. Россия и Индия последовательно формировали взаимовыгодные отношения; их взаимодействие достигло уровня особо привилегированного стратегического партнерства. Регулярные контакты лидеров двух стран вошли в практику российско-индийских отношений. 1–2 июня 2017 г. состоялся официальный визит премьер-министра Н. Моди в Россию. 30 мая 2017 г. в газете The Times of India опубликована статья президента РФ В. Путина «Россия и Индия: 70 лет вместе». В материале президент России выразил уверенность, что «колоссальный потенциал взаимодействия двух великих держав будет и впредь реализовываться на благо народов России и Индии, международного сообщества в целом».
Однако для полноценного использования потенциала сотрудничества необходимо вывести российско-индийские связи на качественно новый уровень. Российский совет по международным делам (РСМД) и Международный фонд им. Вивекананды (VIF) подготовили совместный доклад, призванный открыть широкую экспертную дискуссию о перспективах развития отношений между двумя странами, а также мерах, необходимых для дальнейшего совершенствования и повышения эффективности этих отношений.
Авторы выражают надежду, что идеи и рекомендации, изложенные в данном документе, окажутся востребованными на уровне межгосударственных контактов и будут полезны государственным органам обеих стран при принятии соответствующих внешнеполитических решений.
Дорожная карта российско-американских отношенийRussian Council
Доклад – результат работы ведущих российских и американских экспертов. Основная идея доклада состоит в том, что даже в обстановке геополитической напряженности и взаимного недоверия Россия и США должны сотрудничать. И не только в тех областях, где от их взаимодействия зависит глобальная безопасность, но и в более широком спектре направлений, в которых конкретные совместные действия не менее важны для нормализации отношений между двумя странами и для предотвращения конфликтов в будущем. В докладе анализируются перспективы российско-американского сотрудничества в таких важнейших регионах и сферах как Арктика, Ближний Восток, экономика, энергетика, евроатлантическая безопасность, стратегическая стабильность, кибербезопасность, борьба с терроризмом и экстремизмом. В докладе предлагаются практические рекомендации по налаживанию сотрудничества на каждом из направлений.
Lies, Spies and Big Data: How Fake News Is Rewriting Political LandscapesRussian Council
On November 7, 2016, Donald Trump was elected President of the United States after a bitterly-fought campaign against Hillary Clinton. The election was very closely-run, with Hillary Clinton winning the popular vote, but losing the presidency based on the U.S. electoral college structure. However, months after Donald Trump was declared President of the United States, questions remain about the legitimacy of the U.S. elections. The central issues are the emergence and use of so-called ‘Fake News’ and the accusation that Russia, through espionage and online hacking operations, sought to influence the presidential elections to promote Donald Trump and denigrate the reputation of Hillary Clinton.
The issues thrown up in the wake of the U.S. presidential election have fundamentally undermined trust in the workings of the international media and further damaged U.S.–Russia relations. A report by the U.S. intelligence services accusing Russia of attempting to influence the outcome of the election, prepared for President Obama and published in the election’s immediate aftermath, led to the expulsion1 of 35 Russian diplomats from Washington just days after the results were announced. President Putin, on the other hand, opted not to expel any U.S. diplomats from Russia. The investigation into Russia’s involvement and influence on the U.S. elections continues today.
This policy brief provides an overview of how the gathering and dissemination of news has changed in a globalized digital environment, how consumers digest and share news at an ever-increasing pace, and how the management of big data can influence electorates across borders. It will also define ‘fake news’ and the extent to which it might have influenced the results of the U.S. elections.
Перспективы развития проекта ЕАЭС к 2025 годуRussian Council
Рабочая тетрадь подготовлена Российским советом по международным делам (РСМД) в рамках проекта «Евразийская экономическая интеграция: эффективные модели взаимодействия экспертов».
Цель издания — представить взгляды экспертов на развитие проекта ЕАЭС в перспективе до 2025 г. В издании рассмотрены некоторые перспективные направления интеграции: транспорт и логистика, агропромышленная политика, свобода перемещения товаров, трудовых ресурсов, образование на пространстве ЕАЭС, международные связи ЕАЭС в перспективе до 2025 г. Безусловно, этот перечень не является исчерпывающим с точки зрения перспективных направлений интеграции, однако он представляется реализуемым с учетом национальных приоритетов и ожиданий государств — членов Союза, анализу которых посвящен отдельный раздел тетради, и без понимания которых едва ли возможна проработка общих перспективных направлений интеграции.
Экономическое развитие стран ЕАЭС и перспективы экономической интеграции до 2...Russian Council
Евразийский экономический союз создавался для укрепления национальных экономик и возможностей государств–членов в мировой экономике при условии создания четырех свобод – передвижения товаров, услуг, финансов и рабочей силы. Его создание пришлось как на период мировой экономической нестабильности, так и геополитических изменений в Евразии, что повлияло на ситуацию внутри ЕАЭС. Сегодня актуален вопрос перспективности развития экономик государств–членов в формате их участия в евразийском интеграционном проекте.
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ЕМИ был подготовлен Центром изучения перспектив интеграции в партнерстве с Институтом социологии НАНБ. Коллектив авторов исследовал освещение евразийской интеграции в странах-членах ЕАЭС и поделился своими основными выводами в рамках рабочего совещания, в котором приняли участие ведущие эксперты в проблематике евразийской интеграции. ЕМИ доступен на сайте РСМД.
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4. Contents
Preface..................................................................................................... 4
I. Russia and India on the International Arena................................... 6
Russian and Indian Positions on Creating
a New Architecture of International Relations....................................... 6
Interaction on Regional Problems......................................................... 7
Searching for Common Approaches to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation......9
II. Russia and India: Towards a New Agenda in Economic
and Trade Relations......................................................................... 10
Key Features of India’s Current Economic Development................... 10
Problems and Prospects of Bilateral Trade and Economic Relations......11
III. Russia and India: Towards Economic Modernization................... 15
IV. Russia-India relations: New Agenda in Military-Technical
Cooperation..............................................................................................17
Key Features of India’s Arms and Military Equipment Market............ 17
Status, Problems and Prospects of Russia-India
Military-Technical Cooperation...................................................................18
V. Problems of Cultural and Humanitarian cooperation
between Russia and India......................................................................21
5. 4
Preface
India has undoubtedly entered the 21st
century alongside the United
States and China as a country that can rightfully claim the status of being
a center of global influence. There is a good chance that the world’s future
will be largely determined by developing relations in the United States –
China – India triangle. India’s position in the global political and economic
system makes it even more important that Russia attaches particular
significance to the development of bilateral relations with this Asian giant.
The strategic partnership between Russia and India is a natural
phenomenon. The two countries’ national interests either coincide or at
least do not contradict each other. Geopolitical considerations dictate the
need to strengthen mutual relations. There is an explicit parallel to be drawn
between foreign policy developments in which India is involved in South
Asia and the Russian role in the post-Soviet realities of the CIS. Similarities
between the two countries’ objectives in the foreign policy domain cannot
be ignored. Russia and India should seek further integration in the global
economy, enhanced competitiveness and a degree of protectionism with
regard to their own production. The proximity of two countries’ approaches
to the fundamental problems of global development is especially evident.
In the meantime, Russia-India relations have begun to stagnate. While
key areas of cooperation (military and technical cooperation, nuclear
power) are developing positively, that alone is not sufficient to maintain
growth trends in the long term, especially given the growing U.S. interest in
rapprochement with India.
Taking into account the significance of relations with India to Russia,
the Russian International Affairs Council has organized a series of
expert workshops dedicated to specific areas of bilateral relations. The
postulates under review can be regarded as preliminary results of
this work. The key goal of these postulates is to test a number of
hypotheses concerning the development of cooperation between
Russia and India. In addressing the readers we hope to generate some
sort of feedback. A final version of the postulates will be prepared and
published taking into account readers’ comments and proposals.
The workshops were chaired by V.I. Trubnikov, member of the Director-
ate at the Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO)
of the RAS, most recently Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary
of the Russian Federation in India. Senior research fellow at IMEMO RAS
A.G. Volodin and Professor at Moscow State Institute of International Re-
lations under the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs S.I. Lunev acted as
co-chairmen during the workshops.
The postulates were prepared on the basis of materials and presenta-
tions prepared by workshop participants. They include V.I. Yurtaev, re-
search fellow at the department of theory and history of international
relations at the Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia, B.M. Volkhon-
sky, Senior Research Fellow at the Russian Institute of Strategic Studies,
6. 5
E.A. Bragina, Senior Research Fellow at IMEMO RAS, T. Shaumyan, Head
of the Indian Studies Center under the Institute of Oriental Studies, RAS,
G.A. Ivashentsov, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the
Russian Federation, P.V. Topychkanov, Program Coordinator at the Mos-
cow Carnegie Center, K.V. Makienko, Deputy Director of the Center for
Analysis of Strategies and Technologies, A.V. Frolov, Chief Research Fel-
low at IMEMO RAS, O. Malyarov, Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of
Oriental Studies RAS, F.N. Yurlov, Senior Research Fellow at the Institute
of Oriental Studies RAS, Z.A. Khusnitdinov, Head of the India division of
the 2nd
Asian Department at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia, and
his colleague A.D. Feoktistov
Compilation and content editing was carried out by the following RIAC
employees – I.N. Timofeev, Program Director; T.A. Makhmutov, Deputy
Program Director; L.V. Filippova, Program Manager; and A.P. Tsvetov,
Program Coordinator.
7. 6
I. Russia and India on the International Arena
Russian and Indian Positions on Creating
a New International Relations Architecture
1. Russia and India have similar positions on building a new archi-
tecture of global relations. Built around the principle of a polycentric world
structure, these positions theoretically create new opportunities for interac-
tion between the two countries in a variety of global and regional formats.
The two states’ national interests coincide in the following areas:
• a unipolar world is wholly unacceptable;
• the absolute need to continue to combat political extremism and radical-
ism;
• aspects of economic globalization that have a negative impact on de-
veloping nations must be staunchly opposed.
The Russian Federation and India uphold similar views, with rare ex-
ceptions, during votes at the UN General Assembly sessions on problems
related to global sustainable development, strategic stability and interna-
tional security.
2. India’s position, from the outset, has been directed at creating a world
order based on the principle of “uniformity through diversity.” This mod-
el incorporates consensus-driven world politics and international relations,
while groups of “horizontally” organized states acting in accordance with
the principle of coordination rather than subordination will inevitably be-
come key players on the international arena.
3. Prospects for the development of Russia-India relations on a global
scale largely depend on the nature of interaction displayed by India with
regard to the key players on the international scene: relations with
China and the United States are of paramount importance for India just as
they are for Russia.
4. India has demonstrated a genuine interest in establishing an inclu-
sive world order in which China could be one of the major, but not domi-
nant, states. This does not run counter to Russia’s interests.
5. Despite the positive trend in how U.S.-Indian relations are develop
ing on a global scale, a latent growth in conflict potential between the
United States and India can be observed as resulting from fundamental
disagreements on geopolitical and geo-economic issues (especially dur-
ing the sessions of UN bodies). As a result, Russia, in the absence of the
expected results from its “reset” in relations with the United States, facing
differences with the United States on a number of issues, alarmed – much
like India – by neighboring China’s growing strength, could create an alli-
8. 7
ance with India, that proves to be strategically important to both parties,
lending fresh impetus to political, trade/economic and cultural relations.
6. Renewed efforts in economic and political cooperation within the
RIC group (Russia, India, China) have good prospects. Highly-efficient
interaction is likely in areas involving Russian fundamental science and
resources, India’s engineering theory and Chinese production that boasts
high-quality low-cost labor. Products generated by this linkup could en-
joy a high capacity market: BRICS countries have the highest long-term
growth rates in the world, and the purchasing power of their populations
is invariably also on the rise. Specific areas for cooperation may include
agricultural production, joint development of mineral, fuel and energy and
forest resources in Siberia and Russia’s Far East, manufacturing industry,
coordination of aviation projects, space exploration, power engineering,
and machine building, in particular car manufacturing oriented towards
markets in the countries under review. Establishing a special-purpose
Energy Association (possibly with Japan and South Korea) could also
prove useful.
7. India and Russia share the view that today’s problems cannot be ef-
fectively resolved without broader involvement of developing nations in
global trade, finance and investment. Developing countries can and must
become the real drivers of global economic growth.
8. Russia should reaffirm its position regarding support for India gain-
ing the status of UN Security Council permanent member and call
for comprehensive assistance to Delhi in its desire to become an APEC
member.
Interaction on Regional Problems
9. India strongly opposes the involvement of external international
forces in the solution of regional problems in South Asia, whether in Kash-
mir or in the Indian Ocean zone. India is watching the development of Unit-
ed States-Pakistan relations in the military and political spheres with great
suspicion, given the American forces’ stated intention to withdraw from
Afghanistan in 2014.
10. Russia has invariably taken a low-profile stance on regional prob-
lems such as Kashmir and Tibet that are highly sensitive to India. Rus-
sian diplomacy has every reason to believe that the “internationalization”
of these problems would be unlikely to facilitate their settlement and may
damage India’s political prestige.
11. Indian experts view the Indian Ocean as a key element in the coun-
try’s policies and in its historical destiny. To the east of the Indian Ocean,
India should enhance its efforts to strengthen ties with Myanmar, Indone-
9. 8
sia, and Singapore as well as Vietnam, South Korea and Australia, poten-
tially creating a kind of “diamond ring” of countries friendly towards
India. It is highlighted that this initiative should not be a smokescreen for
efforts to create an anti-Chinese alliance. At the same time China is acting
as a major investor in the economies of these countries thus reducing the
effect of the Indian foreign policy.
12. The development of Russia-India relations will also benefit from
Russia’s comprehensive support for India in interactions with other
states in the region. It would seem reasonable to find a way of mention-
ing the fact that Russia is not rendering any military assistance to Paki-
stan (while highlighting arms supplies to Pakistan from the United States,
France and other Western countries); it is also worth highlighting those
foreign policy processes in South Asia that parallel Russia’s post-Soviet
realities, and the similar positions that India and Russia have respectively
taken in these regions, in particular the remarkable similarity in the ap-
proaches that Russia has applied to solving problems faced by the CIS and
those taken by India regarding issues in South Asia.
13. India’s policies on Afghanistan are determined by three key con-
siderations: a) concerns over an Islamist victory, the spread of radical Is-
lam across Central Asia and possible appearance of an Islamist bloc com-
prising Pakistan, Afghanistan and Central Asian republics characterized,
among other things, by a radical anti-Indian thrust; b) undesirable strength-
ening of the great powers’ influence in Afghanistan and their increasing
involvement in regional affairs; c) the goal of transforming Afghanistan into
a transit country between Central Asia and India.
It appears that the reason for India’s activity in the Afghanistan-Pakistan
(Af-Pak) conflict zone indicates Delhi’s intention to increase the quality of
its economic, political and possibly military positions in the regions, primar-
ily at the expense of Pakistan and China.
14. There are no principal disagreements between Russia and India
over the situation in Afghanistan, while the prospects of interaction be-
tween the two countries are quite explicit in the Af-Pak node of tension.
Specifically, a bilateral agreement on joint implementation of economic
programs in Afghanistan is likely to be signed. It would also appear quite
feasible to unite the two countries’ efforts in the military-political sphere (for
instance, in joint programs to train Afghan servicemen) while in the longer
term it might be efficient to disseminate similar economic and military-polit-
ical programs across Central Asia.
10. 9
Searching for Common Approaches to the
Nuclear Non-Proliferation
15. According to the views of the Indian political class, India is a de-
facto nuclear state whether or not it is recognized as such by the Treaty
of Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Indian officials contend that there
is no sense in joining a Treaty that has been criticized by Indian society for
so many years.
16. The fragility and contradictory nature of the nuclear non-prolifer-
ation regime is reflected in India’s position: Delhi has invariably empha-
sized nuclear disarmament over nuclear non-proliferation. India has always
viewed the proliferation of nuclear weapons as a threat to regional and
global security, and as a consequence has viewed nuclear proliferation as
illegitimate (hence non-proliferation, i.e. maintaining a privileged status of
“nuclear club” members). India is scrupulous about compliance with this
regime as it has categorically refused to transfer “sensitive” technologies
and fissionable materials to other countries.
17. The logic behind India’s position on nuclear non-proliferation and
nuclear security suggests that cooperation in this area between the two
countries under review has no meaningful political prospects.
11. 10
II. Russia and India: Towards a New Agenda
in Trade and Economic Relations
Key Features of India’s
Current Economic Development
18. The Indian economy has entered a complicated period of devel-
opment, despite the fact that the country avoided the impact of the 1997-
1998 Asian crisis and was able to maintain high growth rates. It is agreed
for India that a minimum or “politically secure” level of economic growth is
at least 7 percent per year. Any growth rates below this threshold are re-
garded as “critical” while the “politically desirable” economic growth rates
are 9 percent or above. Although in 2012 economic growth fell below 6
percent, the Indian economy is expected to pick up in early 2013.
19. India’s economic potential has grown significantly. The country is
trying to achieve two objectives simultaneously, both to complete “clas-
sical” industrialization while also continuing to develop heavy industry
(chiefly the power industry), and expanding scientific and technological
innovation services, information and communication technologies, scal-
ing up outsourcing, expanding the banking sector, and cooperating with
international high-tech companies. India’s interest in modernization
technologies amounts to a clear trend in India’s economic development.
Meanwhile, international companies are predominantly using licensing
and service provision contracts in their operations with India (due to per-
sistent limitations on foreign direct investment and local subcontractors’
rapidly increasing capacity).
20. The long-term government policy that refrained from criticizing In-
dia’s citizens, including skilled specialists and researchers, for going to oth-
er countries has produced good results. The government made efforts to
maintain regular ties with them. In 2010, net cash transfers to India from
this foreign diaspora totaled $53.124 billion.1
21. Deteriorating global trade conditions in the context of the Indian
economy’s increasing openness to global economic trends and pro-
cesses has a negative impact on the prevailing mood in Indian society.
One of the manifestations of the country’s declining foreign economic vigor
is the growing mutual disappointment within Indian and U.S. business com-
munities with the prospects and results of joint activities aimed at “opening”
their respective markets.
22. One of the new political and socio-economic factors expected to
gain influence in the medium term is India’s middle class (numbering be-
1
Net current transfers from abroad (current US$). World Bank indicators. URL: http://api.
worldbank.org/datafiles/IND_Country_MetaData_en_EXCEL.xlc
12. 11
tween 100 and 400-500 million people2
). One of the likely outcomes of this
phenomenon is the growing role to be played by small- and medium-sized
businesses on India’s political field.
23. Medium-sized businesses are mainly entrepreneurs who en-
tered the market thanks to reforms carried out in the 1990s. They typical-
ly view the idea of the Soviet Union’s role in Indian industrialization as a
myth; many of them were educated in Western countries, and have little
interest in business relations with Russia, which is to a certain extent due
to unclear foreign economic policies pursued by Russia with regards to
India.
Problems and Prospects of Bilateral Trade
and Economic Relations
24. Despite the “privileged political partnership” status between Russia
and India, trade and economic ties are still the weakest link in bilateral
relations. One impediment is Russian foreign economic players’ limited
awareness of qualitative shifts in India’s economy and a relatively low level
of mutual trade operations.
25. To maintain the “privileged” status of Russia-India relations, it is
important to outline guidelines for our foreign economic activities. Practice
shows that good economic and socio-political motivation providing a posi-
tive impetus for maintaining bilateral relations can be achieved at a mini-
mum level of trade turnover reaching at least $17-18 billion.
26. It is necessary to strengthen ongoing work done by bilateral com-
mittees and raise the efficiency of control over how decisions that are made
by these bodies are implemented. The final documents often reiterate one
goal, for example, reaching the target figure of $10 billion in trade turnover
between Russia and India, while this indicator has been well below the
declared target for many years. It is quite obvious that reinvigorating tra-
ditional approaches to cooperation can boost trade and economic rela-
tions: upgrading enterprises built in India with Soviet assistance, military
and technical cooperation, and nuclear power industry.
27. In 2011 the volume of Russia-India trade turnover amounted to $9
billion.3
This low indicator can be explained, above all, by logistics prob-
lems. Therefore the volume of foreign economic ties between India and,
say, China ($73.9 billion4
) should not be used as a benchmark, as the
2
Deutche Bank Research. URL: http://www.dbresearch.de/PROD/DBR_INTERNET_DE-
PROD/PROD0000000000253735.pdf
3
Overseas India Facilitation Centre. URL: http://m.oifc.in/Resources/News/India-and-Russia-
set-US-24-20-BN-bilateral-trade-target-by-2015
4
India-China trade hits all time high of $73.9 billion in 2011. URL: http://indiatoday.intoday.
in/story/india-china-trade-hits-all-time-high-of-usd-73.9-billion-in-2011/1/171137.html
13. 12
share of trans-border trade and exchange operations is quite significant in
that relationship.
28. Unblocking transport routes linking Russia and India could
become a powerful incentive for the growth of Russia-India trade and
economic ties. This implies primarily “unfreezing” the North-South inter-
national transport corridor. What is needed here is streamlining multi-
modality, developing linear maritime traffic, building container trains and
a uniform transportation system at fixed tariffs within the declared transit
time spot, and granting customs benefits. Interaction with Iran could lend
an impetus to reestablishing the Moscow – Tehran – Delhi geo-economic
triangle.
29. The existing visa regime remains an important problem blocking
the strengthening of trade and economic ties. It appears that, with the rel-
evant political will displayed by Russia, the visa regime could be liberalized
in the near future.
30. A preferential trade agreement with India seems quite a realis-
tic prospect, and could even be signed in the near future, facilitating an
increase in Indian exports. As the world leader in diamond cutting, India
is keen to receive Russian diamonds directly and is ready to set up joint
companies for jewelry exports. In the pharmaceutical industry it is the
Russian consumer that will definitely reap the benefits from Russia-India
cooperation, as high-quality Indian drugs are significantly cheaper as com-
pared to other imported equivalents.
31. In the power industry, the greatest hopes have been related to
the development of nuclear energy. However, cooperation in this area
has failed to achieve the desired goals: after the Fukushima disaster an-
ti-nuclear sentiment was running high in the Indian population, nourished
by Russia’s competitors (primarily from the United States). In effect, In-
dia adopted a law on nuclear power station builders’ responsibility for any
damage incurred during the facility’s operation. Given the volume of con-
tracts operated by Rosatomstroi, India has more to gain from this cooper-
ation than Russia. Therefore, Russia must adopt a firm stand and suspend
cooperation in this area. In the meantime, there is a clear need to build
partnerships with Western companies (Germany’s Siemens is probably
the best choice in this respect) and major Indian private businesses, as
India will soon pass a law allowing private capital investment in this sphere
(Indian companies such as Larsen, Tubro and Tata could be potential
partners). In the medium-term it would be advisable to start cooperating
with India in the area of building fast neutron reactors, as Russia so far
has no competitors in this area. Russia’s position on India’s nuclear market
could be strengthened by vigorously stepping up production within Russia
of small and medium capacity plants (for large Indian cities) in coopera-
tion with Indian partners.
14. 13
32. There are few prospects in hydropower energy due to the fact
that Russian Federation has stopped manufacturing equipment for small
and medium capacity hydropower stations, which are the focus of India’s
interest.
33. It would be equally important for Russia to continue efforts aimed at
expanding gas supply systems in India. According to existing estimates,
gas consumption in the country will increase 70 percent by 20205
.
34. It is also important to participate in India’s electrification. It ap-
pears quite reasonable to sign in the coming year an agreement on cre-
ating joint ventures to supply gas to Indian brown coal to generate
electricity powered by gas turbines.
35. Hydrocarbon supplies to India are unlikely to yield many benefits
due to the considerable delivery distances involved. There is therefore
a need to identify new supply patterns. One such pattern involves creating
new hydrocarbon production joint ventures in Russia (based on Sakhalin-1
example) and in third countries (chiefly in Central Asia). The hydrocarbons
received via these channels could be sold by India to its partners. It would
be advisable to review swap deals in this sphere.
36. The anticipated sharp rise in the size of the middle class (600 mil-
lion people by 2030) with a consumption level comparable with that of Eu-
rope and environmental problems will push India to identify new ways of
providing food supplies. Russia could be a natural partner in this area,
helping to resolve this problem. Bilateral cooperation in the agricultural
sector might open up Russia’s path to the widely acclaimed achievements
of Indian agricultural science. Russia is especially interested in raising In-
dia’s investment in the Russian agro-industrial sector.
India has to date retained high import duties for agricultural produce
(the average duty on farm produce in the fiscal year of 2010-11 stood
at 33.2 percent, compared with import duties on other kinds of produce,
which stood at 8.9 percent). That is why there is a clear need to develop
joint projects rather than relying on exporting finished products.
In particular, a pilot project on cooperation between our countries’
breadbasket areas – Russia’s Stavropol and Krasnodar regions and In-
dia’s Punjab and Haryana states – looks very promising. Russia could offer
to lease out land plots for farming in exchange for new jobs in Russia and
Indian farming technologies.
37. The prospects of building further links between Russian re-
search (and its resources) and India’s engineering skills (which can be
witnessed already in the military realm) supplemented by low-cost Chinese
labor with sufficient quality level look extremely promising.
38. Bringing together India’s software production capacity with Rus-
5
Release. Alexei Miller and Ajai Malhotra discussed questions of LNG supplies to India.
URL: http://www.gazprom.ru/press/news/2011november/article123401/
15. 14
sian hardware and software exports also has potential to deliver positive
results. In the innovations sphere it would also be rational to explore the
possibility of targeted support for Russian projects in the Skolkovo Inno-
vation Center. It is important to consider various different approaches to
boosting Indian investment where it has the potential to support Rus-
sian innovation projects that will eventually gain a presence on the Indian
market.
16. 15
III. Russia and India:
Towards Economic Modernization
39. Although the resource base and the socio-economic structures in
Russia and India are different, the problems of maintaining development
and modernization of the economy are common.
40. Planning is key in managing the modernization of the Indian econ-
omy. Indian planning is based on a close relationship with the academia.
First, this is determined by the composition of the Planning Committee,
which incorporates both experts and officials. Second, various experts
from research institutes, universities, government institutions and organi-
zations, business communities, etc., take part in developing and preparing
the plans, although they are not members of the Planning Committee.
41. All Planning Committee summary documents (group lists, their
members, set objectives, and submitted reports) are openly accessible.
This increases the responsibility of the working group members and allows
a wide range of academicians and experts to review the reports and offer
their assessments and suggestions.
42. Where there is limited scientific and technological potential, it is
not “innovations in general” that are regarded as a cornerstone, but those
directions that have priority significance for the solution of problems at
a given stage of economic modernization. The Planning Committee has
therefore established the Committee for Scientific and Technological
Research Orientation that is to draft its own report. Planning is the main
mechanism ensuring that science is engaged in modernization and in the
solution of the related problems, while the state’s high demand for science
stimulates its development.
43. Fiscal policy in India is based on the understanding that economic
modernization and the overall acceleration of socio-economic development
require an increase in capital investment, even if this results in budget
deficit. Controlled deficit financing aimed at increase value-added invest-
ment is one way of accelerating economic growth in transition economies
where structural modernization of the economy is the main priority.
44. India uses zero base budget planning in order to optimize bud-
get expenditures. Therefore the current year’s budget is not extrapolated
as a base estimate for that of the following year’s. Even current expendi-
ture items are scrutinized so as to determine whether they should be kept.
Thus, zero base budgeting serves as an alternative to optional cutting of
budget items.
45. India recognizes that foreign capital cannot form the basis of invest-
ment in a large country; only the increase of domestic savings may be
the main source of growth.
17. 16
India is expanding the network of bank branches, particularly in the
countryside where the majority of population lives, in a bid to mobilize the
population’s personal savings.
46. Foreign capital regulation policy in India pursues two main ob-
jectives. On the one hand, the government seeks to raise foreign capital
to develop modern equipment and technologies and to finance develop-
ment programs, particularly in the most capital-intensive industrial facilities,
and in cases where construction involves foreign currency outlays. On the
other hand, the government also strives to limit the foreign risk to capital
influx that could destabilize the financial situation in the country, limit the
competition of foreign capital preventing the growth of national capital, and
establish Indian control over companies with foreign interest.
47. Foreign private companies are not usually allowed to buy securi-
ties in Indian enterprises on the secondary stock market. Foreign invest-
ment in India is usually associated with creating new capacity rather than
the transition of operating enterprises under their control.
Therefore, raising foreign direct and portfolio investment is a tool to
deter the attraction of loan capital, especially regarding short-term loans,
and reduce foreign investment related to India’s external debt increase.
Industry-oriented foreign capital inflow corresponds mainly to the general
priorities of the state’s social and economic policy - the primary develop-
ment of capital-intensive and technologically sophisticated scientific and
engineering concerns, especially in the electronics sector, as well as the
services industry (primarily information support, the software industry, busi-
ness and consulting, data processing, etc.). As a result, the Indian govern
ment was able to channel most foreign direct investment to the strategic
sectors determining the country’s scientific and technical progress.
18. 17
IV. Russia-India Relations:
New Agenda in Military-Technical Cooperation
Key Features of India’s Arms
and Military Equipment Market
48. India is one of the world’s largest national arms markets, be-
hind the United States, Saudi Arabia, and (until recently) China. However,
India’s military-technical cooperation (MTC) with foreign countries pursues
the exclusive aim of strengthening its own security, and therefore is un-
likely to have a negative impact on regional security in South Asia.
49. India’s elites (supported by a significant proportion of the society)
are keen to continue substantial “supplementary arming” of India, con-
sidering it a deterrent to the “geopolitical expansion” of China, a country
that has experienced problematic relations with India following the border
conflict in 1962, and as a means of implementing the military-political doc-
trine of India that aims to transform the “Elephant” into a leading force in
the area from “Suez to Singapore.”
50. India is diversifying the products supplied on the Indian market
by a variety of foreign manufacturers, working towards saturating its
defense-industrial complex with science and technology capacities,
including broad based “naturalization” of foreign ideas and R&D. The main
purpose of this is to stimulate the creation and development of domestic
original ideas and solutions.
51. The main feature of India’s MTC is the trend aimed at purchasing
weapons systems that are manufactured in accordance with individual
requirements of Indian customers. Almost all newly-purchased air and sea
platforms feature cockpit equipment and armaments from various manu-
facturers. As a result, India has enjoyed access to the maximum number of
technologies that are available on the market.
52. Due to the stable trend in India’s MTC towards focusing on the
quality and technological prowess of purchased products the importance
of price factors has declined.
53. For several decades, India has been purchasing large consign-
ments of armaments together with licenses allowing domestic produc-
tion. However, the Indian industry is currently experiencing considerable
difficulties as it tries to develop licensed production of high-end weap-
ons systems. The country’s defense industry does not seem able to substi-
tute arms imports in the foreseeable future.
54. Since the early 1980s, India has been trying to implement its own
national programs to manufacture major weapons systems. To date,
most projects have not entered serial production, with the results India has
demonstrated in creating an advanced national defense-industrial complex
19. 18
being far from encouraging. Limited success has been achieved only in
ballistic missiles production.
55. Meanwhile, the practice of organizing tenders for arms and mili-
tary equipment purchase as a means of internal political struggle has
emerged in India. The domestic political opposition invariably declares that
tender results do not serve the country’s best interests and has accused
the ruling party of corruption. This practice has now resulted in extreme
delays around tender procedures: the bidding process can last a very long
time due to fears it could trigger a political crisis or that tender results could
be canceled and the tender re-opened.
Status, Problems and Prospects of
Russia-India Military-Technical Cooperation
56. Russia is a major exporter of arms and military equipment to
India. Russia accounts for 55.3 percent of all purchases made by India in
this area in 2008-2011. Overall the portfolio of orders contracted for March
2013 amounts to $10.3 billion.
For reference. The United Kingdom was the second-largest exporter of
military equipment to India in 2008-2011 at $2.007 billion. Orders booked
in 2003-2010 comprise $4.094 billion. Israel ranks third at $1.839 billion
and has an order book of $3.452 billion. The United States ranks fourth
with $1.144 billion (and $3.986 billion on order), while Italy comes fifth with
$690 million (and an order book of $4.23 billion). Overall, India imported
armaments from 14 countries in 2008-20116
.
57. In 2012-2015, Russia’s share in the Indian arms market will fall
to 37.5 percent7
, whereas maintaining leadership in absolute figures. This
is related to several factors:
• India’s diversification policy;
• Russia's inability to compete with other countries on a full range of pur-
chased arms and military equipment (while India increases the number
of areas for MTC);
• Our main competitors’ consent to supply licenses for military production
and the most advanced weapons to India (which they often refused to
do previously);
• Indian armed forces’ efforts to acquire the most combat-effective sys-
tems with payment issues being moved to the background.
6
CAWAT. URL: http://armstrade.org/includes/periodics/news/2012/0815/105514316/
detail.shtml, URL: http://armstrade.org/includes/periodics/news/2011/1027/164510149/de-
tail.shtml
7
Ibid.
20. 19
The Indian party has consistently raised issue of state control over the
quality of products and after-sales services exported expressing dissatis-
faction with the “superfluous” (intermediary) links in the Russia-India mili-
tary-technical cooperation.
58. MTC with India may have a favorable effect on the industrial
structure of the national economy due to the programs’ long-term nature
and consistently significant purchase volumes. There is a clear need to
approach the Indian market with unique solutions and technologies on
operations and sub-strategic levels (in the area of missile defense, missile
warning systems, nuclear-powered submarines, and missile technology)
along with the opportunity to link these deliveries with conventional arms
procurement.
Russia may also join the Indian program to build INS Arihant nuclear
submarines (multiple flaws were identified after the first submarine was
built).
59. It is necessary to find a breakthrough branch in military-technical
cooperation with India. This could be a major project for a national mis-
sile warning system and air defense development (the Indian system is
based on outdated Soviet technology). The Indian party is very interested
in developing a modern AMD system. This is an area in which the Russian
Federation is in a position to offer India new developments, particularly in
long-range air defense systems demonstrating extensive anti-missile po-
tential, such as the Antey-2500 military air defense system, the Tor-M2E-2
and Buk-M2E anti-aircraft missile systems, and new modifications such as
the C-400 (C-500 for the future).
60. The Russian party could facilitate the joint design and production
of a fifth-generation light fighter, given the advanced aviation know-how
that already exists in the national defense complex.
61. The two countries’ participation in joint projects involving third
countries (chiefly Israel) seems a promising and profitable avenue for both
parties to explore.
62. Criticism consistently leveled by the Indian side over delays in spare
parts delivery for imported Russian military equipment is largely caused by
the Russian side’s cumbersome bureaucracy. Claims to Russian enter-
prises go through Rosoboronexport, resulting in delays that may last several
months. Reputable companies should be selectively allowed to perform in-
dependent operational interventions. The time schedules followed by West-
ern competitors should be used as benchmarks (replacing a unit normally
takes 3-4 days). There is also a clear need to align servicing operations and
provide technical maintenance for Russian equipment through to the end of
service life, as other vendors do when dealing with India.
63. It would also be advisable to establish and finance an adequate
21. 20
and aggressive information support strategy for military cooperation,
neutralizing the negative propaganda funded by Russian companies’
competitors. Particular attention should be paid to Indian professional de-
fense and technology sector magazines, while special emphasis should
be placed on working with them. These magazines play a crucial role in
shaping the opinion of the national military elite and that of the individuals
that make decisions on MTC.
22. 21
V. Problems of Cultural and Humanitarian
Cooperation Between Russia and India
64. Russia is perceived as a potential geopolitical ally capable of help-
ing boost India’s status in international relations. Concepts that are popular
among the Indian audiences such as BRICS and (to a lesser degree) the
Russia-India-China “triangle” contribute to a positive perception of the pros-
pects for bilateral relations. Based on this premise it seems reasonable to
note that Russia-India relations are characterized by equal partnership,
while economic cooperation is not limited to trade but in effect amounts to
full-fledged cooperation, the exchange of knowledge and technology.
65. The positive image of Russia mainly results from its leading po-
sitions in space exploration, nuclear energy and military equipment pro-
duction, which creates favorable conditions for cooperation in these areas.
However, outside these areas, Russia is perceived in India as falling be-
hind in economic development.
66. Bilateral cultural cooperation operates against a backdrop of fierce
competition over influence on India in which the United States has a
considerable advantage. In recent decades Russia has been losing the
advantages it enjoyed previously with regard to India, mainly due to the
lack of information and communication tools. This creates certain prerequi-
sites for Delhi’s shift towards greater interaction with other states.
67. The main negative factor in Russia-India relations is that Moscow
continues to treat India as a second-tier nation, invoking a similar re-
sponse from Delhi. In the Indian Nonalignment Report 2.0: India’s Foreign
Policy and Strategy in the 21st
Century, released in 2012, in terms of its im-
portance to India, Russia is listed as a third tier-nation. Although the report
is not an official document it nevertheless reflects the prevailing sentiment
in India.
68. Views about Russia are mainly based on information obtained du-
ring the Soviet period. More than half of India’s population believes that
Russia and the Soviet Union is one and the same country, and that only
the name has changed. Less than 50 percent of respondents are familiar
with the basic facts, while only a tiny proportion of the audience has any
detailed understanding of the country. This pattern is characteristic of all
social groups including the most educated and economically active strata.
An acute shortage of information is apparent: people in India receive
virtually no information about Russia via conventional channels. Taking
into account the growing popularity of the RIAC web-site abroad, it would
be appropriate to exploit it in dealing with the Indian expert community as
a relevant target audience.
69. The Russian and Indian mass media both fail to perform its
primary function of unbiased coverage of events that take place in two
23. 22
countries. Attention is primarily focused on negative events and problems
in bilateral relations, particularly when it comes to defense-tech coopera-
tion. Meanwhile, reports about meetings between the two countries’ leaders
have all but vanished from the headlines. Monitoring the mass media in
order to determine the accuracy and relevance of information on India and
its relationship with Russia should help overcome this problem; journalistic
mistakes damage Russia’s image in India.
70. The events of the early 1990s had a negative effect on Russia’s im-
age in India. In addition, during the years of rapid economic development,
a noticeable change in the values system of Indian society became ap-
parent: market pragmatism trends have noticeably strengthened. In effect,
today we observe a very low level of interpersonal contacts between
citizens of these two countries and between members of business commu-
nities in Russia and India.
71. The level of affection for and interest in Russia remains high among
the younger generations. The inventory of means available in Russia to
exert soft influence on India (such as associations of Russian universities’
graduates, etc.) would allow to form an adequate interaction algorithm with
India’s youth audience, as well as with Russian expat community in India
and Indian expat community in Russia. It is important to build separate com-
munication formats with the Indian youth and to perform segmentation of
Russian mass media target audiences in India.
72. The enrollment of Indian students in Russian universities
should be revived. To this end, a group to identify bottlenecks should be
created and a program for the large-scale admission of Indian students
should be developed with financial support from Russian universities. It
could also engage Indian professionals who studied at Soviet universities
and now hold influential positions in the Indian education system. This is an
extremely important area both from the perspective of Russia’s image and
in terms of enhancing Russian universities’ commercial appeal. To this day
there is a very real appreciation within India of the value of Russian higher
education, particularly for medical and engineering professions; however
the dearth of adequate information about the Russian higher education
system, the continuing lack of clarity over the international recognition of
Russian diplomas, and personal safety concerns make Russia less com-
petitive on India’s education market. Conducting annual “trade fairs” for
Russian universities, primarily federal universities, in India could be one
way of overcoming this problem.
73. Higher education ties should be strengthened, while Russian uni-
versities should be geared to expanding comprehensive cooperation with
their Indian partners (teacher and student exchanges; joint conferences
and seminars, joint publications in Russian and English).
74. Under these parameters, there is also a need to promote more vig-
orous cooperation between scientists. It is especially advisable to orga-
24. 23
nize regular expert conferences on foreign policy and political and military
subjects on bilateral and multilateral levels, in particular within the frame-
work of the SCO, RIC and BRICS.
75. In order to improve Russia’s image in India, there is a clear need to
streamline and organize activities aimed at the public promotion of proj-
ects that Russian companies and corporations implement in India. The
emphasis should be placed on both large and medium-sized businesses.
76. Increase RIA Novosti’s range of activities in India, with the main
focus on creating a positive image of Russia. Additional agreements must
also be signed with major Indian newspapers covering the provision of
Russian materials. An English-language Russian online publication for In-
dia is also a good option. The opportunity for Indian media to open Moscow
offices or bureaus should be permanently on the table. It is important to
step up journalist exchange programs. Funds should also be allocated to
cover costs incurred in providing Russian materials to the Indian press in
areas of special importance to Russia.
77. Expansion of the Voice of Russia radio broadcasting in India could
be another good option, however the target audience must first be iden-
tified. The emphasis should be on programs of interest to the Indian au-
dience thereby resulting in an increase in the audiences of Indian radio
stations.
78. The promotion of popular Russian books, movies, and TV shows
should not rely solely on government financing. It would be reasonable to
raise private funds for this.
79. It would be appropriate to offer our Asian partners the opportunity
to conduct regular large-scale cultural festivals in Russia and India to
promote better mutual understanding. During cultural activities special at-
tention should be given to publicity campaigns. So far the Indian public is
generally not very well informed about upcoming events.