This document summarizes Pakistan's military operations against militants in tribal areas from 2003-2014. It notes that from 2003-2008, the state lost control of tribal areas due to strategic failures rather than militant strength. From 2008-2014, the military embarked on cautious operations to push back militants and regain control. These operations involved asking civilians to leave areas before operations, which allowed many militants to escape. By 2012, the army had regained control of major towns and agencies, except North Waziristan. The final operation against North Waziristan began in 2014 under Army Chief Raheel Sharif. However, military operations led to significant local resentment due to bombings and treatment of civilians as hostile.
It is the core purpose of the Atlantic Council to foster bipartisan support for policies that promote the security of the United States and the transatlantic community. The signatories of this piece have either served in Afghanistan, been involved in the formation of US policy in government, or otherwise devoted considerable time to Afghan affairs. They have come together to register a broad, bipartisan consensus in support of certain principles that they believe should guide policy formation and decision-making on Afghanistan during the remainder of the Obama administration and the first year of a new administration, of whichever party. It is critical that the current administration prepare the path for the next. A new president will come into office facing a wave of instability in the Islamic world and the threat from violent extremism, which stretches from Asia through the Middle East to Africa. This will continue to pose a considerable challenge and danger to American interests abroad, and to the homeland. The signatories support the continued US engagement required to protect American interests and increase the possibilities for Afghan success.
It is the core purpose of the Atlantic Council to foster bipartisan support for policies that promote the security of the United States and the transatlantic community. The signatories of this piece have either served in Afghanistan, been involved in the formation of US policy in government, or otherwise devoted considerable time to Afghan affairs. They have come together to register a broad, bipartisan consensus in support of certain principles that they believe should guide policy formation and decision-making on Afghanistan during the remainder of the Obama administration and the first year of a new administration, of whichever party. It is critical that the current administration prepare the path for the next. A new president will come into office facing a wave of instability in the Islamic world and the threat from violent extremism, which stretches from Asia through the Middle East to Africa. This will continue to pose a considerable challenge and danger to American interests abroad, and to the homeland. The signatories support the continued US engagement required to protect American interests and increase the possibilities for Afghan success.
Its detailed presentation on the topic"TERRORISM".
Spacialy helpful for Pakistani students because it have a detailed information about terrorism in Pakistan
Its updated in december 2016 and have detail till 2015
These slides elucidates two aspects: one that which explains the reasons of US involvement in Afghanistan, with historical insight; while the other one portrays the major stakes of US in Afghanistan with respect to the emerging power politics of the world and the logic behind its pro-long presence since Post-Cold War.
Working Group: Reframing a Regional Approach to South Asia: Demilitarization,...Dr. Nyla Ali Khan
Nine scholars of South Asia – Amrita Basu, Shah Mahmud Hanifi, Nyla Ali Khan, David Ludden, Zia Mian, Senzil Nawid, Sahar Shafqat, Kamala Visweswaran, and Chitralekha Zutshi – met at New York University’s Institute of Public Knowledge on March 6, 2009, to discuss the politics of knowledge concerning South Asia as it connects academic and policy work in the US.
https://www.nyu.edu/ipk/files/docs/misc/6152154314a0d91053299c.pdf
The CIA in Indonesia and the Secret War in LaosAgha A
The CIA in Indonesia and the Secret War in Laos-Book Reviews
January 2014
DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.2.20263.44960
Project: Intelligence Organisations
Agha H AminAgha H Amin
Its detailed presentation on the topic"TERRORISM".
Spacialy helpful for Pakistani students because it have a detailed information about terrorism in Pakistan
Its updated in december 2016 and have detail till 2015
These slides elucidates two aspects: one that which explains the reasons of US involvement in Afghanistan, with historical insight; while the other one portrays the major stakes of US in Afghanistan with respect to the emerging power politics of the world and the logic behind its pro-long presence since Post-Cold War.
Working Group: Reframing a Regional Approach to South Asia: Demilitarization,...Dr. Nyla Ali Khan
Nine scholars of South Asia – Amrita Basu, Shah Mahmud Hanifi, Nyla Ali Khan, David Ludden, Zia Mian, Senzil Nawid, Sahar Shafqat, Kamala Visweswaran, and Chitralekha Zutshi – met at New York University’s Institute of Public Knowledge on March 6, 2009, to discuss the politics of knowledge concerning South Asia as it connects academic and policy work in the US.
https://www.nyu.edu/ipk/files/docs/misc/6152154314a0d91053299c.pdf
The CIA in Indonesia and the Secret War in LaosAgha A
The CIA in Indonesia and the Secret War in Laos-Book Reviews
January 2014
DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.2.20263.44960
Project: Intelligence Organisations
Agha H AminAgha H Amin
This Presentation is one the best ppt on pakistan's current situation which we all suffer from it.
You will like it hundred 100%.
Regards Tariq Magsi.
Love all...................!
Pakistan Armed Forces
Headquarters
Leadership
Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee
General Khalid Shameem Wynne
Secretary of Defence
Nargis Sethi
Chief of Army Staff
Chief of Air Staff
Chief of Navy Staff
General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani
Air Chief Marshal Tahir Rafik Butt
Muhammad Asif Sandila
Manpower
Military age 16–49 years old[1]
Available for
military service 48,453,305 males, age 16–49 (2010 est.),
44,898,096 females, age 16–49 (2010 est.)
Fit for
military service 37,945,440 males, age 16–49 (2010 est.),
37,381,549 females, age 16–49 (2010 est.)
Expenditures
Budget $6.41 billion (2010–11) (ranked 35th)
Percent of GDP 2.6% (2008)
Foreign suppliers China
United States
France
Italy
Germany
Sweden
Turkey
Pakistan Armed Forces
The Pakistan Armed Forces, Musalah Afwaj-e-Pakistan) are the military forces of Pakistan. They are the seventh largest in the world in terms of active troops. The armed forces comprise three main branches:
the Pakistan Army, the Pakistan Navy (including the Pakistan Marines) and the Pakistan Air Force, together with a number of paramilitary forces.
Following 1962, Pakistan Armed Forces has had close military relations with the People's Republic of China, including development and research cooperation to enhance military system, such as on the JF-17 Thunder, K-8 Karakorum, and others as well. China is the leading supplier of military equipments to Pakistan.
The armed forces were formed in 1947 when Pakistan became independent from the British Empire.
Pakistan Armed Forces are the largest contributors to United Nations peacekeeping efforts, with more than 10,000 personnel deployed in 2007. Other foreign deployments have consisted of Pakistani military personnel as advisers in African and Arab countries.
History
Before 1947, most military officers of the newly formed Pakistan Armed Forces had served in the British Indian Army and fought in both World Wars and the numerous Anglo-Afghan Wars. Several experienced commanders who fought in the British military in World War II joined Pakistan Armed Forces giving it professionalism, experience and leadership. After independence, the military was supposed to have been divided between India and Pakistan with a ratio of 64% going to India and 36% for Pakistan; however, it is estimated that India refused to divide its share of equipment and some analyst suggest that Pakistan inherited a mere 15% of its allocated share.
The Pakistan Armed Forces have also taken over the Pakistani government several times since independence mainly on the pretext of lack of good civilian leadership, whom most Pakistanis regard as corrupt and inefficient. However, according to the political parties removed from power by the army, political instability, lawlessness and corruption are direct consequences of army rule.
TROOP STRENGTH
Pakistan’ Military is the seventh largest in th
CTP’s Threat Update series is a weekly update and assessment of Iran and the al Qaeda network. CTP’s Iran team follows developments on the internal politics, nuclear negotiations, and regional conflicts closely. The al Qaeda network update includes detailed assessments of al Qaeda’s affiliates in Yemen, the Horn of Africa, and the Maghreb and Sahel.
Below are the top three takeaways from the week:
1. Yemen’s al Houthi movement declared plans to form a new central government overseen by its “Revolutionary Committee.” The al Houthis, who receive Iranian support, announced the new government after political negotiations collapsed. Nearly all political factions in Yemen rejected the al Houthis’ plan, and the Gulf Cooperation Council called it a “coup.” The political crisis is ongoing, and regional factions appear to be taking actions to distance themselves from the central government and the al Houthis.
2. Iran asserted the regime’s missiles are non-negotiable and that it will install new centrifuges if the P5+1 nuclear negotiating team returns to its previous position. Iranian officials continue to push for sanctions relief as a non-negotiable condition for a nuclear deal.
3. There appears to be increasing cooperation between Pakistani and Afghan forces in the fight against the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). The head of the TTP’s Jamatul Ahrar splinter group, Omar Khalid Khorasani, was severely injured in fighting with Afghan security forces in Nangarhar province.
CTP’s Threat Update series is a weekly update and assessment of the al Qaeda network. The al Qaeda network update includes detailed assessments of al Qaeda’s affiliates in Yemen, the Horn of Africa, and the Maghreb and Sahel. CTP’s Iran team follows developments on the internal politics, nuclear negotiations, and regional conflicts closely.
Below are the top three takeaways from the week:
1. There is an inflection in Iranian support for the al Houthis in Yemen. The U.S. Navy interdicted a dhow carrying AK-47s, rocket-propelled grenade launchers, and .50 caliber machine guns in the Arabian Sea on March 28. French and Australian vessels seized similar shipments on March 20 and February 27, respectively. Increased Iranian involvement in Yemen may exacerbate regional tensions between Iran and Saudi Arabia. It may also threaten ongoing direct talks between the al Houthis and Saudi Arabia, as well as the UN-brokered talks set to begin in Kuwait on April 18.
2. A U.S. airstrike killed al Shabaab senior leader and military planner Hassan Ali Dhore in southern Somalia. Dhore was a member of al Qaeda and al Shabaab’s Amniyat brigade, which conducts the group’s security, intelligence, and assassination operations. Dhore planned the December 25, 2014, attack on Mogadishu International Airport and the March 27, 2015, attack on Mogadishu’s Makka al Mukarrama Hotel, which killed U.S. citizens. Pentagon Press Secretary Peter Cook stated that Dhore was planning attacks on U.S. citizens in Mogadishu.
3. The UN-backed Government of National Accord (GNA) entered Tripoli and now controls the capital with support from international backers and some western Libyan militias. Members of the revolutionary Islamist government fled Tripoli, but the GNA still faces opposition from armed militias in the Libyan capital and its environs. The GNA lacks support from both the Libyan House of Representatives and any major political or military powerbrokers in eastern Libya. ISIS is likely resuming a campaign of attacks on Libya’s oil infrastructure that may inhibit the GNA’s ability to take control of this resource and deter armed groups from pledging support to the GNA. The international community is treating the GNA’s move to Tripoli as a major victory, but a significant number of actors remain capable of derailing the unity government.
Introduction Why We Disagree about International RelationsIn A.docxnormanibarber20063
Introduction Why We Disagree about International Relations
In April, 2015, ISIS militants pose with their banner in a suburb of Damascus, Syria, that they had just partially captured. What has caused the rise of ISIS, and what can be done to counter it?
Photo by Balkis Press/Sipa USA (Sipa via AP Images)
In spring 2014, an Islamic army known as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) swarmed across northern Syria and Iraq conquering territory larger than Belgium, including Iraq’s second largest city of Mosul. Also known as the Islamic State (IS), Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), and Daesh, its Arab label, ISIS declared itself a Caliphate, resurrecting the ancient empire of Islam, and proceeded to threaten Baghdad, the capital of Iraq. Thousands of jihadists (religious revolutionaries) joined ISIS, some from the United States; and scattered extremist groups from North Africa to Southeast Asia pledged allegiance to ISIS and adopted its black flag. The Caliphate, under its leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, imposed a brutal Sunni Muslim law in the conquered territories, and hooded warriors beheaded Western journalists, local Christians and Shiite (non-Sunni) Muslims, captured in terrifying videos that went viral on the Internet. Ben Rhodes, the Deputy National Security Adviser to President Obama, identified the threat to the United States: “They are seeking to establish themselves as the vanguard terrorist organization that is at war with the U.S. and the West on behalf of Islam.”1
What causes a conflict of this sort? And what can be done about it? As students of international relations, we start with the facts, but we have to be careful. There are so many facts, and we can’t know them all or know for certain which ones may be the most important ones that cause other things to happen. Let’s look at what appear to be the salient facts in the case of ISIS and then make a first stab at how we sort out the facts and causes of international events to understand them better.
Syria and Iraq are centrally located in the geographically strategic region of the Middle East. They are Muslim countries that border the Mediterranean Sea, Lebanon, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Turkey. Both Eastern and Western empires have occupied this region. Christian crusaders invaded in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and the region was part of the Ottoman Empire for several centuries. The first Muslim Caliphate dated from the thirteenth century. After World War I and the collapse of the Caliphate, Syria became a colonial territory under French administration, while Iraq became a British colony. Both became independent nations after World War II. After World War II, oil became a major resource in the Middle East. Western companies monopolized oil production and remain today major economic players in the region even though the oil-producing states now control their own oil and influence global oil markets through the Organization of Petroleum .
Read Case Study 5.1. Answer Questions 1, 2, and 3 at the end of Ca.docxmakdul
Read Case Study 5.1. Answer Questions 1, 2, and 3 at the end of Case Study 5.1.
Each question should be answered in an essay format of approximately 300 words. Ensure your paper answers the questions and uses concepts studied in the module and from the reading. Support your answers with personal experiences, current events, and references to the reading.
Use the library to locate four to six scholarly sources to support your analysis.
Prepare this assignment according to the APA guidelines.
This work has to be 100% original turnitin will be use
From the start of the U.S. invasion of Iraq in March 2003, a small group of American officers thought the plan for prosecuting the war was counterproductive and that, with a better plan, the war still might be won. These officers believed that the U.S. military had forgotten the experiences of Vietnam and had been training for something resembling World War II—not counterinsurgency warfare or low-intensity warfare. The generals never expected to fight a guerrilla insurgency in Iraq; and once it began, they concentrated almost entirely on killing and capturing as many insurgents as possible. So, villages were surrounded, doors kicked down, and scores of suspects apprehended. These practices alienated Iraqi civilians and produced new recruits for the insurgency.
By the summer of 2006, Iraq was in a state of anarchy. In Baghdad, 50 people were being kidnapped every day, often by the police. Increasingly, the kidnappers’ targets were children, fewer and fewer of whom were being allowed by their parents to venture outside. Once snatched, the victims were typically offered for sale to one of the many kidnapping gangs. The violence in Iraq was not random but had specific purposes and specific causes. Al Qaeda sought to start a full-scale sectarian war between the Sunnis and Shiites, believing such a war was their only hope of victory. To this end, that terrorist
group unleashed suicidal attacks on Shiite civilians, hoping to provoke a backlash and a wider conflict. Indeed, Al Qaeda was increasingly taking over all of Sunni society.
In the first two years of the war, the country’s Shiite leadership had held its fire in the face of the Sunni onslaught. Then came the elections in December 2005 that brought to power a Shiite dominated government. Now, Iraq’s new leaders were determined to crush the Sunni insurrection at any cost. Police and paramilitary units were turned loose in the Sunni neighborhoods, where they began massacring military-age men. In the face of all this, the Americans decided to back away. From the summer of 2004 onward,
The objective of the American strategy was less the defeat of the Sunni insurrection than the training and equipping of Iraqis to fight it for them. “As they stand up, we will stand down,” President Bush was fond of saying. Iraq security forces had grown in quantity if not in quality and were taking over larger and larger pieces of the war. It was difficult in the summer of 2 ...
Fatal Strategic Mistakes of President Bush in 2001 and hopeless performance o...Agha A
There is no good luck or bad luck but consequences
Fatal Strategic Mistakes of President Bush in 2001 and hopeless performance of US drone when called to support operations
CTP’s Threat Update series is a weekly update and assessment of Iran and the al Qaeda network. CTP’s Iran team follows developments on the internal politics, nuclear negotiations, and regional conflicts closely. The al Qaeda network update includes detailed assessments of al Qaeda’s affiliates in Yemen, the Horn of Africa, and the Maghreb and Sahel.
Below are the top three takeaways from the week:
1. Al Qaeda leader Ayman al Zawahiri called for attacks against Western, particularly American, interests. Zawahiri also called on jihadist factions to unify in what he described as a war against a Russian-Iranian-American axis.
2. Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei forbade non-nuclear negotiations with the U.S. on November 1, indicating that Iran's participation in the Syria peace talks does not mark a new willingness to negotiate on regional issues. Khamenei also dismissed Western rhetoric regarding shifting foreign policy priorities in Iran.
3. Islamic State in Iraq and al Sham-linked group in Sirte, Libya, continued to consolidate control over the city’s population and the surrounding environs. Warplanes targeted ISIS positions in the vicinity of Sirte, Libya, on October 27.
Similar to Operation Zarb e Azb was strategic failure (17)
Battle of Gangiri-Heavy Price paid by HM 6 Dragoon Guards for Gallantry Agha A
Battle of Gangiri-Heavy Price paid by HM 6 Dragoon Guards for Gallantry https://www.academia.edu/52632772/Battle_of_Gangiri_Heavy_Price_paid_by_HM_6_Dragoon_Guards_for_Gallantry via @academia
WHY PAKISTAN ARMY OR INDIAN ARMY CAN NEVER PRODUCE A MUSTAFA KAMAL- SOMETHING...Agha A
WHY PAKISTAN ARMY OR INDIAN ARMY CAN NEVER PRODUCE A MUSTAFA KAMAL- SOMETHING SERIOUSLY WRONG IN THE GENES
April 2020
DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.2.20723.27689
Project: MILITARY HISTORY
Agha H Amin
Canadian Immigration Tracker March 2024 - Key SlidesAndrew Griffith
Highlights
Permanent Residents decrease along with percentage of TR2PR decline to 52 percent of all Permanent Residents.
March asylum claim data not issued as of May 27 (unusually late). Irregular arrivals remain very small.
Study permit applications experiencing sharp decrease as a result of announced caps over 50 percent compared to February.
Citizenship numbers remain stable.
Slide 3 has the overall numbers and change.
Understanding the Challenges of Street ChildrenSERUDS INDIA
By raising awareness, providing support, advocating for change, and offering assistance to children in need, individuals can play a crucial role in improving the lives of street children and helping them realize their full potential
Donate Us
https://serudsindia.org/how-individuals-can-support-street-children-in-india/
#donatefororphan, #donateforhomelesschildren, #childeducation, #ngochildeducation, #donateforeducation, #donationforchildeducation, #sponsorforpoorchild, #sponsororphanage #sponsororphanchild, #donation, #education, #charity, #educationforchild, #seruds, #kurnool, #joyhome
What is the point of small housing associations.pptxPaul Smith
Given the small scale of housing associations and their relative high cost per home what is the point of them and how do we justify their continued existance
Jennifer Schaus and Associates hosts a complimentary webinar series on The FAR in 2024. Join the webinars on Wednesdays and Fridays at noon, eastern.
Recordings are on YouTube and the company website.
https://www.youtube.com/@jenniferschaus/videos
Presentation by Jared Jageler, David Adler, Noelia Duchovny, and Evan Herrnstadt, analysts in CBO’s Microeconomic Studies and Health Analysis Divisions, at the Association of Environmental and Resource Economists Summer Conference.
Russian anarchist and anti-war movement in the third year of full-scale warAntti Rautiainen
Anarchist group ANA Regensburg hosted my online-presentation on 16th of May 2024, in which I discussed tactics of anti-war activism in Russia, and reasons why the anti-war movement has not been able to make an impact to change the course of events yet. Cases of anarchists repressed for anti-war activities are presented, as well as strategies of support for political prisoners, and modest successes in supporting their struggles.
Thumbnail picture is by MediaZona, you may read their report on anti-war arson attacks in Russia here: https://en.zona.media/article/2022/10/13/burn-map
Links:
Autonomous Action
http://Avtonom.org
Anarchist Black Cross Moscow
http://Avtonom.org/abc
Solidarity Zone
https://t.me/solidarity_zone
Memorial
https://memopzk.org/, https://t.me/pzk_memorial
OVD-Info
https://en.ovdinfo.org/antiwar-ovd-info-guide
RosUznik
https://rosuznik.org/
Uznik Online
http://uznikonline.tilda.ws/
Russian Reader
https://therussianreader.com/
ABC Irkutsk
https://abc38.noblogs.org/
Send mail to prisoners from abroad:
http://Prisonmail.online
YouTube: https://youtu.be/c5nSOdU48O8
Spotify: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/libertarianlifecoach/episodes/Russian-anarchist-and-anti-war-movement-in-the-third-year-of-full-scale-war-e2k8ai4
ZGB - The Role of Generative AI in Government transformation.pdfSaeed Al Dhaheri
This keynote was presented during the the 7th edition of the UAE Hackathon 2024. It highlights the role of AI and Generative AI in addressing government transformation to achieve zero government bureaucracy
Jennifer Schaus and Associates hosts a complimentary webinar series on The FAR in 2024. Join the webinars on Wednesdays and Fridays at noon, eastern.
Recordings are on YouTube and the company website.
https://www.youtube.com/@jenniferschaus/videos
23. Foreword
ISIS is not a strategic threat to the west
Agha H Amin
The west has been experimenting with the
east and 95 % of the so called threats are
fabricated threats or manipulated threats.
At the strategic level there is no threat to
the west from any state or non state actor
in the Middle East.
A brief examination of the threats
countrywise can explain the point :--
Afghanistan
This was the most peaceful country in the
east till 1978 . Afghanistans local disputes
with Pakistan forced it to seek US
assistance and when US assistance was
denied it turned to USSR.
From 1978 to 1989 Afghanistan became a
proxy battle ground between USSR and
USA and so called Islamic extremists were
23
24. created in this state initially as US
Pakistani proxies and later as Taliban.
In 1989 instead of reconstruction the US
simply carried out an abrupt
disengagement that led to Afghanistan
becoming a Pakistani nursery of proxy
warriors .
None of the 9/11 attackers had any
connection with Afghanistan while all
attackers were connected to close US
allies in Middle East Saudi Arabia etc.
Iraq
Iraq was destabilised by US strategic
follies and a secular regime replaced by
absolute chaos that led to creation of
groups like ISIS.
Libya
Libya was stable state under a secular
regime but was deliberately destabilised
by the USA and NATO and remains a
citadel of instability.
24
25. Syria
Syria was a stable secular state
destabilised by a proxy war with US Saudi
Turkish Qatari French UK and Jordanian
support . If Russia had not intervened
Syria would have suffered the fate of
Libya.
So called Paris and Belgium Attacks
At strategic level these attacks have no
meaning . Neither they had the potential
to destroy France or Belgium nor did they
produce any strategic fracture of dent.
ISIS as we are seeing it in Syria Iraq
and Afghanistan
ISIS remains a midwife creation of
US Iraq war . At the strategic level
ISIS only attacks Shia state , shia
Muslim individuals, Arab Christians
and Yazidis .
25
26. ISIS never attacks Israel nor does it
attack any core strategic US or
NATO interest .
Paris attack and Belgium attacks
are two sole incidents where ISIS
targeted a NATO state but not an
English speaking core NATO
attack.It is entirely possible that
both attacks were carried out as
False flag attacks to prove that ISIS
attacks EU/NATO also but only non
English speaking states .Both
attacks despite much hue and cry
had minor tactical affects only. They
did not change the strategic balance
of power nor did the ISIS conquer
France or Belgium.
ISIS as MEAT GRINDER TO
Internalise the Middle East Chaos
and to destroy anti US groups like
Taliban
26
27. In Afghanistan I closely saw the so called
ISIS which likes to operate only in
Ningrahar province close to the main
roads and towns. According to many
Afghan Intelligence officers who I met
ISIS had links with Intelligence support
contractors of US/EU origin.
In last two years ISIS was unable to upset
the Taliban who it was attacking and
remains a minor player in Afghanistan at
the strategic level.
What stands out is the fact that despite
much hue and cry ISIS is a cockroach
level threat for the west and its 99 %
victims are Shia Muslims , Shia states and
Kurds and Arab Christians and Yazidis.
Much earlier in 2002 outstanding western
strategic thinker and my mentor ED
LUTTWAK had summed up Islamists as
minor irritants :--
27
30. Introduction
By Dr Hamid Hussain Editor
Intelligence Review
Thanks Agha. I agree with you. In most
operations especially post 2008, army asked
everybody to leave and then considered the
territory 'hostile'.
Along with 'innocents' most of the militants
also moved out of the operational area. Only
a small number remained and those who were
killed were mainly when they attacked
security forces. The 'innocents' who remained
were treated as hostiles and also suffered
except those who are paid to man some 'first
line' posts. In Khyber agency they are called
30
31. 'askar' where a local commander (from
Barelvi Ansar ul Islam faction) is paid
according to how many men he commands. I
agree with you that 'risk averse' behavior
prevented many COs to play offensive. Both
from military as well as other point of view,
army was given unprecedented authority (not
given to Indian or Israeli army) where they
could use artillery, air assets as well as
leveling residential, commercial etc
buildings. Large swaths are now empty and
schools and dispensaries are taken over by
army. Local resentment is at an unprecedented
level and these locals are not militant
sympathizers but distressed by indiscriminate
bombings. You can now travel for miles in
some operational areas and not see a single
soul. However, at general public level the
'success' is mainly at psychological level
where average Pakistani not aware about the
nuances came out of depression and some
sense of confidence is visible.
These were my observations during my recent
trip and talking to a number of military and
non-military folks. I didn't go on any military
escorted tour but one western defnce attaché
based in Islamabad who went on such a tour
to Waziristan on my asking a question what he
saw, he replied, 'they have turned the whole
town into a large car parking lot'. My brother
went on an escorted tour to Tirah and
31
32. according to him miles and miles on and he
never saw a single soul; whole villages empty.
The water is getting muddier.
Good luck and be safe.
Pakistan Army Military
Operations –
Summary
Hamid Hussain
"War is uncertainty, characterized by friction,
chance and disorder". Clausewitz
From 2003 to 2008, for a variety of reasons,
Pakistani state gradually lost control over
federally administered tribal areas. The
reasons were more related to strategic myopia
at the highest level rather than strength of the
militants. It took a while before military
leadership understood the nature of the threat
and started more professional planning,
training and overhauling doctrine to face the
new threat. The nature of modern militaries is
such that from conception to application on
the ground takes time.
In post 2008 period, military embarked on a
cautious push back. In an effort to limit
32
33. civilian casualties, civilians were asked to
leave the intended area of operation. This
approach while beneficial on one level had a
serious drawback as militants also moved on
to their next rest stop before the start of
operations. The nature of the terrain with
hills, forests and narrow gorges meant that
interdiction attempts will be high risk. In the
early part of the operations, Special Services
Group (SSG) was used to interdict some
escape routes but when casualties mounted,
this approach was scaled back. The result was
that majority of the militants including
important leaders escaped the net. Many mid
and high level commanders of Tehreek-e-
Taliban Pakistan (TTP) were eliminated by
U.S. drone strikes. By 2012, army was able to
take control of major towns of Malakand
division and many tribal agencies. Only
swamp left was North Waziristan. Under the
direction of the office of the Chief of General
Staff (CGS), final push towards North
Waziristan was finalized and inner circle of
Corps Commanders gave the nod for the
operation. However, Chief of Army Staff
(COAS) General Ashfaq Pervez Kayani didn't
give the final go for reasons best known to
him. In my view, his own nature of
contemplation and slower decision making
process, deteriorating relations with United
States and quarrels with political leadership
made him think twice. He was criticized for
33
34. this and some ridiculed him with 'analysis-
paralysis' syndrome. To be fair to Kayani,
people tend to forget the environment in
which he was working. General public
opinion was not in favor of military
operations, army was not trained for the task,
security forces had experienced some
embarrassing early reversals and state had lost
not a small geographic area but lost control
over large swaths of a very difficult terrain.
Army had gradually asserted control over
Malakand division, Kurram, South Waziristan,
Mohmand and Bajawar agencies as well as
large parts of Orakzai and Khyber agencies
during the tenure of Kayani. However, he
could have proceeded with North Waziristan
operation earlier. When General Raheel
Sharif succeeded Kayani in November 2013,
he gave the final order and wheels were set in
motion for North Waziristan operation. In
June 2014, operation was formally started
after many announcements asking locals to
leave. A large number of militants also
listened and moved across the border.
In most operations especially post 2008, army
asked everybody to leave and then considered
the territory 'hostile'. Those who remained
were viewed with suspicion either as outright
'hostile' in sympathy with militants or not
serving as 'gracious hosts' to the army. Army
was given unprecedented authority of kill and
capture and they could use artillery and air
34
35. assets as well as authority to destroy
residential and commercial buildings. There is
significant local resentment and it is not due
to sympathy with militants but tribesmen are
distressed by liberal use of bombings. These
sentiments could have been ameliorated by
more robust engagement of tribesmen and
explaining to them the need for some of the
measures such as curfews and neutralization
of heavily fortified areas and tunnels with
artillery and air assets. A large number of
tribesmen (not militant sympathizers) from
Waziristan have taken refuge in Afghanistan.
In moving forward, one main hurdle is deep
suspicion between army and civilian
administrators of tribal areas. Currently, there
is almost universal denouncement of civilian
administration by the army. In my
conversations with a number of army officers
they consider civilian political agent system as
corrupt and inefficient and there is an element
of truth in it (even today, many tribesmen
recount with fond memory to me the bygone
era of British political agents). On the other
hand, civilians criticize army for focusing
only on kinetic operations and monopolizing
all development projects in tribal areas thus
not allowing civilian set up to gradually re-
assert and they also have a valid point. In
current situation, tribesmen know where the
power center lies and they work directly with
Colonels and Brigadiers. In the long run,
35
36. army has to hand over to the civilian set up in
tribal areas. This is army's ticket out and no
matter how imperfect ultimately civilian
structure needs to be put in place in secured
areas. Both parties should remember that they
are on the same team and need to work
together if they want to succeed. When army
helped to equip and train police, the
performance of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa (KPK)
provincial police markedly improved. Similar
joint efforts can improve working relationship
but army should be willing to share power
while civilian administrators have to take
some risks and go back to work among
people.
At general public level the 'success' of
Operation Zarb-e-Azb is mainly at
psychological level where average Pakistani
not aware about the nuances came out of the
depression and some sense of confidence is
visible. Operationally, securing of main towns
and major roads removed industrial scale
bomb making factories resulting in marked
reduction in large scale bombings of military
and civilian targets. This also resulted in
removal of militants from general population
which is an important piece of any counter-
insurgency struggle. There has been marked
improvement of efficiency of the army. I can
see a sea change in terms of morale, training,
efficiency, vigor and willing to tough it out in
a very harsh terrain. One would not recognize
36
37. the company, battalion and brigade level
commanders of present army when compared
with pre 2001 era. War is a great auditor and
teacher of institutions. Army has reeled back
from a perilous course and learned some very
valuable and right lessons from the conflict.
This is good omen both for the army and for
the country.
The question of Pakistani TTP militants taking
refuge in Afghanistan needs special
elaboration. First, the nature of Pakistan-
Afghanistan border is such that it is very
difficult to control cross border movement. In
the past, when Afghans and Americans
complained about Afghan militants taking
refuge on Pakistani territory after attacking
targets in Afghanistan, Pakistanis told them
that it was beyond their capacity. To my
knowledge, up to 2008, Afghans, Americans
and Indians had no business with TTP (also
hands off as far Baluch were concerned). One
needs to make a distinction between
intelligence gathering and intelligence based
covert operations using local assets. In view
of multifaceted challenge, Pakistan's
neighbors as well as western intelligence
agencies need information about the cauldron
just as Pakistan needs information about
threats to its own national interests.
Intelligence gathering is an accepted norm (in
addition channels are also used especially for
negotiating prisoner swaps or release of
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38. prisoners for money and Pakistan,
Afghanistan, United States and Iran have used
the channels for this specific purpose) but one
needs to take a long deep breath before
embarking on covert operations where
unintended consequences usually surpass
intended consequences. Afghan and
American outrage followed by Indian outrage
at Mumbai carnage in 2008 changed the
dynamics. All three parties were convinced
that Pakistan will not change its behavior and
in internal debate, hawks got an upper hand.
Now, TTP became another bargaining chip in
the dirty games and national narrative on each
side became more confused and erratic. In
February 2013, commander of militants in
Bajawar Faqir Muhammad and in October
2013 Hakimullah Mahsud's envoy Latif
Mahsud were arrested in Afghanistan. There
was some confusion regarding Latif and he
was snatched by U.S. Special Forces from
intelligence personnel of National Directorate
of Security (NDS) in Afghanistan. Later, he
was handed over to Pakistan and a shaved and
more humbled Latif is now singing like a
canary. If Pakistan had no interest in going
after Afghan Taliban on its territory then
surely Afghans and Americans were in no
hurry to go after Mullah Fazlulluah parked in
Nazyan in eastern Ningarhar province.
The complexity of current situation can be
judged from events in remote areas of
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39. Ningarhar and Kunar where there is great pow
wow of Afghan Taliban, Pakistani TTP and
Daesh. Pakistani militants who escaped from
Pakistan army's operation in Orakzai and
Khyber agencies crossed the border into
eastern Afghanistan and strengthened the hand
of nascent Daesh. With this newly acquired
muscle, Daesh starting from Shinwar district
cleared the Taliban and expanded influence in
Achin, Nazyan, Spin Ghar, Khogyani and
Chaparhar districts. When Pakistanis obliged
Washington, U.S. drones started to hunt for
Fazlullah and he narrowly escaped. Afghans
and United States gave a free pass to Afghan
Taliban while Tehran happily handed some
cash so that Afghan Taliban could thin the
ranks of Daesh. Afghan Taliban assembled a
large posse and went after Daesh and in the
process downgraded their structure. Since the
start of 2016, U.S. has expanded its drone
policy against Daesh in eastern Afghanistan
with more wider targeting authority. Militants
will now likely move towards Kunar and
drones will also likely follow them there.
Drones need to be integrated with Afghan
security forces and local militias to prevent
militants from entrenching in a specific
geographic area. It will be interesting to see
how the conflict unfolds in Kunar as there will
be a volatile mix of militants from Taliban,
Hizb-e-Islami of Gulbadin Hikmatyar, local
Salafi armed groups and newly arrived Daesh
39
40. as well as Pakistani militants who have
crossed over from Bajawar.
All concerned parties (Pakistan, United States,
Afghanistan, Iran, India; in that order of
importance) suffer from the same illness and
that is sacrificing long term interests for short
term gains. The desire of 'instant gratification'
is so strong that they lose the larger picture.
All this is happening in the backdrop of deep
suspicions about motives of the 'other'.
Reminds me Henry Kissinger's words quoted
in Beschloss's May Day about Cold war when
he summed up the behavior of the two super
powers as 'like two heavily armed men feeling
their way around a room, each believing
himself in mortal peril from the other, whom
he assumes to have perfect vision. Each tends
to ascribe to the other a consistency, foresight
and coherence that its own experience belies'.
Some adult supervision is needed at many
levels where each party understands its own
limitations and finds ways to work on
common grounds despite genuine differences.
"They who run for cover with every reverse,
the timid and faint of heart, will have no part
in winning the war. Harry Hopkins
40
41. Note: These views are based my interaction
with diverse groups of people not only well
informed but also ordinary folks including
Pakistanis, Indians, Afghans and Americans as
well as travels to the region.
Hamid Hussain
April 17, 2016
coeusconsultant@optonline.net
Hamid
MAJOR
FAILURES
OF
OPERATION
ZARB E
AZAB
41
42. 1. Bad Intelligence team –
Pakistani military
intelligence as well as ISI
was not well led and also
team wise weak. DG ISI
Lieutenant General Rizwan
is a well meaning and good
professional but his ISI
team is weak and
inexperienced. Pakistans
DG MI Major General
Nadeem Zaki Manj was not
a strong military
professional but promoted
based on pliability and
having a docile
personality .He was a total
failure as Pakistans
intelligence boss when he
replaced DG MI Major
General Sarfaraz Sattar.
2. Irresolute military
commanders- The FATA
42
43. operation commanders did
not lead from the front and
thus the operation was
doomed and handicapped
all along.
3. Mixed motives of avoiding
casualties by allowing TTP
to escape to Afghanistan
Rather than face casualties
fighting against a desperate
encircled enemy , Pakistani
military commanders
created a loud scare about
the impending operation
allowing bulk of TTP to
withdraw in good order to
Afghanistan.
4. Weak Pakistani intelligence
presence in Kunnar ,
Khost,Paktia and Paktika
provinces- As Pakistans
priority was South
43
44. Afghanistan from 2001
Eastern Afghanistan had a
weak Pakistani ISI
presence and
penetration.This proved to
be the basic reason for
Zarb e Azabs failure.
5. Pakistans TTP Taliban
pushed into Afghanistan
rather than destroyed-
Pakistans TTP was pushed
into Afghanistan and also
allowed to escape. Thus
what happened was a
horizontal shift westwards
of the TTP rather than its
destruction.The TTP by and
large remains intact and
now totally an Afghan state
asset under Afghan/NATO
intelligence control.
44
47. 6. Pakistans military action
created a Afghan state
proxy asset in shape of
TTP- At the strategic level
Pakistani action created a
long term Afghan state
proxy which Afghan state
can use to counter
Pakistani Afghan Taliban
proxies in Afghanistan.
47
50. 7. Reliance on US Drone
Strikes to destroy TTP
retreating into Afghanistan
proved faulty- The Pakistani
understanding with US that
US would destroy retreating
TTP in Afghanistan with
drones was faulty and
fallacious.Firstly dtones
cannot destroy retreating
insurgents.Secondly why
should the US destroy a
proxy that could prove
useful in the future in
manipulating or
pressurizing Pakistani
state ?
CONCLUSION
Zarb e Azab proved another
mirage in Pakistans war on
terror that Pakistani state
50
51. created through its own
follies as well as fear of US
retaliation in the period 2001-
2014.
General Raheel Sharif and his
intelligence as well as
operational team bears a
major responsibility for this
strategic failure.
51
61. About the Author
About the Author About the Author About the
Author Agha H. Amin , Retired Tank corps
major who served in five tank regiments and
commanded an independent tank squadron
and served in various staff , instructional and
research assignments. Presently heads think
61
62. tank Centre for Study of Intelligence
Operations. Editor in Chief of monthly
Intelligence Review and monthly Military and
Security Review. In his Pakistan Army tenure
he wrote three original tactical papers on
Reconnaissance Troops Tactical handling,
Reconnaissance support group , and RFS
Concept. His writings were published in
Pakistan Armys prime journals , Pakistan
Army Journal and Citadel Journal of
Command and Staff College Quetta. His
recommendations regarding bifurcation of
officer corps into command and staff cadre
advanced in 1998 were later accepted. In
addition his recommendation of grouping
various corps into army commands advanced
in an article published in Citadel Journal in
1998 were accepted in 2005 or so. Wrote
Pakistan Armys first tactical paper on Tactical
handling of Reconnaissance Troop in 1986
which is now being incorporated in Pakistan
Armys most important general staff
publication " The Armored Regiment in
Battle". Wrote The Essential Clausewitz in
1993, Sepoy Rebellion of 1857-59 in 1998 ,
Pakistan Army till 1965 in 1999
,Development of Taliban Factions in
Afghanistan and Pakistan (2010) ,Taliban
War in Afghanistan (2009). Served as
Assistant Editor of Defence Journal
,Executive Editor of globe and Founder Editor
of Journal of Afghanistan Studies . An
associate of the think tanks ORBAT and
Alexandrian Defense group. Expert in social
impact and environmental assessment
carried out various LARP surveys for Asian
Bank and World Bank projects. He has
62
63. lectured at various think tanks and
organisations worldwide and shares his
knowledge without any honorarium and at
zero financial benefits. Carried out various oil
and gas and power transmission line surveys
in West Asia. One time Assistant Editor
Defence Journal , Executive Editor Globe,
Editor Journal of Afghanistan Studies
Feedback is welcome at e mail address
L19aircraft@gmail.com
63