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1. SAM
PLE
LITERATURE REVIEW IN SOCIOLOGY
Literature on social movements is very complex. Here, too, I will ignore the questioning
of sophisticated theoretical discussions. I will just follow the classic definitions of social
movements that Charles Tilly and Sidney Tarrow gave: A social movement is a
continuous challenge for the holders of power on behalf of the population living under
their jurisdiction, by constantly re-demonstrating the population, its commitment, its
unity and its value (Tilly, 1993, p. 7); Social movements are ... forms of collective
opposition that are based on common goals and social solidarity, in a continuous
interaction with elites, opposes and authorities (Tarrow, 2011, p. 9).
Let's consider what this means. Social movements, according to Tilly and Tarrow, are
not groups but types of collective action, focused on social interaction. The interaction is
complex, moving both within the movement as well as between the movement and those
outside it. Constantly, it is about counter-action. Tarrow uses the metaphor of "strangers
at the door" (Tarrow, 2012) to draw attention to the fact that social movements challenge
the existing normative limits of what the regime and the dominant culture prescribed,
sanctioned or allowed. Social movement policy is a combat. But how can this collective
opposition be justified? In the core of justification we usually find an explicit statement
that the social movement is struggling to correct injustice, that is, to establish justice for a
particular population in a particular area of life. Thus, the action is represented as
reactive, or in response to a situation that is presented as illegitimate. In more detail, the
legitimacy response focuses on a situation that is presented as a state of inequality,
oppression or unjustified denial of certain social, political, economic or cultural
requirements. From this angle, social movements are seen as highly contextualized in
given circumstances: their occurrence, existence and type of action depend on the
problems they react. Reacting to the perceived injustice, the social movement addresses
those outside it. Tilly to call the name by sending the WUNC message. The message reads:
we are 1) worthiness, 2) unity,
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

2. 3) numbers and 4) commitment. Tilly immediately adds that this is a kind of
mystification. There may be tension or even contradiction between these four elements.
However, this does not mean that the message is misplaced: this is not a factual one, but
a symbolic one claims. Actions are performative. Though other types of collective
action may also be a struggle, the key feature of social movements is their interaction
with those who do not belong to them, seen as addressees of their messages: silent or
uninterested populations, opponents, elites, and authorities. Social movements are
occurring as a conversation ... The elementary set of parties involved consists of actors
who make the request, those to which the request is made by the actor and a public
who has an interest in the fate of at least one of the two sides (Tilly, 1998, p. 467).
My other category is constitutive power. The central theoretical questions here are:
who makes the first law, by which authority, when and how? Does the original
authorship really matter, for example, for those who care about democratic legitimacy?
In the classical considerations of the 18th century constituent power is presented as a
source of constitution (constitutive power). But it was also clear that constituent power
was not just "writing" and constitutional adoption. There is also a source of authority
for establishing the first legal authority in the political community. In other words, the
theory of constitutive power is concerned with the emergence of the first legal norm,
one that establishes a political community. One theoretical appendix asks what is
happening to the originator of the original authority once the constitutional order has
been established once. Constituent power theory often rests on a difficult-to-
understand dualism between the original power and the constituted powers: they often
assume that constitutive power remains beyond the limits of the established
constitutional order. Sometimes it is said that the bearer of that original power is the
nation (nation) as the predestined category. But the people are also seen as the ultimate
bearer of the constitutionally-formulated highest authority: this is expressed in the
concept of constitutionalism, according to which the people are legally established and
a constrained entity. Such ambiguity in the identification of peoples leads to circular
resonance (the "paradox of constitutive power"): the ultimate author of the constitution
is constitutional creation. This and the related ambiguities of this concept have exerted
constituent power from the center of attention to constitutional theory and the theory
of democracy. However, the issue remains important both for theory and for political
practice - study of new European social movements.
So it is claimed that the movement brings economic, legal and political novelties. The
novelty comes to us in response to the crisis, but its purposes go beyond the cost of
reaction. Let's set the contextual interpretation, which says that the crisis sealed the
essence of liberal constitutional democracy and expelled it as a rule of domination by
law; the primary objective of this domination is to protect capital. Or, to serve the
colorful phrase of Michael Hardt and Antonius Negri from their Declaration of 2012:
"Human beings are transformed into a mass of subjects who are subordinate,
meditated, overlapped and represented". These are the four cardinal wonders of
modernity, among which, as a company, a bit strange together, found subordination
LITERATURE REVIEW IN SOCIOLOGY/ SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

3. and political representation. In our eyes, this formalized violence conventionally
referred to as constitutional democracy is placed in the service of protecting the social
and political state of affairs, even though this state does not meet the minimum
requirements of justice (Mils, 2013).
Things can only change better if the regime of ownership, its state and its right are
rejected and replaced by a common asset regime. Here's how the Statute Valle identifies
legal news and its relationship to the old regime: Shared assets are a new legal category,
independent of property, directly related to the values of the Constitution ... The state
power that wants to privatize common goods extends its constitutional mandate.
Occupation is a justified response in the light of the Italian Constitution.
On the one hand, the thing is that it violates the law to challenge the regime (civic
disobedience) and has shown to the general public why the movement thinks the
regime is illegitimate. But, as Mattei says, the attitude of the social movements "towards
institutions of the state is often strategic, dependent on circumstances and
opportunistic" (Bailey & Mattei, 2013). Here, however, this opportunistic attitude to the
law largely reflects not only Lenin's attitude to existing law (Lenin, 1962), but also a
position that was inherent in the US constitution of the 18th century when separation
from Britain was justified by the thesis of the necessity of the defense of British
constitutionalism (Becker, 1956). The rejection of the authority of the state and the law
goes along with allegations of attachment to the basic normative provisions of the
Italian Constitution, hence the Constitution of the regime with which the movement is
opposed.
However, that is not enough. Two key issues remain. First, you can use Leninist
tactics, but after all, you will need no one opportunistic, but one principled attitude to
end up justifying the termination of the reality of existing laws and policies. That is why
the movement disputes the legitimacy of the legal and political order by arguing that
the character and gravity of the injustice necessitated autonomously to bring about a
difficult but only correct decision to step out of the legal and political framework and
accept the status of "stranger at the door". Yet, and this is another problem, one must
answer the question we are about to circulate all the time. How to imagine a new,
alternative law and order? Mattei insists that the new order must surpass the false
dualism of the economy and state of the old regime. This can be achieved only by a
complete rejection of private property, individualism, and competition: The common
system-based legal system must use the "eco-system" as a model where a single
community of individuals or social groups links mutually horizontal links to a network
in which power scattered; it should completely reject the idea of hierarchy (and
competition, produced by the same logic) in favor of the model of participation and
cooperation, which prevents concentration of power in one party or entity, placing the
center of community interest (Mattei, 2011).
LITERATURE REVIEW IN SOCIOLOGY/ SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

4. LITERATURE REVIEW IN SOCIOLOGY/ SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
REFERENCES
Tilly, C. (1993). Social Movements as Historically Specific Clusters of Political
Performances”, Berkeley Journal of Sociology, Vol. 38.
Tarrow, S. (2011). Power in Movement. Social Movements and Contentious
Politics, Revised and updated 3rd edition. New York: Cambridge University
Press.
Tarrow, S. (2012). Strangers at the Gates. Movements and States in Contentious
Politics. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Tilly, C. (1998). Social Movements and (All Sorts of) Other Political Interactions
– Local, National, and International – Including Identities, Theory and Society,
Vol. 27, No. 4.
Hardt, M. & Negri, A. (2012). Declaration, 2012, available at
http://antonionegriinenglish.wordpress.com/2012/05/16/declaration-by-
hardt-and-negri/
Mills, F. (2013). Commons & Constituent Power: Notes from the Social
Movements and the Struggles in Italy, 7. november 2013, available at
http://www.globalproject.info/it/in_movimento/commons-constituent-
power-notes-from-the-socialmovements-and-the-struggles-in-italy/15667
Statute of Teatro Valle Bene Comune, available at
http://www.teatrovalleoccupato.it/teatro-valle-occupato-one-year-and-
half-of-commoning-english-version
Bailey, S. & Mattei, U. (2013). Social Movements as Constituent Power: The
Italian Struggle for the Commons”, Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies, Vol.
20, Issue 2.
Lenin, V. I. (1962). Two Tactics of Social-Democracy in the Democratic
Revolution, in Collected Works, Vol. 9. Moscow: Progress Publishers.
Becker, C. (1956). The Declaration of Independence. A Study in the History of
Political Ideas. New York: Alfred Knopf.
Mattei, U. (2011). The State, the Market, and some Preliminary Questions about
the Commons, available at
http://dupublicaucommun.blogspot.com/2011/03/contribution-dugo-mattei-
pour-le-seance.html