Indin report by zubair

FINAL REPORT
Pak India Relationship
JANUARY 9, 2016
MUHAMMAD ZUBAIR SHAUKAT

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To: Ma’m MaryamKhan, Department of English, University of Sargodha Canal
campus Lahore.
From: M Zubair Shoukat, Department of Computer science and IT, University of
Sargodha Canal campus Lahore.
Roll #: Bscs-F14-LC-571
Date: January 7, 2016
Report distinguishing the relation of Pakistan- India
relations
Summary:
This reportis in listed to show the relationship of two countries and their
conflicts that are ongoing since their independence and are the major
causeof any agreement and development idea failure. In this reportwe try
to show whatis the main cause and the issues which are making this
problem intensely difficult to soughtout what are the conditional problems
that are presenting as the barriers for both of them to make a piece full
relation.
This reportalso shows the adverseeffects on the public and the political
portions of the country. Both countries are trying to take over each other in
many field regarding industry, trade, intelligence, information technology,
motor vehicles and agriculture. How the governments are interacting to
soughing out this? What are the demands of the leaders and also the poor
and innocent civilians of the Kashmir?
Purposeof the report:
You ordered me to make a report for the final term class activity regarding
the occasionaltopics of current affairs and the major problems of Pakistan.
So I prefer the major conflict of Pakistan and neighboring country India.
Procedure:
1. I read out the regarding articles and the newspapers.
2. Gathered the information fromthe books which are reminding us
that Pak-India life and their independence.

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3. Consulted with the news reporters of various news channels in India
and Pakistan.
4. Get the ideas of my elders, simple civilians, some politicians, and the
youth.
Findings:
1. india and Pakistan relation have been complex due to a number of
historical and political events. Relations between the two states have
been defined by the violent partition of British India in 1947,
the Kashmir conflicts and the numerous military conflicts fought between
the two nations. Consequently, even though the two South Asian nations
share linguistic, cultural, geographic, and economic links, their
relationship has been plagued by hostility and suspicion.
2. After the dissolution of the British Raj in 1947, two new sovereign
nations were formed—the Dominion of India and the Dominion of
Pakistan. The subsequentpartition of the former British India displaced
up to 12.5 million people, with estimates of loss of life varying from
severalhundred thousand to 1 million. India emerged as a secular
nation with a Hindu majority population and a large Muslim
minority while Pakistan was established as an Islamic republic with an
overwhelming Muslim majority population although its constitution
guarantees freedom of religion to people of all faiths.
3. Soonafter their independence, India and Pakistan established diplomatic
relations but the violent partition and numerous territorial claims would
overshadow their relationship. Since their independence, the two
countries have fought three major wars, one undeclared war and have
been involved in numerous armed skirmishes and military standoffs.
The Kashmir conflict is the main center-point of all of these conflicts
with the exception of the Indo-Pakistan War of 1971 and Bangladesh
Liberation War, which resulted in the secessionof East
Pakistan (now Bangladesh
4. There have been numerous attempts to improve the relationship—
notably, the Shimla summit, the Agra summit and the Lahore summit.
Since the early 1980s, relations between the two nations soured
particularly after the Sachem conflict, the intensification of Kashmir
insurgency in 1989, Indian and Pakistani nuclear tests in 1998 and the

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1999 Kargil war. Certain confidence-building measures — such as the
2003 ceasefire agreement and the Delhi–Lahore Bus service – were
successfulin deescalating tensions. However, these efforts have been
impeded by periodic terrorist attacks. The 2001 Indian Parliament
attack almost brought the two nations to the brink of a nuclear war.
The 2007 Samjhauta Express bombings, which killed 68 civilians (most
of whom were Pakistani), was also a crucial point in relations.
Additionally, the 2008 Mumbai attacks carried out by Pakistani
militants resulted in a severe blow to the ongoing India-Pakistan peace
talks
5. Relations between the countries remained frigid into the early 2010s,
following repeated acts of cross-borderterrorism. According to a
2014 BBC World Service Poll, 17% of Indians view Pakistan's influence
positively, with 49% expressing a negative view, while 21% of Pakistanis
view India's influence positively, with 58% expressing a negative view.
Since the election of new governments in both India and Pakistan,
however, significant steps are being taken to improve relations, in
particular developing a consensus on the agreement of Non-
Discriminatory Market Access on Reciprocal Basis (NDMARB) status
for each other, which will liberalize trade. From late 2015, a gradual thaw
in relations has resumed, following meetings between the foreign
secretaries and the national security advisers of both nations, at which
both sides agreed to thoroughly discuss hurdles remaining in the
relationship. In November 2015, the new Indian Prime
Minister, Narendra Modi and Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif
agreed to the resumption of bilateral talks; the following month, Prime
Minister Modi made a brief, unscheduled visit to Pakistan while en route
to India, becoming the first Indian Prime Minister to visit Pakistan since
2004.
Kashmir conflict
kashmir was a Muslim-majority princely state, ruled by a Hindu king,
Maharaja hari singh. At the time of the partition of india maharaja Hari Singh, the
ruler of the state, preferred to remain independent and did not want to join either

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the union of India or the dominion of Pakistan. He wanted both India and Pakistan
to recognize his princely state as an independent neutral country
Despite the standstill agreement with Pakistan, team of Pakistani forces were
dispatched into Kashmir. Backed by Pakistani paramilitary forces, Pashtun
mehsud tribals invaded Kashmir in October1947 under the codename "Operation
Gulmarg" to seize Kashmir. They reached and captured baramulla on 25 October.
Instead of moving on to Srinagar just 50 km away and capturing its undefended
airfield, they stayed there for several days. Kashmir's security forces turned out to
be too weak and ill-equipped to fight against Pakistan. Fearing that this invasion
would bring about an accessionto Pakistan, the Maharaja now turned to India and
requested India for troops to safeguard Kashmir. Indian Prime Minister Nehru was
ready to send the troops, butthe acting Governor General of India, Lord
Mountbatten of Burma, advised the Maharaja to accede to India before India could
send its troops. Hence, considering the emergent situation he signed the instrument
of accessionto the Union of India on 26 October1947 (see the two-page
document's photo below). t the end of British occupation in 1947, two countries
stood where there once was one. Pakistan divided with the intention of being the
nation for the Muslims of India. Kashmir, the roots of the boundary dispute
between the two nations, was an autonomous state under British rule and remained
so post-partition, when initially given a choice between Pakistan and India.
Eventually though, in Octoberof 1947, the ruling prince of Kashmir decided in
India favor. This decision was viewed as fraudulent, unfair, and completely
unrecognized by the Pakistani government.

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Due to its strategic position and unique and exquisite nature, Kashmir has
been of particular interest to both countries. The main goal of Islamabad is to gain
control of this region, thus completing the vision of an independent Muslim state
outside of India considering that Kashmir is majority Muslim. New Delhi, on the
other hand, has the goal of retaining Kashmir in order to supportthe portrayal of
India as a secular nation.
contents
1. In 1948, the first Kashmir war was fought between the Indian
troops and Pakistani pathans invading from the northwest of the
Kashmir region. This primary war ended with UN intervention
and a mutual agreement to a formation of a Line of Control, the
ceasefire line that the troops ofboth nations were withdrawn
behind.
2. The second war was fought in 1965 and the third in 1971. Each of
these wars resulted in 11 UN resolutions and two significant
agreements, namely the Tashkent Declaration of 1966 and the
Simla agreement of 1972.
3. By 1974, India began nuclear testing in its northern desert. In
1998, Pakistan also showed signs of significant nuclear capability.
More armed conflict ensued in 1999 until finally ceasefire and
peace talks began between President Musharraf and Prime
Minister Vajpayee. Unfortunately, these are all retarded by

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increasing conflict in the disputed region, specifically with the
August 2001 railway massacre in Jammu, the Kashmiri assembly
attacks in October2001, and the Indian parliament attack in
December of the very same year. This triggered military build-up
by both nations on the line of control, increased diplomatic
sanctions, the end of transport links between the two countries and
an announcement by Indian military of a keen preparation for
imminent war.
4. Initially, 2003 saw both nations using forceful rhetoric in relation
to their readiness and capability to endure nuclear warfare.
Throughout the 90 and continuing into the 21st century, the low-
intensity war that has continued within this region between Indian
military and Pakistan militant groups has costboth nations a large
loss of life and resources.
5. Despite continuous militant attacks, both nations eventually
attempted to reach peaceful negotiations over the borderdispute,
including the establishment of sporting ties, transportation links,
official cease-fire arrangements, and recognition of Kashmiri
separatist groups by India.
This conflict is evidently an enduring one in the sense throughout the years
of military fighting, there is a single goal of obtaining the prize, i.e. Kashmiri

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territory. The payoffs are high and at each stage in the enduring conflict, both
nations have the chance to decide whether to continue the conflict in order to gain
exactly what they desire or pull out and therefore lose. If both India and Pakistan
cooperate, they will be better off by avoiding greater numbers of casualties and
avoiding the possibility brinkmanship, considering the nuclear capability on both
sides. In relation to proliferation of their nuclear capabilities, if both India and
Pakistan refrain from communicating (diplomatically through vocal, cooperative or
bargaining tactics) and chooseto continue with the buildup of their respective
nuclear arsenals, each nation has a significant incentive to defect from a credible
agreement against such build up in order to maintain their respective interests.
Noteworthy is the fact that both nations have the incentive to remain in
credible commitments for the long-term despite incomplete information because of
both of their desires to maintain a certain reputation and gain US aid as well as
India goal of obtaining a seat on the UN Security Council. That being said, the lack
of constructive communication and the aforementioned rhetoric of the capability
on both sides to endure nuclear attack has initiated a fear of possible tit-for-tat
actions regardless of who moves preemptively and therefore resulting in a rise in
the escalation ladder that may not be able to be stopped ormanaged later.
Charles Chevenix Trench writes in his 'The Frontier Scouts' (1985):
In October1947... tribal lashkars hastened in lorries - undoubtedly with official
logistic support - into Kashmir... at least one British Officer, Harvey-Kelly took
part in the campaign. It seemed that nothing could stop these hordes of tribesmen

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taking Srinagar with its vital airfield. Indeed nothing did, but their own greed. The
mahsuds in particular stopped to loot, rape and murder; Indian troops were flown
in and the lashkars pushed out of the Vale of Kashmir into the mountains. The
Mahsuds returned home in a savage mood, having muffed an easy chance, lost the
loot of Srinagar and made fools of themselves.
In the words of Gen Mohammad Akbar Khan (Brigadier-in-Charge, Pakistan, in
his book"War for Kashmir in 1947"): "The uncouth raiders delayed in Baramulla
for two (whole) days for some unknown reason.
While the invading Pakistanis spread across the State and looted baramulla town
just 50 km from the state capital, Srinagar, for several days starting 25 October
1947, the Maharaja signed instrument of accession to the Dominion of India on 26
October1947. Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah had already reached Delhi a day
earlier on 25 Octoberto persuade Nehru to send troops. He made no secret of the
State faced and asked Nehru to lose no time in accepting the accession and
ensuring the speedy dispatch of Indian troops to the State. (Sheikh Abdullah
corroborates this accountin his Aatish e Chinaar (at pages 416 and 417) and
records (at page 417) that V.P. Menon returned to Delhi on 26 Octoberwith signed
Instrument of accession. These are photos of the two-page Instrument of
Accession. The Instrument was accepted by the Governor general of India the next
day, 27 October1947. With this signing by the Maharaja and acceptance by the
Governor-General, the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir became a part of
Dominion of India as per the Indian Independence Act 1947 passed by the British
parliament.
By this time the raiders were close to the capital, srinager. Indian troops were
airlifted from Delhi, landed at Srinagar airport in Kashmir on 27 October1947 and
secured the airport before proceeding to evict the invaders from Kashmir valley.
The Indian troops managed to evict the aggressors from parts of Kashmir but the
onset of winter made much of the state impassable. After weeks of intense fighting
between Pakistan and India, Pakistani leaders and the Indian Prime Minister Nehru
declared a ceasefire and sought arbitration with the promise of a plebisaite. In
1957, north-western Kashmir was fully integrated into Pakistan, becoming azad
kashmir (Pakistan-administered Kashmir). In 1962, China occupied aksai chin, the
northeastern region bordering ladakh. In 1984, India launched opartion
maghdoot and captured more than 80% of the siachen glacier.
Pakistan now maintains Kashmiris' right to self-determination through
a plebiscite and the promised plebiscite should be allowed to decide the fate of the

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Kashmiri people. India on the other hand asserts that with the Maharaja's signing
the instrument of accession, Kashmir has becomean integral part of India.
Due to all such political differences, this territorial claim has been the subject of
wars between the two countries in 1947 and1965, and a limited conflict in 1999.
The state remains divided between the two countries by the line of control (LoC),
which demarcates the ceasefire line agreed upon in the 1947 conflict modified in
1972 as per silma agreement.
Analysis
These and many other such questions can be raised by any concerned observer of
the South Asian region, wherethe disharmony between the two major players
has adversely affected the ability of the region as a whole to attain its true
potential, unlike, for instance, the advancements made in the ASEAN region. The
continued conflict and tension in the relationship between the two countries,
whoserivalry has a nuclear dimension as well, cannot be to anyone’s benefit. For
the pastdecade or so, their differences havetranscended their common borders
and havealso played out in Afghanistan. The biggest beneficiaries of this
prolonged conflict have been the extremist elements in both countries and, more
recently, the non-state actors (NSAs). TheNSAs seemingly havethe capability to
disruptand derail any efforttowards resolving the outstanding issues between
India and Pakistan at will, by perpetrating a violent incident. Major world powers
have also promoted their geo-political interests by playing one country off against
the other fromtime to time.
Causes of Conflict
The tensions between India and Pakistan are deeply rooted in their common
history. Their failure to reconcile their differences ultimately resulted in the
partition of the Sub-continent. The partition itself was the result of a legal and
constitutional process approved by both the Indian National Congress and the
Muslim League. Unfortunately, however, the actual partition was accompanied by
mindless blood-letting and lasting acrimony resulting fromcomplaints about the
work of the Radcliffe Commission that was entrusted with the demarcation of the
boundaries of the two states. The messy procedureadopted by the British for
determining the fate of the Princely States sowed the seeds of the continuing
conflict over the predominantly Muslim-majority state of Jammu and Kashmir.
The festering Kashmir disputehas bedevilled relations between India and
Pakistan. Ithas caused two wars (1948 and 1965), a serious border conflict(Kargil,
1999) and has broughtimmense suffering and hardship to the people of the state.

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This unresolved disputehas also been a major drain on the resources of the two
countries and has been a stumbling block to normalising relations between them.
A problem closely related to that of Kashmir is the distribution of the water of the
rivers flowing fromthere into Pakistan. Pakistan has a predominantly agrarian
economy and, being a lower riparian state, has naturally been concerned about
continuation of an adequate supply of irrigation water. The problem was thought
to have been resolved in the early 1960s through theIndus Basin Treaty,
mediated by the World Bank. But the problemis far from settled, as Pakistan has
raised concerns over some of the Indian hydroelectric projects under construction
on the western rivers that will affect waters for which Pakistan has the rights. The
water problemhas a serious potential to precipitate conflict in the future, given
the rising requirements and shrinking supplies. Page3 of 6

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The Nuclear Dimension
Some commentators hoped in 1998 that the overt possession of nuclear weapons
by both India and Pakistan would bring about the realisation that any conflict
between them would have catastrophic consequences for both countries and
would, therefore, result in strategic stability. Unfortunately, that expected peace
dividend is yet to be attained. Instead, a steady nuclear weapon and missile
competition continues, in the absenceof an overarching restraintregime. India
has been propounding and war-gaming its provocative“Cold Start” and “pro-
active Operations” doctrines since 2004. Pakistan has responded by introducing
battlefield nuclear weapons.
Afghanistan
The conflict in Afghanistan has also had spill-over effects on Indo-Pakistani
relations. The strategic partnership agreement between India and Afghanistan
and the growing Indian presencein that country, haveonly added to Pakistan’s
concerns that India is attempting to squeezeit fromboth the east and west. With
uncertainties surrounding theinternal dynamics of a post-NATO Afghanistan, it
also could become an arena for India-Pakistan hostility to play out. That would
have serious consequences, notonly for the peace and stability of Afghanistan,
but also for the region as a whole.
Roleof Non-StateActors
The problem of Non-State Actors (NSAs) and their trans-frontier activities has
been one of the most vexing issues between the two South Asian neighbours in
recent years. In the past decade, it has broughtthe two countries to the verge of
war in 2001-02 and again in 2008; it also derailed the Composite Dialogue process
between them, which appeared to be regaining some traction after a hiatus of
three years. Hopes were further raised by the election of Nawaz Sharif to the
office of Prime Minister. Sharif has made no secretof his wish for peace and
warmer relations between India and Pakistan, despite the fact that he has not
received reciprocation from India. The recent eruption of violence across theLine
of Control in Kashmir, which in normaltimes would be a routine affair, has been
blown out of proportion by the Indian media and some political parties with an
eye on the forthcoming national elections in India. Incidents such as the attack on
the PakistaniHigh Commission in New Delhi by political activists can only add to
the acrimony. Such incidents have compounded the already acute trustdeficit
between the two countries. India has accused Pakistan of sponsoring “cross-
border terrorism” againstit and, after the recent cross-LOCincident, blamed the
PakistaniArmy for fomenting trouble. Pakistan complains that India has provided

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material support, through Afghanistan, to the insurgents in Baluchistan and parts
of the Federally Administered Tribal areas in the north-westand is now unhappy
that instead of a responding to peace overtures, India is ratcheting up the anti-
Pakistan rhetoric. If the proposed meeting between the two Prime Ministers on
the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly meeting in New York in
September takes place as planned, it will hopefully help in improving the
atmospherics of India-Pakistan relations.
Areas of Common Interest
Peace and stability are pre-requisites for economic development, trade and
politico-socio-culturalrelations. This has assumed added urgency since South Asia
has obtained nuclear capability, as there is now little margin for error. Itis
imperative that the security situation in South Asia is stabilised and made as
resistantas possibleto the periodic shocks caused by the actions of NSAs.
Avoidanceof crises, prevention of conflicts and the building of mutual confidence
should therefore be common objectives for the two countries.
There is a huge potential for the expansion of bilateral trade between India and
Pakistan, especially now that the long-standing issueof Pakistan granting Most
Favoured Nation status to India seems closer than ever to being resolved. But
other issues, such as non-tariff barriers to trade, will have to be addressed before
any positive move can be made towards increasing trade. There is also a long list
of items on the negative list which haveto be looked at before significant
improvement can be achieved. The promotion of official trade will discourage
smuggling and other means of illegal trade that at present costthe two countries
substantiallost revenue.
The serious energy shortages faced by both countries are hampering their
economic development. India cannot maintain a healthy economic growth rate if
its energy resources remain inadequate, as was made apparent by the total
blackout of northern India in July 2012. In Pakistan, normalpublic life has been
badly disrupted by chronic electricity outages for many years and the scarcity of
energy has also adversely affected industrialoutput.
Itwould be in the interests of the two countries to forgeco-operation in the field
of energy. While India has effectively withdrawn fromthe proposed Iran-Pakistan-
India gas pipeline project, it still seems to be interested in the Turkmenistan-
Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) gas pipeline. TAPI depends largely on peace and
stability in Afghanistan, which means that India and Pakistan should havea
peaceful and stable Afghanistan as a common cause, rather than competing for
influence there. In the much longer term, depending on the overallstate of their

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relations, the two countries could possibly also collaborate in the field of nuclear
energy.
, How to Achievethe Desired Outcomes
The 1999 LahoreMemorandumof Understanding was the firstIndo-Pakistani
effort to come to grips with their mutual problems and to explore measures to
reduce tensions in a nuclearised South Asia. Though the process was interrupted
by the Kargil episode, the proposed confidence-building measures (CBMs) were
taken up when the composite dialogue resumed in 2004, resulting in some
significant bilateral agreements. Itappears, however, thatthe list of CBMs agreed
to at Lahorehas been exhausted and currently there seems to be no discernible
forward movementin the bilateral talks. Itis important that negotiators think of
new and innovative CBMs and establish an oversightand review mechanismto
monitor the performanceof pastagreements, to give some impetus to the peace
process. ButCBMs can only be expected to providetemporary stability at best
and, ultimately, the two countries’ outstanding political problems, including the
Kashmir dispute, will need to be resolved. The efforts at building confidence and
trustand seeking resolution of disputes can only bear fruit if the process is
sustained and remains uninterrupted. On many occasions in the recent past,
certain groups and individuals opposed to reconciliation between India and
Pakistan have succeeded in disrupting the peace efforts. Thetwo countries will
have to resistthese disruptiveforces by evolving institutional mechanisms to deal
with them. Past efforts werehalf-hearted and depended to a large extent on the
character and attitudes of the individuals representing the two countries in the
Joint Counter-terrorismmechanism.
As the conflict in Afghanistan winds down, India and Pakistan will need to discuss
their respective legitimate interests in that country. India will need to convince
Pakistan that its interest in Afghanistan is not aimed at opening up a new frontin
the westor promotedestabilisation in the two Pakistaniprovinces bordering
Afghanistan. For its part, Pakistan will need to reassureIndia that it respects the
legitimate and sovereign rights of India and Afghanistan to develop their bilateral
relations. Due to its geographicalposition, Pakistan can either facilitate or block
the trade between India and Afghanistan passing through its territory, but that
will be entirely dependent on the state of India-Pakistan relations.
Regular exchanges between the people of the two countries can create better
understanding and goodwill. Itis sometimes amazing to find how little their
people know abouteach other’s countries and their socio-culturalenvironments,
despite the often-repeated claims of having lived side-by-sidefor a thousand

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years. Recent initiatives, such as the frequentdiscussions and exchanges of visits
between parliamentarians and politicians from both the federal and regional
parliaments, are moves in the right direction and need to be sustained. The
agreement for a liberalised visa regime is also a positive development, if
implemented in a positivespirit.
As mentioned earlier, neither trade, economic co-operation nor socio-cultural
harmonies can yield any dividends in the absenceof peace and stability. India and
Pakistan, therefore, need to removethe causes of the tensions underpinning their
relations. India will haveto moveaway from offensiveand provocativemilitary
doctrines and Pakistan, which has responded by lowering its nuclear threshold,
would need to pull back to a more stable, and less crisis-prone, nuclear posture.
Roleof the International Community
The international community can continue to encourageand facilitate an
uninterrupted peace dialogue between India and Pakistan. India has always been
scornfulof foreign mediation between them and prefers bilateral engagement,
whereit can bring its greater weight to bear. This continues despite the fact that
the US involvement during the Kargil crisis went entirely in India’s favour.
Pakistan, which has in the past soughtexternal balancing and tried to invoke
international mediation in its disputes with India, may well be wary of outside
intervention after its Kargil experience. Nevertheless, friendly nudging by
countries enjoying good relations with both India and Pakistan should be
welcome.
On the other hand, however, Australia’s decision to sell uranium to India is seen
in Pakistan as being detrimental to its national security interests; justas the US-
India nuclear deal was viewed as discriminatory and harmfulto its security. The
recent “Australia in the Asian Century” White Paper did not even mention
Pakistan and would not have been well received there. These developments have,
to a large extent, curtailed Australia’s ability to play the role of a facilitator in the
India-Pakistan peaceprocess. Its growing politico-economic relations with India,
however, do place it in a position to encourageIndia to remain engaged in the
composite dialogue with Pakistan
India desires peaceful, friendly and cooperative relations with Pakistan,
which require an environment free from violence and terrorism.
In April 2010, during the meeting between Prime Minister and then Pak PM
Gilani on the margins of the SAARC Summit (Thimpu) PM spoke about India's
willingness to resolve all outstanding issues through bilateral dialogue. Follow up

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meetings were held by the two Foreign Ministers (Islamabad, July 2010), and the
two Foreign Secretaries(Thimphu, February2011).During thelatter meeting it was
formally agreed to resume dialogue on all issues: (i) Counter-terrorism(including
progress on Mumbai trial) and Humanitarian issues at Home Secretary level; (ii)
Peace & Security, including CBMs, (iii) Jammu & Kashmir, and (iv) promotion of
friendly exchanges at the level of Foreign Secretaries; (v) Siachen at Defence
Secretary-level; (vi) Economic issues at Commerce Secretary level; (vii) Tulbul
Navigation Project/ Wullar Barrage at Water Resources Secretary-level; and (viii)
Sir Creek (at the level of Surveyors General/ Additional Secretary).
Since then several efforts have been made by the two countries to enhance
people-to-people contacts. Cross-LoCtraveland tradeacross J&K, initiated in 2005
and 2008 respectively, is an important step in this direction. Further, India and
Pakistan signed a new visa agreement in September 2012 during the visit of then
External Affairs Minister to Pakistan. This agreement has led to liberalization of
bilateral visa regime.
Two rounds of the resumed dialogue have been completed; the third round
began in September 2012,whentheCommerceSecretaries met in Islamabad.Talks
on conventional and non-conventional CBMs were held in the third round in
December 2012 in New Delhi. A meeting of the Working Group on Cross-LoC(Line
of Control) trade and travelCBMs was held in New Delhi on March 4, 2014in which
issues including strengthening of standard operating procedures were discussed.
Pakistan's PML (N) party received a strong mandate in the elections held on
11 May 2013 which allowed its leader Mian Nawaz Sharif to form a new
Government. In his letter of congratulations (May 12), Prime Minister expressed
desire to work with the new Pakistan government "to chart a new course" in
bilateral ties. PM's Special Envoy Ambassador S.K.Lambah metNawaz Sharif on 27
May 2013 in Lahore to personally convey PM's message even before the latter
formally assumed office - a gesture that was appreciated by the new Pakistan PM.
AmbassadorShahryarKhanalsovisitedIndia(4-6July) asPMNawaz Sharif'sSpecial
Envoy and met PM (5 July); during the meeting he also handed over a personal
letter from Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to PM.
Following the dastardly attack on 6 Aug 2013 in which five Indian jawans
were killed along the LOC with the involvement of Pak army, India called upon
Pakistan to maintain ceasefire and uphold the sanctity of LOC, which is the most
important Confidence Building Measure between the two countries and, together
with Pakistan'sassurancenotto allow territoryunderits controlto beused foranti-
India activities, which formed the basis of bilateral dialogue. It was conveyed that

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In their meeting on the margins of the UN General Assembly on September
29, 2013 in New York, Prime Minister and PM Nawaz Sharif agreed that the
precondition for a forward movementin the relationship, which they both desired,
was an improvement of the situation on the LoC where there had been repeated
ceasefire violations and incidents. They decided to task the Directors General of
Military Operations (DGMOs) to suggest effective means to restore the ceasefire
and a way forward to ensure that that remains in force and in place. The meeting
of the DGMOs took place at Wagah on December 24, 2013.
Terrorism
Terrorismemanating fromterritory under Pakistan's controlremains a core
concern in bilateral relations. This is precisely why India has sought a firm and
abiding commitment from Pakistan that it will not allow its territory and territory
under its controlto be used for the aiding and abetting of terroristactivity directed
against India and for providing sanctuary to such terrorist groups. India has
consistently stressed to its interlocutors the need for Pakistan to fulfill is oft-
repeated assurances,givento us atthe highestlevel, that territoryunder its control
would not be allowed to be used for anti-India activities in any manner. Itis critical
for the security of the region that Pakistan undertakes determined action to
dismantle the terrorist networks, organizations and infrastructure within its own
territory. However, internationally sanctioned entities such as Lashkar-e-Toiba
(LeT) continue to function in Pakistan under various aliases. LeT's leader Hafiz
Saeed and his followers also continue to incite violence againstIndia. Moreover, in
the recent months, key terrorists such as Masood Azhar and fugitives from Indian
law have resurfaced in Pakistan.
Progress in the ongoing Mumbai terror attack case in Pakistan is seen as an
important marker of Pakistan's commitment to combat terrorismemanating from
its soil. The trial of seven persons in an Anti Terrorism Court (ATC) for their
involvementin the 2008Mumbaiterror attackshas howeverproceeded at a glacial
pace. The trial has been subject to repeated adjournments, non-appearances of
lawyers, and frequent changes of prosecution lawyers and judges. A Pak Judicial
Commission undertook its second visit to India in September 2013 and cross-
examined key prosecution witnesses. PrimeMinister Nawaz Sharif told PM in New
York on September 29, 2013 that effective action on bringing the perpetrators of
the Mumbai attacks to book was indeed Pakistan's intention, and now that the
Judicial Commission had returned to Pakistan after gathering depositions and
evidence in India, there would be further progress. Hearings in the case, however,
continue to be disrupted for one reason or another.

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Business Exchanges
A strong tradition of exchange of trade delegations has also been built up
over the last two years. The first meeting of the newly created Joint Business
Council (JBC)/ Forum, comprising 15 top level business representatives from each
country was, held in Islamabad on 29 June 2013. The JBC decided to form ten task
forces to examine the priority areas of economic cooperation in agriculture,
pharmaceuticals, automobiles and healthcare. Its second and third meetings were
held in New Delhi and Lahore, respectively in October 2013 and February 2014.
Among business-to-business exchanges sinceApril 2012 areparticipation of
a CII-organised high level business delegation in the 2
nd
Indo-Pak Aman ki Asha
Economic Conference 'Dividends: Profits on Peace' in Lahore on 7-8 May 2012,
Bombay Chamber of Commerce and Industry in 'My Karachi' exhibition in Karachi
from 13-15 July 2012, 'India Expo' in Karachi in 2013, the second edition of 'India
Show'in Lahore(February 14-16, 2014) - which was inaugurated by FederalMinistr
fo

18
Commerce of Pakistan Khurram Dastgir Khan, 'Made in Pakistan' Exhibition
mounted by the Federation of Pakistan Chambers of Commerce and Industry in
Mumbai from August 31-September 4, 2012, and again from April 3-7, 2014,
participation of Pakistan in Indian International Trade Fair in November 2012 and
2013, and in a number of other trade exhibitions and events, including those
arranged by thePHD Chamber of Commerce and Industry in Chandigarh, Ludhiana,
Delhi, etc. The next edition of 'Lifestyle Pakistan' is being planned.
Humanitarian Issues
A joint 'Judicial Committee on Prisoners'comprising retired Judges fromthe
higher judiciary of both countries looks into humanitarian issues related to
prisoners and fishermen in each other's jails, which it visits alternatingly twice a
year. Its lastvisitto India was in October 2013. TheCommittee's recommendations
on better consular access, expeditious trial, provision of legal aid, humanitarian
treatment, early repatriation after completion of sentences, and repatriation of
fishermen along with their boats, are examined for implementation by the
government on both sides. As a result of constant efforts by the Government,
releaseof closeto 2,000Indianfishermenand100prisonershasbeensecuredfrom
Pakistani prisons since 2008. At present, there are over 300 fishermen and
estimated over 200 prisoners believed to be Indian in Pakistanijails. Someof them
have completed their sentences and await release. Since 2008, deaths of eight
Indian fishermen and 3 prisoners while in custody of Pakistani authorities have
been reported, with a few of these known or believed to have resulted from
unnatural causes. The matter of reported auctions of confiscated boats of
apprehended Indian fishermen has been taken up with concerned Pakistani
authorities.
Timeline:
1947 - Britain, as part of its pullout from the Indian subcontinent, divides it into secular (but
mainly Hindu) India and Muslim Pakistan on August 15 and 14 respectively. The partition
causes one of the largest human migrations ever seen, and sparks riots and violence across the
region.
1947/48 - The first Indo-Pak war over Kashmir is fought, after armed tribesmen (lashkars) from
Pakistan's North West Frontier Province (now called Khyber-Pakthunkhwa) invade the disputed
territory in October 1947. The Maharaja, faced with an internal revolt as well an external
invasion, requests the assistance of the Indian armed forces, in return for acceding to India. He
hands over control of his defence, communications and foreign affairs to the Indian government.
Both sides agree that the instrument of accession signed by Maharaja Hari Singh be ratified by a
referendum, to be held after hostilities have ceased. Historians on either side of the dispute

19
remain undecided as to whether the Maharaja signed the document after Indian troops had
entered Kashmir (i.e. under duress) or if he did so under no direct military pressure.
Fighting continues through the second half of 1948, with the regular Pakistani army called upon
to protect Pakistan's borders.
The war officially ends on January 1, 1949, when the United Nations arranges a ceasefire, with
an established ceasefire line, a UN peacekeeping force and a recommendation that the
referendum on the accession of Kashmir to India be held as agreed earlier. That referendum has
yet to be held.
Pakistan controls roughly one-third of the state, referring to it as Azad (free) Jammu and
Kashmir. It is semi-autonomous. A larger area, including the former kingdoms of Hunza and
Nagar, is controlled directly by the central Pakistani government.
The Indian (eastern) side of the ceasefire line is referred to as Jammu and Kashmir.
Both countries refer to the other side of the ceasefire line as "occupied" territory.
1954 - The accession of Jammu and Kashmir to India is ratified by the state's constituent
assembly.
1957 - The Jammu and Kashmir constituent assembly approves a constitution. India, from the
point of the 1954 ratification and 1957 constitution, begins to refer to Jammu and Kashmir as an
integral part of the Indian union.
1963 - Following the 1962 Sino-Indian war, the foreign ministers of India and Pakistan - Swaran
Singh and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto - hold talks under the auspices of the British and Americans
regarding the Kashmir dispute. The specific contents of those talks have not yet been
declassified, but no agreement was reached. In the talks, "Pakistan signified willingness to
consider approaches other than a plebiscite and India recognised that the status of Kashmir was
in dispute and territorial adjustments might be necessary," according to a declassified US state
department memo (dated January 27, 1964).
1964 - Following the failure of the 1963 talks, Pakistan refers the Kashmir case to the UN
Security Council.
1965 - India and Pakistan fight their second war. The conflict begins after a clash between border
patrols in April in the Rann of Kutch (in the Indian state of Gujarat), but escalates on August 5,
when between 26,000 and 33,000 Pakistani soldiers cross the ceasefire line dressed as Kashmiri
locals, crossing into Indian-administered Kashmir.
Infantry, armour and air force units are involved in the conflict while it remains localised to the
Kashmir theatre, but as the war expands, Indian troops cross the international border at Lahore
on September 6. The largest engagement of the war takes place in the Sialkot sector, where
between 400 and 600 tanks square off in an inconclusive battle.
By September 22, both sides agree to a UN mandated ceasefire, ending the war that had by that
point reached a stalemate, with both sides holding some of the other's territory.

20
1966 - On January 10, 1966, Indian Prime Minister Lal Bahdaur Shastri and Pakistani President
Ayub Khan sign an agreement at Tashkent (now in Uzbekistan), agreeing to withdraw to pre-
August lines and that economic and diplomatic relations would be restored.
1971 - India and Pakistan go to war a third time, this time over East Pakistan. The conflict begins
when the central Pakistani government in West Pakistan, led by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, refuses to
allow Awami League leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, a Bengali whose party won the majority
of seats in the 1970 parliamentary elections, to assume the premiership.
A Pakistani military crackdown on Dhaka begins in March, but India becomes involved in the
conflict in
December, after the Pakistani air force launches a pre-emptive strike on airfields in India's
northwest.
India then launches a coordinated land, air and sea assault on East Pakistan. The Pakistani army
surrenders at Dhaka, and its army of more than 90,000 become prisoners of war. Hostilities
lasted 13 days, making this one of the shortest wars in modern history.
East Pakistan becomes the independent country of Bangladesh on December 6, 1971.
1972 - Pakistani Prime Minister Zulifiqar Ali Bhutto and Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi
sign an agreement in the Indian town of Simla, in which both countries agree to "put an end to
the conflict and confrontation that have hitherto marred their relations and work for the
promotion of a friendly and harmonious relationship and the establishment of a durable peace in
the subcontinent". Both sides agree to settle any disputes "by peaceful means".
The Simla Agreement designates the ceasefire line of December 17, 1971, as being the new
"Line-of-Control (LoC)" between the two countries, which neither side is to seek to alter
unilaterally, and which "shall be respected by both sides without prejudice to the recognised
position of either side".
1974 - The Kashmiri state government affirms that the state "is a constituent unit of the Union of
India". Pakistan rejects the accord with the Indian government.
On May 18, India detonates a nuclear device at Pokhran, in an operation codenamed "Smiling
Buddha". India refers to the device as a "peaceful nuclear explosive".
1988 - The two countries sign an agreement that neither side will attack the other's nuclear
installations or facilities. These include "nuclear power and research reactors, fuel fabrication,
uranium enrichment, isotopes separation and reprocessing facilities as well as any other
installations with fresh or irradiated nuclear fuel and materials in any form and establishments
storing significant quantities of radio-active materials".
Both sides agree to share information on the latitudes and longitudes of all nuclear installations.
This agreement is later ratified, and the two countries share information on January 1 each year
since then.

21
1989 - Armed resistance to Indian rule in the Kashmir valley begins. Muslim political parties,
after accusing the state government of rigging the 1987 state legislative elections, form militant
wings.
Pakistan says that it gives its "moral and diplomatic" support to the movement, reiterating its call
for the earlier UN-sponsored referendum.
India says that Pakistan is supporting the insurgency by providing weapons and training to
fighters, terming attacks against it in Kashmir "cross-border terrorism". Pakistan denies this.
Militant groups taking part in the fight in Kashmir continue to emerge through the 1990s, in part
fuelled by a large influx of "mujahideen" who took part in the Afghan war against the Soviets in
the 1980s.
1991 - The two countries sign agreements on providing advance notification of military
exercises, manoeuvres and troop movements, as well as on preventing airspace violations and
establishing overflight rules.
1992 - A joint declaration prohibiting the use of chemical weapons is signed in New Delhi.
1996 - Following a series of clashes, military officers from both countries meet at the LoC in
order to ease tensions.
1998 - India detonates five nuclear devices at Pokhran. Pakistan responds by detonating six
nuclear devices of its own in the Chaghai Hills. The tests result in international sanctions being
placed on both countries. In the same year, both countries carry out tests of long-range missiles.
1999 - Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee meets with Nawaz Sharif, his Pakistani
counterpart, in Lahore. The two sign the Lahore Declaration, the first major agreement between
the two countries since the 1972 Simla Accord. Both countries reaffirm their commitment to the
Simla Accord, and agree to undertake a number of 'Confidence Building Measures' (CBMs).
Some of the diplomatic gains are eroded, however, after the Kargil conflict breaks out in May.
Pakistani forces and Kashmiri fighters occupy strategic positions on the Indian side of the LoC,
prompting an Indian counter offensive in which they are pushed back to the other side of the
original LoC.
Kargil is the first armed conflict between the two neighbours since they officially conducted
nuclear weapons tests.
In October 1999, General Pervez Musharraf, the Pakistani chief of army staff, leads a military
coup, deposing Nawaz Sharif, the then prime minister, and installing himself as the head of the
government.
2001 - Tensions along the Line of Control remain high, with 38 people killed in an attack on the
Kashmiri assembly in Srinagar. Following that attack, Farooq Abdullah, the chief minister of
Indian-administered Kashmir, calls on the Indian government to launch a full-scale military
operation against alleged training camps in Pakistan.

22
In July, Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf and Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee
meet for a two-day summit in the Indian city of Agra. That summit collapses after two days, with
both sides unable to reach agreement on the core issue of Kashmir.
On December 13, an armed attack on the Indian parliament in New Delhi leaves 14 people dead.
India blames Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Muhammad for the attacks.
The attacks lead to a massing of India's and Pakistan's militaries along the LoC. The standoff
only ends in October 2002, after international mediation.
2002 - President Musharraf pledges that Pakistan will combat extremism on its own soil, but
affirms that the country has a right to Kashmir.
2003 - After Musharraf calls for a ceasefire along the LoC during a UN General Assembly
meeting in September, the two countries reach an agreement to cool tensions and cease hostilities
across the defacto border.
2004 - Vajpayee and Musharraf hold direct talks at the 12th SAARC summit in Islamabad in
January, and the two countries' foreign secretaries meet later in the year. This year marks the
beginning of the Composite Dialogue Process, in which bilateral meetings are held between
officials at various levels of government (including foreign ministers, foreign secretaries,
military officers, border security officials, anti-narcotics officials and nuclear experts). In
November, on the eve of a visit to Jammu and Kashmir, the new Indian prime minister,
Manmohan Singh, announces that India will be reducing its deployment of troops there.
2006 - India redeploys 5,000 troops from Jammu and Kashmir, citing an "improvement" in the
situation there, but the two countries are unable to reach an agreement on withdrawing forces
from the Siachen glacier.
In September, President Musharraf and Prime Minister Singh agree to put into place an Indo-Pak
institutional anti-terrorism mechanism.
2007 - On February 18, the train service between India and Pakistan (the Samjhauta Express) is
bombed near Panipat, north of New Delhi. Sixty-eight people are killed, and dozens injured.
The fifth round of talks regarding the review of nuclear and ballistic missile-related CBMs is
held as part of the Composite Dialogue Process. The second round of the Joint Anti-Terrorism
Mechanism (JATM) is also held.
2008 - India joins a framework agreement between Turkmenistan, Afghanistan and Pakistan on a
$7.6bn gas pipeline project. A series of Kashmir-specific CBMs are also agreed to (including the
approval of a triple-entry permit facility).
In July, India blames Pakistan's Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) directorate for a bomb attack on
the Indian embassy in Kabul, which kills 58 and injures another 141.
In September, Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari and Indian Prime Minister Singh formally
announce the opening of several trade routes between the two countries.

23
In October, cross-LoC trade commences, though it is limited to 21 items and can take place on
only two days a week.
On November 26, armed gunmen open fire on civilians at several sites in Mumbai, India. The
attacks on the Taj Mahal Palace & Tower, the Oberoi Trident Hotel, the Chhatrapati Shivaji
Terminus, Leopold Cafe, Cama Hospital, Nariman House Jewish community centre, Metro
Cinema, St Xavier's College and in a lane near the Times of India office, prompt an almost three-
day siege of the Taj, where gunmen remain holed up until all but one of them are killed in an
Indian security forces operation. More than 160 people are killed in the attacks.
Ajmal Kasab, the only attacker captured alive, says the attackers were members of Lashkar-e-
Taiba.
In the wake of the attacks, India breaks off talks with Pakistan.
2009 - The Pakistani government admits that the Mumbai attacks may have been partly planned
on Pakistani soil, while vigorously denying allegations that the plotters were sanctioned or aided
by Pakistan's intelligence agencies.
Pakistani Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani and Indian Prime Minister Singh meet on the
sidelines of a Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) summit in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt, issuing a joint
statement charting future talks. Singh rules out, however, the resumption of the Composite
Dialogue Process at the present time.
The Indian government continues to take a stern line with Pakistan, however, with its coalition
government saying that it is up to Pakistan to take the first step towards the resumption of
substantive talks by cracking down on militant groups on its soil.
In August, India gives Pakistan a new dossier of evidence regarding the Mumbai attacks, asking
it to prosecute Hafiz Mohammad Saeed, the head of Jamaat-ud-Dawa, an Islamic charity with
ties to Lashkar-e-Taiba.
2010 - In January, Pakistani and Indian forces exchange fire across the LoC in Kashmir, the
latest in a string of such incidents that have led to rising tension in the area.
In February, India and Pakistan's foreign secretaries meet in New Delhi for talks. This meeting is
followed by the two countries' foreign ministers meeting in Islamabad in July.
In May, Ajmal Kasab is found guilty of murder, conspiracy and of waging war against India in
the Mumbai attacks case. He is sentenced to death.
2011 - In January, Indian Home Secretary GK Pillai says India will share information with
Pakistan regarding the 2001 Samjhauta Express bombing. The two countries' foreign secretaries
meet in Thimpu, Nepal, in February, and agree to resume peace talks "on all issues".
2012 - In November, India execute Pakistani national Mohammad Ajmal Kasab, the lone
survivor of a fighter squad that killed 166 people in a rampage through the financial capital
Mumbai in 2008, hanging him just days before the fourth anniversary of the attack.

24
2013 - In January, India and Pakistan trade accusations of violating the cease-fire in Kashmir,
with Islamabad accusing Indian troops of a cross-border raid that killed a soldier and India
charging that Pakistani shelling destroyed a home on its side.
2013 - In September, the prime ministers of India and Pakistan meet in New York on the
sidelines of the UN General Assembly. Both the leaders agree to end tension between armies of
both sides in the disputed Kashmir.
2014 - On February 12, India and Pakistan agree to release trucks detained in their respective
territories, ending a three week impasse triggered by seizure of a truck in India-administered
Kashmir coming from across the de facto Line of Control for allegedly carrying brown sugar.
2014 - On May 1, Pakistan's Army chief General Raheel Sharif calls Kash
Pakistan–IndiaRelationshipin2015
To date, it seems premature to talk about qualitative changes or
significant adjustment behaviour of India and Pakistan in relation to
each other. But over the last year, during the rule of Narendra Modi
in the Indian government, each of the parties has had the opportunity
to define its position.
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), that came to power following the results of the
parliamentary elections in May
2014, sharply criticized the previous government led by the Congress, stating that
"a cursorylook at a lost decade
demonstrates the deviation and loss of direction in its relations with its neighbours,
misguided diplomacy towards
Pakistan and short-sightedness in the determination of foreign policy with the
island states of the Indian Ocean."
Exactly from this standpoint the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi
built relationships in the region.
2014 was characterised by another round of tension in relations between the two
countries. Islamabad emphasised

25
the presence of "...somefundamental differences with New Delhi". According to
statements of its foreign minister,
"… the process ofnormalization was hampered by the lack of compositedialogue
between the countries, but we are
striving to renew it on all unresolved questions".
Adjustments of the approaches of the general line of foreign policy of Pakistan and
India in 2014 - 2015 are
connected with several reasons:
- Firstly, the accession to power of new leaders in Pakistan (Prime Minister
Muhammad Nawaz Sharif -
May 2013), and in India - Prime Minister Narendra Modi as a result of the
parliamentary elections in
May 2014, and subsequent changes in their foreign policy vectors;
- Secondly, the modification of the general geopolitical content in the region after
the completion of the
combat mission of the International Security Assistance Forcein Afghanistan
(ISAF) and the withdrawal
of the major part of the coalition forces in December 2014;
- Thirdly, the military establishment of Pakistan had an impact on the development
of foreign policy,
particularly in the Indian direction.
In 2014/2015 Islamabad adjusted its approaches on the Kashmir issue in
comparison with the former administration
headed by the president Asif Ali Zardari.
The Kashmir sovereignty issue was again included as a major point in the agenda
of Pakistani-Indian relations. The
former ruling in 2008-2013, the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP)avoided to raise the
issue as a priority in its dialogue

26
with New Delhi in 2011-2013. On the contrary, the government urged to "freeze"
this and settle some technical
issues, visas (providing expedited visa regime for certain categories of citizens of
the both countries), transportation
(bus routes in Kashmir), etc.
Muhammad Nawaz Sharif and Narendra Modi met in May, 2014 for the first time
when the head of the Federal
Cabinet of Ministers of Pakistan was invited to the inauguration in New Delhi. But
the first political battles were
turned by them against each other at the end of September 2014 at the UN General
Assembly. Pakistan severely
criticized the position of India directed at blocking the execution of a referendum
in Kashmir. The main accusation
of the Indian party came down to the characterisation of Pakistan, as a "main
sourceof terrorism". A little later, in
January 2015, this point was again voiced during the visit of President Barack
Obama in New Delhi.
Several traditional and new "painful points" appeared in the relations between
Islamabad and New Delhi in 2014 and
the first half of 2015:
- armed conflicts along the Line of Control and Working boundary in Kashmir
from September, 2014 to
March, 2015;
- strong statements of Pakistan with the purposeof blocking plans of India for the
construction of new
settlements in the Indian part of Kashmir;
- further delay by Pakistan of the issue of granting India the status of most
favoured nation;
- Islamabad once again accused New Delhi of using Afghan territory for terrorist
attacks in Pakistan, as

27
well as the involvement of the Indian intelligence agency (RAW) to the activities
of terrorist
organizations in Pakistan;
- the strengthening of confrontation between India and Pakistan for influence in
Afghanistan, or socalled
"proxy war".
The process ofreforming the UN Security Council In 2014, Pakistan called on the
UN General Assembly to prevent
the creation of new permanent seats in the Security Council and at the same time
emphasized the need to
strengthen the role of the 193 members of the Assembly. Pakistan opposed
granting India the status of a permanent
member of the UN Security Council.
Reforming the Security Council, according to Islamabad, should reflect the
interests of the wider membership of the
United Nations. He pointed out two major obstacles to India in the UN Security
Council: firstly, the idea of new
permanent members of the Security Council will create additional centres of
power, and, secondly, India, according
to Pakistan, is not eligible for special status in the Council, as it violated UN
Security Council resolutions on Jammu
and Kashmir, and the right of the Kashmiri people to self-determination. Pakistan
believes that a country that has
violated the UN Charter is not entitled to a permanent seat in the UN Security
Council.
During his visit to New Delhi in January 2015, the US President Barack Obama
expressed supportfor India's
candidature to the UN Security Council, a privileged international forum. Pakistani
media very sharply reacted to
this statement.

28
Pakistan is not opposed to civil nuclear cooperation and membership of the
Nuclear Suppliers Group -NSG, which
have not joined the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. But at
the same time it opposes granting
membership to India in the NSG, believing that it will be a severe blow to the non-
proliferation regime. The USIndian
nuclear deal in 2008, according to Islamabad, is aimed at building up the nuclear
capabilities of India, that
has not done much for its transparency.
Islamabad expressed concerns about the capacity growth of Indian military
potential Its defence expenditures have
increased by 12% in 2014-2015 and up to $38.35 billion US. According to
Pakistan, the US-India defence
agreement for a period of ten years will further strengthen the existing imbalance
of conventional and nuclear
weapons and therefore lead to a destabilization strategy in South Asia.
In February 2015, the government of the BJP joined the rush for a conventional
arms race. The Prime Minister N.
Modi announced the reforming of its defence procurement policy with the priority
on domestic production and
cancelled restrictions on foreign investments in the defensive area.
In response, Pakistan stated that "... it has never been a part of an arms race with
India and will adhere to this policy
in the future. However, bearing in mind the situation in the region, Pakistan has the
right to maintain a balance of
conventional weapons ... and, despite financial difficulties, for the government to
meet the needs of their armed
forces, will continue this strategy in the future."
Islamabad has expressed concerns at the deterioration of the strategic imbalance
during heightened Pakistan-India

29
tensions, the violation by India (according to Pakistan) of the ceasefire along the
Line of Control and Working
boundary.
But on a high note of the discussion of military budgets, on February 13, 2015
India made the first step towards:
Prime Minister Narendra Modi called Prime Minister Muhammad Nawaz Sharif.
The next step of India is the visit to
Islamabad in March 2015 of the Indian Foreign Subrahmanyam Jaishankar. In
other words, the parties started
negotiations on the level at which they had been "frozen" in August 2014 (on
August 25, 2014 a meeting was planned
at the level of secretaries of the foreign ministries. But the planned scenario was
disrupted. Preceding the Indian
side was a meeting of the High Commissioner of Pakistan in India, Abdul Basit
(the Pakistan envoy to India Abdul
Basit) with leaders of Kashmir (Hurriyat Leaders), despite protests from New
Delhi. In response, India unilaterally
cancelled the talks. Pakistan put the responsibility for the failure of negotiations on
its eastern neighbour.)
In March 2015, the main attention was paid to the discussion of bilateral issues:
Jammu and Kashmir, Siachen, Sir
Creek and water issues. They confirmed that for in order to find their solutions
concerted efforts are required and
the resumption of the dialogue process, maintaining the ceasefire (2003), the main
mechanism for the stabilization of
the situation on the Line of Control and the Working boundary between the two
countries. The visit of the Secretary
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of India in Pakistan was generally formal and was held
on the eve of the SAARC summit,

30
which will take place in Islamabad. Analysts pointed out that it had not brought
much hope for a qualitative
breakthrough, improvement of bilateral relations. At the same time, according to
the Pakistani side, it opened the
way for future negotiations. However, without a specific date of the event.
And in May 2015, the Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi confirmed his
intention to "break the ice" in relations
with neighbouring countries through the "cricket diplomacy": "... We have decided
to start a series of games of
cricket between the teams of the two countries, and it will be the first step towards
normalization of relations." The
games are planned in the United Arab Emirates, away from the unpredictable
behaviour of the majority of the
fans. "Cricket diplomacy" is a return to the positions of the parties in 2011-2012,
when former Pakistani Prime
Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani arrived in India on an unofficial visit, and together
with the former Prime Minister of
India M.Sindhom watched a cricket match. And so all the years of these
relationships - one step forward, two steps
back.
References:
Web:
 www.aljazeera.com
 www.futuredirections.org.au
 www.india.org.pk
magazine

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