Raising the efficiency of educational services
The document discusses raising the efficiency of educational services through three main points:
1) Improving student performance and linking higher performance to greater economic outcomes. Even modest improvements could have large economic benefits.
2) International examples show that greater school autonomy, use of standards, and focus on science learning are associated with higher performance.
3) Successful systems also attract and retain great teachers, have high expectations for all students, and provide access to best practices and professional development.
1. Raising the efficiency of educational services The Hague, 16 March 2010 Andreas SchleicherEducation Policy Advisor of the OECD Secretary-General
2. Changes in the number of students as well as changes in expenditure on educational institutions per studentprimary to secondary education (1995,2004) Index of change between 1995 and 2004 (1995=100, 2004 constant prices) Index of change (1995=100) B1.7a
9. Increased likelihood of postsec. particip. at age 19/21 associated with PISA reading proficiency at age 15 (Canada)after accounting for school engagement, gender, mother tongue, place of residence, parental, education and family income (reference group PISA Level 1) Odds ratioCollege entry School marks at age 15 PISA performance at age 15
10. Some conclusions The higher economic outcomes that improved student performance entails dwarf the dimensions of economic cycles Even if the estimated impacts of skills were twice as large as the true underlying causal impact on growth, the resulting present value of successful school reform still far exceeds any conceivable costs of improvement.
11. OECDâs PISA assessment of the knowledge and skills of 15-year-olds Coverage of world economy 83% 77% 81% 85% 86% 87%
12. High science performance Average performanceof 15-year-olds in science â extrapolate and apply ⌠18 countries perform below this line Low science performance
13. Money matters - but other things do too Question: If better education results in more money, Does more money result in better education?
14. Student performance PISA Index of socio-economic background Advantage Disadvantage School performance and socio-economic background The Netherlands Student performance and studentsâ socio-economic background within schools School performance and schoolsâ socio-economic background Student performance and studentsâ socio-economic background Schools proportional to size
16. DEA estimates of technical efficiency at the school level1B. Output oriented efficiency 1. DEA performed with four inputs (teaching and computing resources, social-economic status of students and language background) and one output (average PISA score).
17. DEA estimates of cost efficiency at the national level1B. Output oriented efficiency 1. DEA performed with two inputs (cumulative expenditure per pupils and pupilsâ socio-economic background) and one output (average PISA score).2. Data for these countries concern public institutions only.
18. High science performance Average performanceof 15-year-olds in science â extrapolate and apply ⌠18 countries perform below this line Low science performance
19. Spending choices on secondary schoolsContribution of various factors to upper secondary teacher compensation costsper student as a percentage of GDP per capita (2004) Percentage points
20. High ambitions and universal standards Rigor, focus and coherence Great systems attract great teachers and provide access to best practice and quality professional development
21. Challenge and support Strong support Poor performance Improvements idiosyncratic Strong performance Systemic improvement Lowchallenge Highchallenge Poor performance Stagnation Conflict Demoralisation Weak support
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23. Principals who manage âa buildingâ, who have little training and preparation and are accountable but not empowered
24. Attracting, recruiting and providing excellent training for prospective teachers from the top third of the graduate distribution
25. Attracting and recruiting teachers from the bottom third of the graduate distribution and offering training which does not relate to real classrooms
27. The best teachers are in the most advantaged communitiesHuman capital
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29. Seniority and tenure matter more than performance; patchy professional development; wide variation in quality
30. Teachers and the system expect every child to succeed and intervene preventatively to ensure this
31. Wide achievement gaps, just beginning to narrow but systemic and professional barriers to transformation remain in placeHuman capital (contâŚ)
32. High ambitions Devolved responsibility,the school as the centre of action Accountability and intervention in inverse proportion to success Access to best practice and quality professional development
33. School autonomy, standards-based examinations and science performanceSchool autonomy in selecting teachers for hire PISA score in science
34. Public and private schools % Score point difference Public schools perform better Private schools perform better
35. Pooled international dataset, effects of selected school/system factors on science performance after accounting for all other factors in the model School principalâs positive evaluation of quality of educational materials(gross only) Schools with more competing schools(gross only) Schools with greater autonomy (resources)(gross and net) School activities to promote science learning(gross and net) One additional hour of self-study or homework (gross and net) One additional hour of science learning at school (gross and net) School results posted publicly (gross and net) Academically selective schools (gross and net) but no system-wide effect Schools practicing ability grouping (gross and net) One additional hour of out-of-school lessons (gross and net) 20 Each additional 10% of public funding(gross only) School principalâs perception that lack of qualified teachers hinders instruction(gross only) Effect after accounting for the socio-economic background of students, schools and countries Measured effect OECD (2007), PISA 2006 â Science Competencies from Tomorrowâs World, Table 6.1a
36. Strong ambitions Devolvedresponsibility,the school as the centre of action Integrated educational opportunities From prescribed forms of teaching and assessment towards personalised learning Accountability Access to best practice and quality professional development
37. High science performance Durchschnittliche SchĂźlerleistungen im Bereich Mathematik High average performance Large socio-economic disparities High average performance High social equity Strong socio-economic impact on student performance Socially equitable distribution of learning opportunities Early selection and institutional differentiation High degree of stratification Low degree of stratification Low average performance Large socio-economic disparities Low average performance High social equity Low science performance
38. Variation in student performance 20 OECD (2007), Learning for tomorrowâs world: First results from PISA 2006, Table 4.1a
39. Variation in student performance Variation of performance within schools Variation of performance between schools OECD (2004), Learning for tomorrowâs world: First results from PISA 2003, Table 4.1a
40. Public cost and benefits for a male obtaining post-secondary education Public costs Public benefits Net present value, USD equivalent (numbers in orange shownegative values) USD equivalent
42. www.oecd.org; www.pisa.oecd.org All national and international publications The complete micro-level database email: pisa@oecd.org Andreas.Schleicher@OECD.org ⌠and remember: Without data, you are just another person with an opinion Thank you !
Editor's Notes
Let us go back to the 1960s. The chart shows you the wealth of world regions and the average years of schooling in these regions, which is the most traditional measure of human capital. Have a look at Latin America, it ranked third in wealth and third in years of schooling, so in the 1960s the world seemed pretty much in order.
But when you look at economic growth between 1960 and 2000, you see that something went wrong. Despite the fact that Latin America did well in terms of years of schooling, only Sub-Saharan Africa did worse in terms of economic growth. So in 2000, Latin America had fallen back considerably in terms of GDP per capita.You can draw two conclusions from this: Either education is not as important for economic growth as we thought, or we have for a long time been measuring the wrong thing.
Now let me add one additional element, and that is a measure of the quality of education, in the form of the score of the different world regions on international tests like PISA or TIMSS. And you see now that the world looks in order again, there seems a close relationship between test scores and economic growth. You can see that even more clearly when you put this into graphical form. This is one of the charts produced by Professor Hanushek. And, as Professor Hanushek will explain, the relationship holds even when you account for other factors, it even holds when you compare growth in economies with growth in learning outcomes, which is the closest we can come to examining causality.So what this tells you is that it is not simply years of schooling or the number of graduates we produce, but indeed the quality of learning outcomes that counts.
The best way to find out whether what students have learned at school matters for their life is to actuallywatch what happens to them after they leave school. This is exactly what we have done that with around 30,000 students in Canada. We tested them in the year 2000 when they were 15 years old in reading, math and science, and since then we are following up with them each year on what choices they make and how successful they are in their transition from school to higher education and work.The horizontal axis shows you the PISA level which 15-year-old Canadians had scored in 2000. Level 2 is the baseline level on the PISA reading test and Level 5 the top level in reading.The red bar shows you how many times more successful someone who scored Level 2 at age 15 was at age 19 to have made a successful transition to university, as compared to someone who did not make it to the baseline PISA level 1. And to ensure that what you see here is not simply a reflection of social background, gender, immigration or school engagement, we have already statistically accounted for all of these factors. The orange bar. âŚHow would you expect the picture to be like at age 21? We are talking about test scores here, but for a moment, lets go back to the judgements schools make on young people, for example through school marks. You can do the same thing here, you can see how well school marks at age 15 predict the subsequent success of youths. You see that there is some relationship as well, but that it is much less pronounced than when we use the direct measure of skills.
At the OECD, we are measuring skills, with a focus on those non-routing cognitive skills, regularly through our PISA programme, now the most comprehensive international assessment of the quality of education. Every three years, we test roughly half a million of children in OECD countries in key competencies, and thatâs not simply about checking whether students have learned what they were recently taught, but we examine to what extent students can extrapolate from what they have learned and apply their knowledge and skills in novel settings. Here you see the countries which we can compare, and how the set of countries being compared has expanded.