This document summarizes the findings of a study on the contribution of urban informal settlement dwellers to the urban economy in India. The study conducted a primary survey of over 5,300 households across 50 major cities in India. Key findings include:
1) Informal settlement residents make up a large portion of the population and labor force in many major cities. They work primarily in the informal sector in jobs like casual labor and self-employment.
2) Household incomes and expenditures within informal settlements vary widely. While lower-income households spend almost all they earn, higher-income households spend a smaller portion of earnings. Food is the biggest expenditure.
3) Informal settlement residents contribute significantly to urban economies through
This is a study to understand the contribution of the urban poor (slum dwellers) in the cities of India. The study is a joint effort by PRIA India and Indicus Analytics. The main objective of the study was to look into the contribution of the people living in the slums (as defined by 2011 Census) and informal settlements (not defined as slums in the Census) to India's urban economy. The study was done in 50 cities, covering 5050 households and 24,500 individuals. The findings of the study suggest that contrary to popular belief the urban poor are not burden to the city but they have a positive contribution to the nation's GDP. Therefore it is their right to have access to the same basic facilities that any urban dweller enjoys. The policy makers and opinion leaders need to change their attitude towards this section of people and provide them with basic facilities and infrastructure as a matter of right and not favours.
The study is a part of PRIA's national initiatives to Strengthen Civil Society Voices on Urban Poverty and Urban Governance across the country and was funded by Rockefeller Foundation and the Ford Foundation.
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI)inventionjournals
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI) is an international journal intended for professionals and researchers in all fields of Humanities and Social Science. IJHSSI publishes research articles and reviews within the whole field Humanities and Social Science, new teaching methods, assessment, validation and the impact of new technologies and it will continue to provide information on the latest trends and developments in this ever-expanding subject. The publications of papers are selected through double peer reviewed to ensure originality, relevance, and readability. The articles published in our journal can be accessed online
The document discusses rural development challenges in India and the work of Seva Mandir, a non-governmental organization working to empower rural communities in Udaipur, Rajasthan. It outlines Seva Mandir's three-part strategy to build village institutions, develop human capabilities through education, health and women's programs, and promote sustainable livelihoods. The document also provides background on the village of Challi where Seva Mandir is implementing projects around watershed development, non-formal education, and self-help groups.
This document discusses two-way causality between social capital and poverty in rural Indonesia. It analyzes data from two nationally representative datasets to show that social capital, defined as participation in social activities, positively affects household expenditure, a proxy for poverty. It also finds that factors like education, number of social organizations in a village, permanent market infrastructure, and home ownership determine social capital levels. The study aims to better understand this relationship to inform policies that can help reduce rural poverty through facilitating access to social capital for poor households.
Smart Village a Case Study of Kolavada VillageIRJET Journal
1. The document discusses a case study of Kolavada village in India and efforts to develop it into a "smart village" through government schemes and programs.
2. Very poor facilities in Indian villages compared to their populations led the Gujarat government to launch smart village schemes to improve conditions.
3. The scope of this case study is to divide the normal village of Kolavada into a smart village by providing or improving facilities like solid waste management, sanitation, and cleanliness to develop the village and increase living standards and employment.
Yuan Ren - Soft Welfare Vs. Hard Welfare of Migrant ShanghaiGiovanni Quattrochi
This document discusses factors that influence migrants' subjective well-being (SWB) in urban China and implications for social policy. It finds that higher income, marriage, higher occupational status, social participation, and family living together correlate with higher SWB for migrants, while feeling discrimination and job instability correlate with lower SWB. The document also examines differences in objective welfare like social security, employment, income, and housing between migrants and local residents due to China's hukou system of household registration.
Role Of Women In Pakistan local Self GovernmentAfshanMukhtiar
The document summarizes women's representation and participation in local self-government in Pakistan over time. Some key points:
- Devolution of Power Plan 2000 introduced by General Musharraf provided 33% quota for women in local councils through direct and indirect elections, greatly increasing women's representation with over 36,000 being elected.
- However, women councilors still faced constraints influencing policies and faced gaps in rights/responsibilities outlined in law. Implementation also had issues like marginalizing women.
- Women's organizations played an important role in advocating for greater women's political participation and building capacity of women leaders at the local level.
- While quotas increased numbers, true impact requires women being able to influence
This is a study to understand the contribution of the urban poor (slum dwellers) in the cities of India. The study is a joint effort by PRIA India and Indicus Analytics. The main objective of the study was to look into the contribution of the people living in the slums (as defined by 2011 Census) and informal settlements (not defined as slums in the Census) to India's urban economy. The study was done in 50 cities, covering 5050 households and 24,500 individuals. The findings of the study suggest that contrary to popular belief the urban poor are not burden to the city but they have a positive contribution to the nation's GDP. Therefore it is their right to have access to the same basic facilities that any urban dweller enjoys. The policy makers and opinion leaders need to change their attitude towards this section of people and provide them with basic facilities and infrastructure as a matter of right and not favours.
The study is a part of PRIA's national initiatives to Strengthen Civil Society Voices on Urban Poverty and Urban Governance across the country and was funded by Rockefeller Foundation and the Ford Foundation.
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI)inventionjournals
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI) is an international journal intended for professionals and researchers in all fields of Humanities and Social Science. IJHSSI publishes research articles and reviews within the whole field Humanities and Social Science, new teaching methods, assessment, validation and the impact of new technologies and it will continue to provide information on the latest trends and developments in this ever-expanding subject. The publications of papers are selected through double peer reviewed to ensure originality, relevance, and readability. The articles published in our journal can be accessed online
The document discusses rural development challenges in India and the work of Seva Mandir, a non-governmental organization working to empower rural communities in Udaipur, Rajasthan. It outlines Seva Mandir's three-part strategy to build village institutions, develop human capabilities through education, health and women's programs, and promote sustainable livelihoods. The document also provides background on the village of Challi where Seva Mandir is implementing projects around watershed development, non-formal education, and self-help groups.
This document discusses two-way causality between social capital and poverty in rural Indonesia. It analyzes data from two nationally representative datasets to show that social capital, defined as participation in social activities, positively affects household expenditure, a proxy for poverty. It also finds that factors like education, number of social organizations in a village, permanent market infrastructure, and home ownership determine social capital levels. The study aims to better understand this relationship to inform policies that can help reduce rural poverty through facilitating access to social capital for poor households.
Smart Village a Case Study of Kolavada VillageIRJET Journal
1. The document discusses a case study of Kolavada village in India and efforts to develop it into a "smart village" through government schemes and programs.
2. Very poor facilities in Indian villages compared to their populations led the Gujarat government to launch smart village schemes to improve conditions.
3. The scope of this case study is to divide the normal village of Kolavada into a smart village by providing or improving facilities like solid waste management, sanitation, and cleanliness to develop the village and increase living standards and employment.
Yuan Ren - Soft Welfare Vs. Hard Welfare of Migrant ShanghaiGiovanni Quattrochi
This document discusses factors that influence migrants' subjective well-being (SWB) in urban China and implications for social policy. It finds that higher income, marriage, higher occupational status, social participation, and family living together correlate with higher SWB for migrants, while feeling discrimination and job instability correlate with lower SWB. The document also examines differences in objective welfare like social security, employment, income, and housing between migrants and local residents due to China's hukou system of household registration.
Role Of Women In Pakistan local Self GovernmentAfshanMukhtiar
The document summarizes women's representation and participation in local self-government in Pakistan over time. Some key points:
- Devolution of Power Plan 2000 introduced by General Musharraf provided 33% quota for women in local councils through direct and indirect elections, greatly increasing women's representation with over 36,000 being elected.
- However, women councilors still faced constraints influencing policies and faced gaps in rights/responsibilities outlined in law. Implementation also had issues like marginalizing women.
- Women's organizations played an important role in advocating for greater women's political participation and building capacity of women leaders at the local level.
- While quotas increased numbers, true impact requires women being able to influence
(1) Rural development refers to improving socio-economic conditions and quality of life in rural areas through activities like literacy programs, health initiatives, infrastructure development, and poverty alleviation programs. (2) Decentralization and panchayat raj institutions play an important role in rural development by giving local people administrative power and responsibilities. (3) Panchayat rais implement schemes for livelihood security, public amenities, education, healthcare, housing, and more. Women self-help groups mobilize savings and loans to make women financially independent.
(1) Rural development refers to improving socio-economic conditions and quality of life in rural areas through activities like literacy programs, health initiatives, infrastructure development, and poverty alleviation programs. (2) Decentralization and panchayat raj institutions play an important role in rural development by giving local people administrative power and responsibilities. (3) Panchayat rais implement schemes for livelihood security, public amenities, education, healthcare, housing, and more. Women self-help groups mobilize savings and loans to make women financially independent.
Urban planning and design gender-inclusive WB 2020PatrickTanz
This document is an executive summary of the World Bank Handbook for Gender-Inclusive Urban Planning and Design. It outlines that urban planning and design have historically reinforced gender inequities by not considering the needs of women, girls, and gender minorities. However, planning and design processes that actively include these groups can help create more equitable cities. The summary then provides an overview of the handbook's goals to demonstrate how gender impacts the built environment, make the case for gender-inclusive practices, and provide practical guidelines for processes and projects. It concludes by stating that gender-inclusive planning and design can advance gender equity and economic/social development for all.
Concept of Gender-Based Inclusive urban planning for Urban Areas SHALINIKESHRI4
Brief description of the Concept of Gender-Based Inclusive Planning.
It will be helpful to achieve a basic understanding of types of inclusive planning and the need for Gender-Based Inclusive Planning
The Global Development Lecture Series brings together scholars involved in cutting edge research on international development. It aims to facilitate dialogue and discussion, providing a space for leading development thinkers to share their latest research ideas with Manchester's staff and students.
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI)inventionjournals
This document summarizes a study conducted by Bhagavatula Charitable Trust (BCT) on the success of various vocational skill training programs in empowering the rural community in Visakhapatnam District, Andhra Pradesh, India. BCT provided trainings in apparel making, backyard poultry, food processing, and gardening. The study found a significant increase in income for trainees, with apparel trainees earning between Rs. 10,001-60,000 annually and poultry trainees seeing an average 127.7% increase in income. Food processing trainees were mostly self or locally employed after training. Gardening trainees saw a 58.55% gain in knowledge and efficiency. Overall, the voc
The document provides information about the village of Nawarmari located in Nagpur district of Maharashtra, India. It details the village's population, social structure, infrastructure, education facilities, water quality, and work being done by the NGO NBSS to improve the village. Key points include that the village has 86 families and a population of 405, with STs making up 46.91% of residents. Facilities include an anganwadi, primary school, and electricity though power cuts are common. Water quality testing showed the village well water is safe. NBSS is focusing on improving drinking water access, sanitation, livelihoods, and education in the village through various initiatives like developing solar power.
Exploring Rural-Urban Dynamics: A Study of Inter-State Migrants in GurgaonSLDIndia
Exploring Rural-Urban Dynamics: A Study of Inter-State Migrants in Gurgaon
In the light of on‐going structural changes in India and consequently changing contours of the rural economy, the nature and pattern of migration has been changing over time. During the last two decades, there has been a general change in the destination of migration from rural‐rural to rural‐urban. However, the intensity of migration is generally reported to be low in India due to the conventional approach of defining migration.
Planning for the poor in the destination cities is conspicuous by its absence. As the mind‐set of the urban planners is to treat migrants as outsiders and a burden on the existing civic infrastructure, they get excluded from most urban planning processes and mechanisms, compounding the problems that they are already plagued with.
Inter‐State Migrant Workmen (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service) Act, 1979 was promulgated for the purpose of regulation of the service condition of the migrant workers, but in status today, it is an ineffective piece of legislation. In today’s scenario, there is an urgent need to revisit the debate on legislation for the welfare of migrant workers.
This document provides an overview of a case study conducted in Kalkere Village, an urban village in Bengaluru, India. The study was conducted over 4 weeks and involved surveying residents, conducting focus groups, and interviewing local officials. Key findings include:
1) Despite being part of BBMP for 8 years, the village still lacks reliable access to drinking water and other basic services. Residents purchase water from a single distribution point.
2) There has been some infrastructure development like roads and drainage, but this only occurred recently due to intervention from the local MLA prior to elections.
3) Traditional livelihoods like farming and cattle rearing have declined as lands have been converted to residential use
This document discusses rural development and related issues. It defines rural development as a process aimed at improving the well-being and livelihoods of rural communities through collective efforts. The objectives of rural development include improving farm productivity, health, education, and village infrastructure. Some key problems in rural development are people's traditional mindsets, lack of education, insufficient infrastructure like water and electricity, economic challenges like high input costs, and administrative issues like political interference.
Migration Report of Jharkhand
Migration and urbanization are two important inter-related phenomena of economic development. If channelized properly, it has the potential of societal transformation. Otherwise, it can be not only counter-productive for the societal harmony but also disastrous for the long term economic development. The historical experiences have proved that process of migration is unstoppable in modern times. The migrant workers are key force behind rising contribution of urban conglomerations to India’s GDP. Migrants are indispensable but mostly invisible key actors in cities’ development. Rural migrants in urban spaces are socially mobile, culturally flexible and economically aspiring people. Migrants are an important component of social dynamism and material development of the society. They can also be tools of cultural amalgamation and innovation. Yet, they are most vulnerable to economic exploitation and social stereotyping.
The contribution of migrants to the GDP of the country goes unnoticed. It is estimated that the migrants contribute no less than 10% to the country’s GDP.1 Many other positive as well as potential impact through the migration process remains unrecognized. According to Census 2001, in India, internal migrants account for as large as 309 million, which was about 28% of the then total population. More recent numbers, as revealed by NSSO (2007-08), show that there are about 326 million internal migrants in India, i.e. nearly 30% of the total population. Almost 70% of all the migrants are women, the fact often forgotten and lost in the data on migration.
This document discusses reimagining cities from a woman's perspective to make them safer and more inclusive. It outlines 10 principles for a woman-friendly city, including creating 24/7 urban environments through mixed-use development, having "eyes on the street" through human-scale architecture, and prioritizing pedestrian infrastructure and public transportation to improve walkability and accessibility. The principles aim to inform urban planning and policies to enhance safety for women and vulnerable groups.
Integrated Village Development Plan | Case study: Kagalabamori Village, Rajas...Vijay Meena
Structure
Introduction
Methodology
Case study: Kagalabamori Village, Rajasthan, India
Area profile
Findings and analysis
Demographic profile
Village development plan
Convergence with the government schemes
Financial Operating Plan of various proposals and schemes.
role of non governmental organisation in rural development and agricultural e...krishnadk
This document discusses various Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) involved in agricultural extension and rural development in India. It provides classifications of NGOs based on orientation and level of operation. It also outlines the roles, approaches, activities and constraints of NGOs. Several prominent NGOs working in agriculture and rural development in India are described, including their objectives, areas of work and special features. The document emphasizes the important role of NGOs in filling gaps in government services and empowering rural communities.
Influence of Education and Family Size on the Effectiveness of NULM National ...ijtsrd
The study addresses influence of Education and Family Size on the Effectiveness of NULM National Urban Livelihood Mission Project in Mysore city. The study is based on primary data collected through interview methods by using structured questionnaire. 200 sample respondents are selected randomly from SHGs members under NULM Project in Mysore city. It was found from the study that majority of the respondents have done their secondary education level with mean value of 76.1728 s.d. 7.46557 , However, their awareness about various things has been increased after joining SHGs. It is suggested that creating awareness about the more government Programmes under NULM and bank procedures is necessary. NULM programme should encourage the SHGs Women in participation in the entire awareness programme in Urban Development. Ms. Umme Hani | Dr. Jyothi H. P "Influence of Education and Family Size on the Effectiveness of NULM (National Urban Livelihood Mission Project) in Mysore City" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-5 | Issue-6 , October 2021, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd47540.pdf Paper URL : https://www.ijtsrd.com/humanities-and-the-arts/other/47540/influence-of-education-and-family-size-on-the-effectiveness-of-nulm-national-urban-livelihood-mission-project-in-mysore-city/ms-umme-hani
Gender and Urban Planning B5 book 05 smallobayan joshua
This document provides an overview of gender issues in urban planning. It discusses how urban planning initially developed in a male-dominated way that did not consider gender differences. It then explores how subsequent movements have attempted to integrate gender into urban planning by recognizing how the needs of women and men differ.
Key issues addressed include the growth of informal settlements, access to water and sanitation, secure land tenure, employment and livelihood opportunities, and transportation. Factors like poverty, rapid urbanization, and climate change impact these issues in gendered ways. For example, climate change affects women and men differently and understanding these impacts is important for sustainable urban planning.
The report examines case studies of initiatives that have incorporated gender into various
The document discusses the concept of development and the role of architects. It defines development as "an event constituting a new stage in a changing situation" or "an action with an output leading to change." When considering development, it is important to examine why change is occurring, what the goals of change are, and who change is intended to benefit. The document also discusses the Yamuna Pushta eviction case in Delhi as an example of development priorities. It argues that architects should focus less on grand designs and more on understanding citizenship and community needs. Architects should learn from how informal settlements organically develop housing for millions.
The document discusses informal settlements and defines key terms. It defines a slum according to the UN and an Indian committee as areas with inadequate access to water, sanitation, housing, and overcrowding. It contrasts formal vs informal, with informal meaning unofficial, unregulated, and part of everyday life. It proposes that informal settlements should be viewed as part of the "everyday city" and discusses aspects of the everyday city, including how architects can study and engage with informal areas. It provides different frameworks for understanding informal settlements, such as through communities, social structures, individual experiences, and networks of people and things.
Behavioural dimension of the growth of informal settlements in kumasi city, g...Alexander Decker
This document discusses a study on the growth of informal settlements in Kumasi, Ghana. It uses the theory of planned behavior to examine how human behavior influences the development of informal settlements.
The study surveyed 238 residents of informal settlements in Kumasi. It found that residents had low awareness of building regulations and a poor perception of land use planning. This influenced their intentions and behaviors regarding informal settlements. Specifically, most residents were unaware that building permits are required or that structures cannot be built over drains or power lines.
The study concludes that human behavior, shaped by a lack of awareness of regulations and negative perceptions of planning, significantly contributes to the growth of informal settlements in Kumasi. It recommends that policies address human behavior and
A pension fund is a fund established by an employer to invest employees' retirement contributions from both the employer and employees over the long term to provide pensions upon retirement. Pension funds are common pools meant to generate stable growth. Accumulative pension funds collect obligatory pension contributions, keep pension accounts and records of deposits and payments, and manage pension assets through licensed investment companies. Depositors can choose between receiving pension payments from the pension fund or an insurance company upon reaching retirement age.
(1) Rural development refers to improving socio-economic conditions and quality of life in rural areas through activities like literacy programs, health initiatives, infrastructure development, and poverty alleviation programs. (2) Decentralization and panchayat raj institutions play an important role in rural development by giving local people administrative power and responsibilities. (3) Panchayat rais implement schemes for livelihood security, public amenities, education, healthcare, housing, and more. Women self-help groups mobilize savings and loans to make women financially independent.
(1) Rural development refers to improving socio-economic conditions and quality of life in rural areas through activities like literacy programs, health initiatives, infrastructure development, and poverty alleviation programs. (2) Decentralization and panchayat raj institutions play an important role in rural development by giving local people administrative power and responsibilities. (3) Panchayat rais implement schemes for livelihood security, public amenities, education, healthcare, housing, and more. Women self-help groups mobilize savings and loans to make women financially independent.
Urban planning and design gender-inclusive WB 2020PatrickTanz
This document is an executive summary of the World Bank Handbook for Gender-Inclusive Urban Planning and Design. It outlines that urban planning and design have historically reinforced gender inequities by not considering the needs of women, girls, and gender minorities. However, planning and design processes that actively include these groups can help create more equitable cities. The summary then provides an overview of the handbook's goals to demonstrate how gender impacts the built environment, make the case for gender-inclusive practices, and provide practical guidelines for processes and projects. It concludes by stating that gender-inclusive planning and design can advance gender equity and economic/social development for all.
Concept of Gender-Based Inclusive urban planning for Urban Areas SHALINIKESHRI4
Brief description of the Concept of Gender-Based Inclusive Planning.
It will be helpful to achieve a basic understanding of types of inclusive planning and the need for Gender-Based Inclusive Planning
The Global Development Lecture Series brings together scholars involved in cutting edge research on international development. It aims to facilitate dialogue and discussion, providing a space for leading development thinkers to share their latest research ideas with Manchester's staff and students.
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI)inventionjournals
This document summarizes a study conducted by Bhagavatula Charitable Trust (BCT) on the success of various vocational skill training programs in empowering the rural community in Visakhapatnam District, Andhra Pradesh, India. BCT provided trainings in apparel making, backyard poultry, food processing, and gardening. The study found a significant increase in income for trainees, with apparel trainees earning between Rs. 10,001-60,000 annually and poultry trainees seeing an average 127.7% increase in income. Food processing trainees were mostly self or locally employed after training. Gardening trainees saw a 58.55% gain in knowledge and efficiency. Overall, the voc
The document provides information about the village of Nawarmari located in Nagpur district of Maharashtra, India. It details the village's population, social structure, infrastructure, education facilities, water quality, and work being done by the NGO NBSS to improve the village. Key points include that the village has 86 families and a population of 405, with STs making up 46.91% of residents. Facilities include an anganwadi, primary school, and electricity though power cuts are common. Water quality testing showed the village well water is safe. NBSS is focusing on improving drinking water access, sanitation, livelihoods, and education in the village through various initiatives like developing solar power.
Exploring Rural-Urban Dynamics: A Study of Inter-State Migrants in GurgaonSLDIndia
Exploring Rural-Urban Dynamics: A Study of Inter-State Migrants in Gurgaon
In the light of on‐going structural changes in India and consequently changing contours of the rural economy, the nature and pattern of migration has been changing over time. During the last two decades, there has been a general change in the destination of migration from rural‐rural to rural‐urban. However, the intensity of migration is generally reported to be low in India due to the conventional approach of defining migration.
Planning for the poor in the destination cities is conspicuous by its absence. As the mind‐set of the urban planners is to treat migrants as outsiders and a burden on the existing civic infrastructure, they get excluded from most urban planning processes and mechanisms, compounding the problems that they are already plagued with.
Inter‐State Migrant Workmen (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service) Act, 1979 was promulgated for the purpose of regulation of the service condition of the migrant workers, but in status today, it is an ineffective piece of legislation. In today’s scenario, there is an urgent need to revisit the debate on legislation for the welfare of migrant workers.
This document provides an overview of a case study conducted in Kalkere Village, an urban village in Bengaluru, India. The study was conducted over 4 weeks and involved surveying residents, conducting focus groups, and interviewing local officials. Key findings include:
1) Despite being part of BBMP for 8 years, the village still lacks reliable access to drinking water and other basic services. Residents purchase water from a single distribution point.
2) There has been some infrastructure development like roads and drainage, but this only occurred recently due to intervention from the local MLA prior to elections.
3) Traditional livelihoods like farming and cattle rearing have declined as lands have been converted to residential use
This document discusses rural development and related issues. It defines rural development as a process aimed at improving the well-being and livelihoods of rural communities through collective efforts. The objectives of rural development include improving farm productivity, health, education, and village infrastructure. Some key problems in rural development are people's traditional mindsets, lack of education, insufficient infrastructure like water and electricity, economic challenges like high input costs, and administrative issues like political interference.
Migration Report of Jharkhand
Migration and urbanization are two important inter-related phenomena of economic development. If channelized properly, it has the potential of societal transformation. Otherwise, it can be not only counter-productive for the societal harmony but also disastrous for the long term economic development. The historical experiences have proved that process of migration is unstoppable in modern times. The migrant workers are key force behind rising contribution of urban conglomerations to India’s GDP. Migrants are indispensable but mostly invisible key actors in cities’ development. Rural migrants in urban spaces are socially mobile, culturally flexible and economically aspiring people. Migrants are an important component of social dynamism and material development of the society. They can also be tools of cultural amalgamation and innovation. Yet, they are most vulnerable to economic exploitation and social stereotyping.
The contribution of migrants to the GDP of the country goes unnoticed. It is estimated that the migrants contribute no less than 10% to the country’s GDP.1 Many other positive as well as potential impact through the migration process remains unrecognized. According to Census 2001, in India, internal migrants account for as large as 309 million, which was about 28% of the then total population. More recent numbers, as revealed by NSSO (2007-08), show that there are about 326 million internal migrants in India, i.e. nearly 30% of the total population. Almost 70% of all the migrants are women, the fact often forgotten and lost in the data on migration.
This document discusses reimagining cities from a woman's perspective to make them safer and more inclusive. It outlines 10 principles for a woman-friendly city, including creating 24/7 urban environments through mixed-use development, having "eyes on the street" through human-scale architecture, and prioritizing pedestrian infrastructure and public transportation to improve walkability and accessibility. The principles aim to inform urban planning and policies to enhance safety for women and vulnerable groups.
Integrated Village Development Plan | Case study: Kagalabamori Village, Rajas...Vijay Meena
Structure
Introduction
Methodology
Case study: Kagalabamori Village, Rajasthan, India
Area profile
Findings and analysis
Demographic profile
Village development plan
Convergence with the government schemes
Financial Operating Plan of various proposals and schemes.
role of non governmental organisation in rural development and agricultural e...krishnadk
This document discusses various Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) involved in agricultural extension and rural development in India. It provides classifications of NGOs based on orientation and level of operation. It also outlines the roles, approaches, activities and constraints of NGOs. Several prominent NGOs working in agriculture and rural development in India are described, including their objectives, areas of work and special features. The document emphasizes the important role of NGOs in filling gaps in government services and empowering rural communities.
Influence of Education and Family Size on the Effectiveness of NULM National ...ijtsrd
The study addresses influence of Education and Family Size on the Effectiveness of NULM National Urban Livelihood Mission Project in Mysore city. The study is based on primary data collected through interview methods by using structured questionnaire. 200 sample respondents are selected randomly from SHGs members under NULM Project in Mysore city. It was found from the study that majority of the respondents have done their secondary education level with mean value of 76.1728 s.d. 7.46557 , However, their awareness about various things has been increased after joining SHGs. It is suggested that creating awareness about the more government Programmes under NULM and bank procedures is necessary. NULM programme should encourage the SHGs Women in participation in the entire awareness programme in Urban Development. Ms. Umme Hani | Dr. Jyothi H. P "Influence of Education and Family Size on the Effectiveness of NULM (National Urban Livelihood Mission Project) in Mysore City" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-5 | Issue-6 , October 2021, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd47540.pdf Paper URL : https://www.ijtsrd.com/humanities-and-the-arts/other/47540/influence-of-education-and-family-size-on-the-effectiveness-of-nulm-national-urban-livelihood-mission-project-in-mysore-city/ms-umme-hani
Gender and Urban Planning B5 book 05 smallobayan joshua
This document provides an overview of gender issues in urban planning. It discusses how urban planning initially developed in a male-dominated way that did not consider gender differences. It then explores how subsequent movements have attempted to integrate gender into urban planning by recognizing how the needs of women and men differ.
Key issues addressed include the growth of informal settlements, access to water and sanitation, secure land tenure, employment and livelihood opportunities, and transportation. Factors like poverty, rapid urbanization, and climate change impact these issues in gendered ways. For example, climate change affects women and men differently and understanding these impacts is important for sustainable urban planning.
The report examines case studies of initiatives that have incorporated gender into various
The document discusses the concept of development and the role of architects. It defines development as "an event constituting a new stage in a changing situation" or "an action with an output leading to change." When considering development, it is important to examine why change is occurring, what the goals of change are, and who change is intended to benefit. The document also discusses the Yamuna Pushta eviction case in Delhi as an example of development priorities. It argues that architects should focus less on grand designs and more on understanding citizenship and community needs. Architects should learn from how informal settlements organically develop housing for millions.
The document discusses informal settlements and defines key terms. It defines a slum according to the UN and an Indian committee as areas with inadequate access to water, sanitation, housing, and overcrowding. It contrasts formal vs informal, with informal meaning unofficial, unregulated, and part of everyday life. It proposes that informal settlements should be viewed as part of the "everyday city" and discusses aspects of the everyday city, including how architects can study and engage with informal areas. It provides different frameworks for understanding informal settlements, such as through communities, social structures, individual experiences, and networks of people and things.
Behavioural dimension of the growth of informal settlements in kumasi city, g...Alexander Decker
This document discusses a study on the growth of informal settlements in Kumasi, Ghana. It uses the theory of planned behavior to examine how human behavior influences the development of informal settlements.
The study surveyed 238 residents of informal settlements in Kumasi. It found that residents had low awareness of building regulations and a poor perception of land use planning. This influenced their intentions and behaviors regarding informal settlements. Specifically, most residents were unaware that building permits are required or that structures cannot be built over drains or power lines.
The study concludes that human behavior, shaped by a lack of awareness of regulations and negative perceptions of planning, significantly contributes to the growth of informal settlements in Kumasi. It recommends that policies address human behavior and
A pension fund is a fund established by an employer to invest employees' retirement contributions from both the employer and employees over the long term to provide pensions upon retirement. Pension funds are common pools meant to generate stable growth. Accumulative pension funds collect obligatory pension contributions, keep pension accounts and records of deposits and payments, and manage pension assets through licensed investment companies. Depositors can choose between receiving pension payments from the pension fund or an insurance company upon reaching retirement age.
The document discusses solutions for addressing the problems caused by growing slums due to population growth. It proposes three implementations: cleaning programs organized by both the government and communities, community talks to educate on building with natural materials, and housing refurbishment through volunteer efforts and teaching construction techniques using natural resources. The goal is to improve living conditions, reduce pollution, and create eco-friendly communities by adapting to new circumstances and establishing new origins for future development.
ARCHITECTURE THESIS ON ENGINEER STAFF TRAINING INSTITUTE JHALANA DOONGRI , JAIPUR .
PROTOTYPE STUDY OF VARIOUS INSTITUTE IN JAIPUR
STATE INSTITUTE OF AGRICULTURE AND MANAGEMENT
RAJASTHAN INSTITUTE OF CORPORATE EDUCATION AND MANAGEMENT
B4 Settlement And Public Libraries: Initiatives and Potential_Laura Hellerocasiconference
This document provides an overview of the Library Settlement Partnership (LSP) program in Ontario. LSP is a partnership between settlement service organizations and public libraries that places settlement workers in library branches. The goals are to expand access to settlement services and improve coordination between sectors. The presentation reviews research on immigrant information needs, the role of libraries in supporting newcomers, and details of the LSP pilot program in multiple cities. It encourages settlement workers to connect with LSP and consider new ways to partner with local libraries.
Internal migration and the development nexus,the case of bangladeshZakiul Alam
Internal migration in Bangladesh has greatly impacted development. Rural-urban migration is a major driver of urban growth and demographic change. Migrants are predominantly young, low-income individuals from rural areas who move to cities for work. They face numerous challenges including lack of affordable housing, poor access to basic services, and health issues. While migration provides economic opportunities, policies are needed to maximize its benefits and protect migrants' rights.
The document discusses indicators for identifying informal settlements in the cities of Pakdasht and Mallard, Iran. It outlines key indicators related to the location of settlements, land characteristics, infrastructure/services, housing characteristics, and household characteristics. To test the indicators, three informal settlements in Pakdasht were selected - Qarb-e-Ostad Shahriyar, Vosat Avenue, and Zeynabiyeh. Questionnaires were distributed to residents in these areas to gather data on the indicators. Poverty mapping models were also developed to identify poverty levels in different areas of Pakdasht city based on indicators like percentage of unskilled workers and car ownership.
The persistent urban health challenges of migration and informal settlements...Jo Vearey
The document discusses the need for a revised urban health framework to guide local responses to persistent challenges in developing country urban environments, specifically in Johannesburg, South Africa. It notes high rates of migration and informal settlements, and the complexity of issues like HIV in these contexts. The proposed framework would take a multisectoral, developmental approach to address issues like access to services for migrants and those in informal settlements, and facilitate coordinated local responses to migration, housing and HIV as interconnected challenges.
The Road Map of the National Program For the Settlement and Rehabilitation of Slums in Iraq - Automation of Intervention Option for Addressing of Slums - Istabraq I.AlShouk - Third Expert Meeting of the Regional Slum Upgrading Working Group (RSUWG) - 29th. of November to the 1st. of December 2015 in Laleh International Hotel, Tehran, I.R. of Iran
The document outlines the master plan for Guwahati Metropolitan area, including objectives to develop infrastructure while conserving the environment, and details on land use, population growth, transportation networks, and strategies to address issues like flooding and traffic congestion. Zoning regulations and development controls are proposed to guide growth in a sustainable manner over the period to 2025. Institutional roles and financing options are also covered.
The document discusses several causes of migration in India. Uneven development between regions has accelerated seasonal migration. Rural labor migration is also caused by disparities between socioeconomic classes and post-independence development policies. Other causes include intrusion of outsiders in tribal regions, displacement, deforestation, and lack of suitable local employment or livelihood options. Wage differentials between source and destination areas also drive migration flows. Individual factors like age and wealth as well as household characteristics and social networks influence migration decisions.
This document discusses various approaches to providing affordable rental housing in India. It begins by defining different types of affordable housing such as ownership housing, social rented housing, and intermediate housing. It then discusses challenges around providing affordable housing given rapid urbanization and poverty levels in India. The document outlines several government initiatives and programs to promote affordable housing. It also examines issues around developing affordable housing and strategies to increase housing supply such as using government land banks and increasing floor space index. The document analyzes rental housing models and case studies from other countries and within India to provide affordable rental options.
The document summarizes medieval Europe from 500-1500 CE, beginning with the Barbarian tribes that invaded the Western Roman Empire and brought about feudalism and the manorial system. It discusses the rise of powerful Frankish rulers like Clovis, Charles Martel, and Charlemagne who helped establish nations and alliances between the Catholic Church and states. The document also outlines the rise of the Catholic Church's influence between 800-1300 CE and factors that led to a church crisis and the beginnings of the Renaissance.
The document describes a medieval settlement setting for a design project. The setting will include a walled city containing various buildings like taverns and a church. Some areas within the settlement will be ruined, representing corruption. The overall setting is described as a medieval fantasy world, as the corruption covering parts of the city suggests it is not entirely realistic. The city will appear to have been lifted from the ground.
KATHMANDU IS CAPITAL OF NEPAL AND IT IS THE ONLY METROPOLITAN CITY OF THE COUNTRY. BEING A CAPITAL CITY, IT HAS A HIGH POPULATION AND MIGRATION HAS ADDED TO IT.
THE PRESENTATION SHOWS THE APATIAL GROWTH OF CITY OVER THE YEARS AND WHAT FACTORS HAVE ADDED TO ITS GROWTH.
The document discusses urbanization trends, informal settlements, and the challenges faced by informal settler families in the Philippines. It notes that urbanization is increasing globally and in the Philippines, contributing to the growth of informal settlements. Informal settler families often live in poverty with limited access to employment, adequate housing, services, and participation in governance. The document outlines the 50 billion peso fund established under the Aquino administration to address informal settlements, including both traditional resettlement approaches and people-initiated "people's plans". It provides examples of specific resettlement projects and discusses both the challenges of resettlement and benefits of participatory approaches.
The document discusses different approaches to studying informal settlements, including the structuralist, subaltern, and actor-network theory approaches. It also outlines methods for understanding the physical and social aspects of informal settlements, such as mapping streets and networks, documenting activities, and mental mapping. Studying individual homes and understanding the role of contractors in development are also mentioned.
The document reports on a project that analyzed the impact of bore pooling and participatory groundwater management in five villages in India. The project had several objectives, including looking at economic benefits and livelihood security, recommending social regulatory mechanisms for shared water resources, and determining if bore pooling reduced water scarcity and increased arable land. The project used mixed methods, including surveys, focus groups, and interviews, with over 50 households sampled in each village. Preliminary data analysis found that most participants were from forward or other backward castes. Bore well ownership was higher for these groups as well. Social trust levels were generally high among villagers except for scheduled castes and tribes. Satisfaction with the groundwater management scheme was also high
The purpose of this research is to know the community participation level in business capital strengthening at LEM Sejahtera Program. This research was conducted in AndomLEMnggo Village Beselutu District, Konawe Regency, Indonesia. The study was conducted during 12 months. This research begins by determining the respondent purposively ie the perpetrator who knows and understands the problem, and is directly involved with the research problem. The number of respondents in this study is determined as much as 25% of the total population. So the number of respondents or actors in this study were as many as 38 people. For qualitative data collection, the determination of informants is based on preliminary information about the existence, their roles and functions, work programs and institutional activities. Results of the study showed that: the level of participation of members of LEM Sejahtera in business capital strengthening program is high. Members have mobilized themselves in an integrated activity (savings and regular meetings) and the parties only act as facilitators.
Internet Users in Local Language Study - 2007JuxtConsult
The India Online Vernacular Language Report studies the popularity of the activity ,local language content specific usage,Demographic Profile of Local Language Content Users,Socio-Economic Profile,Economic Profile,Net Usage Status,Net Usage Dynamics,Preferred Net Activities,Most Used Websites,Most Used Offline Media Brands,Response to Online Marketing Stimuli,Offline Brands Recalled etc
This document summarizes the methodology used in the India Online 2007 study to estimate internet usage in India. A land survey was conducted of 10,000 households across 31 cities to estimate internet penetration. An online survey was also conducted through major portals to gather data on internet usage behaviors. Improvements this year included a larger land survey sample, coverage of smaller towns, and weighting the online survey responses based on the land survey to make the data more representative.
Mind the Gap - The state of employment in IndiaOxfam India
Oxfam India released its first India Inequality Report in February 2018. This is an input for the global Even It Up! Campaign of Oxfam which is the inequality campaign. The first India Inequality Report 2018 authored by the well-known economist Himanshu, discussed the fundamentals of inequality in India.
Annual report of employment in India by Oxfam IndiaOxfam India
This report has been prepared by Oxfam India. It has benefited from extensive discussions with Amitabh Behar. Professor Jayati Ghosh and Professor Sandip Sarkar provided critical inputs at various stages of the report as peer reviewers which greatly improved the quality of the report.
More info: https://www.oxfamindia.org/sites/default/files/2019-03/Full%20Report%20-%20Low-Res%20Version%20%28Single%20Pages%29.pdf
12Survey QuestionsDefinitionsCommunity service- a projeEttaBenton28
12
Survey Questions
Definitions:
Community service- a project in which you would volunteer regularly and use your skills and knowledge. Community service (not political in nature) is work done by a person or group of people that benefits others. It is often done near the area where you live, so your own community reaps the benefits of your work.
Political service- often used to describe an action taken by a citizen to influence the outcome of a political issue.
How did you hear about this study?
Please enter the code that was given in your ad ________
1. How old are you today?
2. Gender: M or F
3. Race: Caucasian (not Hispanic), African American, Hispanic/Latino, Native American, other
4. Highest degree: High School/ Bachelors/ Masters/ Doctorate/ Other
5. Marital Status: Married/ Partner, single, divorced, widowed
6. In the past year, did you participate in community service (e.g., for a nonprofit)?
I made a donation or contribution (include internet sites like gofundme for community causes)
I volunteered my time
I posted (or reposted) on social media about a community or nonprofit issue.
Where did you post? _____
How often do you post about a community or nonprofit issue? Daily, more than once a week, weekly more than once a month, monthly, several times a year, once a year, rarely
other ________
For what organizations/ causes did you participate in this service? Why did you choose to participate in this organization /cause?
7. How often did you participate in community service in the past year?
Daily, more than once a week, weekly more than once a month, monthly, several times a year, once a year, never
8. In the past year, did you participate in political service?
I voted
I displayed a political sign/ button/ sticker
I posted (or reposted) on social media about a political issue. Where did you post? ____________ How often do you post about a political issue?
I made campaign contributions
I volunteered for a political candidate/ organization
I contacted an elected official
I contacted print or other media to express an opinion
I protested publicly
I signed petitions (including electronic)
I boycotted or buycotted
I canvassed on behalf of a cause, group, or candidate
For what organizations did you participate in this service? Why did you choose to participate in this organization /cause?
9. How often were involved with political service in the past year?
Daily, more than once a week, weekly more than once a month, monthly, several times a year, once a year, rarely
10. If you were involved in community service in the past year, how did you become involved in it?
11. Describe how you feel about your community service experiences. Why do you feel that way?
11. If you were involved in political service in the past year, how did you become involved in it?
12. Describe how you feel about your political service experiences. Why do you feel that way?
13. If you have not engaged in any community service i ...
12Survey QuestionsDefinitionsCommunity service- a projeChantellPantoja184
12
Survey Questions
Definitions:
Community service- a project in which you would volunteer regularly and use your skills and knowledge. Community service (not political in nature) is work done by a person or group of people that benefits others. It is often done near the area where you live, so your own community reaps the benefits of your work.
Political service- often used to describe an action taken by a citizen to influence the outcome of a political issue.
How did you hear about this study?
Please enter the code that was given in your ad ________
1. How old are you today?
2. Gender: M or F
3. Race: Caucasian (not Hispanic), African American, Hispanic/Latino, Native American, other
4. Highest degree: High School/ Bachelors/ Masters/ Doctorate/ Other
5. Marital Status: Married/ Partner, single, divorced, widowed
6. In the past year, did you participate in community service (e.g., for a nonprofit)?
I made a donation or contribution (include internet sites like gofundme for community causes)
I volunteered my time
I posted (or reposted) on social media about a community or nonprofit issue.
Where did you post? _____
How often do you post about a community or nonprofit issue? Daily, more than once a week, weekly more than once a month, monthly, several times a year, once a year, rarely
other ________
For what organizations/ causes did you participate in this service? Why did you choose to participate in this organization /cause?
7. How often did you participate in community service in the past year?
Daily, more than once a week, weekly more than once a month, monthly, several times a year, once a year, never
8. In the past year, did you participate in political service?
I voted
I displayed a political sign/ button/ sticker
I posted (or reposted) on social media about a political issue. Where did you post? ____________ How often do you post about a political issue?
I made campaign contributions
I volunteered for a political candidate/ organization
I contacted an elected official
I contacted print or other media to express an opinion
I protested publicly
I signed petitions (including electronic)
I boycotted or buycotted
I canvassed on behalf of a cause, group, or candidate
For what organizations did you participate in this service? Why did you choose to participate in this organization /cause?
9. How often were involved with political service in the past year?
Daily, more than once a week, weekly more than once a month, monthly, several times a year, once a year, rarely
10. If you were involved in community service in the past year, how did you become involved in it?
11. Describe how you feel about your community service experiences. Why do you feel that way?
11. If you were involved in political service in the past year, how did you become involved in it?
12. Describe how you feel about your political service experiences. Why do you feel that way?
13. If you have not engaged in any community service i ...
This in-depth report measures citizen engagement in the constitution state in voting, volunteerism and community involvement in the state of Connecticut.
A coalition of groups — including the Secretary of the State, Everyday Democracy, the National Conference on Citizenship and DataHaven — launched the 2016 Civic Health Index Report today. The survey evaluates the depth of citizen engagement through a variety of indicators such as voting, volunteering and other forms of community involvement.
The present paper makes an attempt to study the Financial Literacy lead to
Empowering the Socio-economic condition of Tribals through informationa
technology and its impact on the day to day life of the rural people. For this purpose
the questionnaire is developed and distributed . In our study we found that the
Information Technology ( IT) have made significant contribution in the life of the
tribal people in some areas and still long way to go . It changed the life style of the
people and a the rural people able to find new markets for their products .
Internet usage and behavioral study of IT Professionals On The Net - 2007JuxtConsult
This document describes the methodology used for the India Online 2007 study, which analyzed internet usage in India. The study involved two large surveys - a land survey of 10,000 households across 31 cities to estimate internet penetration, and an online survey of over 14,000 internet users on 3 popular portals to understand usage behaviors. Improvements over past years included a larger land survey sample and additional data captured for emerging online activities like blogging and social networking. The methodology aimed to provide a representative view of internet usage in urban India through linking and weighting the survey data.
Internet Usage and Behavior Study of IT Professionals - 2007JuxtConsult
This document describes the methodology used for the India Online 2007 study, which analyzed internet usage in India. The study involved two large surveys - a land survey of 10,000 households across 31 cities to estimate internet penetration, and an online survey of over 14,000 internet users on 3 popular portals to understand usage behaviors. Improvements over past years included a larger land survey sample and additional data captured for emerging online activities like blogging and social networking. The methodology aimed to provide a representative view of internet usage in urban India through linking and weighting the two survey datasets.
The document discusses a case study of Akshaya centres in Kerala, India which provide e-governance services in rural areas through public-private partnerships. It finds that existing initiatives treat citizens as passive recipients and do not adequately address their needs or contextual factors. It proposes a multistakeholder model involving citizens, government, private partners, and local groups to collaboratively design e-governance that is citizen-centric and responsive to local community needs and contexts.
Juxt Consult India Online 2008 Main ReportJuxtConsult
The India Online study helps in understanding the status and net usage behavior and preferences of online Indians. It not only provides the most recent estimates on the Internet user-ship, growth and penetration in India but also gives a highly ‘insightful’ understanding of the current net usage behavior and preferences of various types of online Indians.
Juxt Consult India Online 2008 Main ReportJuxtConsult
The India Online study helps in understanding the status and net usage behavior and preferences of online Indians. It not only provides the most recent estimates on the Internet user-ship, growth and penetration in India but also gives a highly ‘insightful’ understanding of the current net usage behavior and preferences of various types of online Indians.
The document provides information about the City Life program in Dubuque, Iowa, including outcomes, participant data, and results from the seventh round held from April to May 2016. It discusses connecting residents to local government and each other through workshops with 18 city departments. Sixteen participants completed the seventh round and saw increases in understanding how local government works and how to get involved based on pre and post assessments. The document also provides cumulative data on City Life demographics and participation since it began.
This report analyzes employment and inequality in India. It builds on findings from Oxfam India's first India Inequality Report in 2018, which found that India is highly unequal in terms of wealth, income, consumption, and opportunities. The 2018 report noted that government policies have favored capital over labor. Wage growth has remained stagnant at 1% annually while productivity has increased, and the share of profits in manufacturing has risen from 20-30% in the 1980s to over 50% today. The current report examines employment trends and their impacts on inequality in greater depth through analyses of wages, occupations, sectors, and social groups. It aims to provide a comprehensive view of the state of employment in India and how it drives inequality
The Srinivasan Services Trust (SST) is a non-governmental organization in southern India that works to promote village development through programs focused on women's empowerment, sustainability, education, public health, and social justice. SST implements a variety of projects and measures their viability, cost-efficiency, sustainability, and cultural relevance. SST's work involves meeting with community leaders, conducting needs assessments, developing specific programs with partner organizations, and providing direct services to communities. The goal of SST's work is to spur income generation, strengthen infrastructure, improve literacy and health, and ultimately reduce poverty and improve quality of life.
Juxt Consult India Online 2007 Local Language Content Users ReportJuxtConsult
The India Online Vernacular Language Report studies the popularity of the activity ,local language content specific usage,Demographic Profile of Local Language Content Users,Socio-Economic Profile,Economic Profile,Net Usage Status,Net Usage Dynamics,Preferred Net Activities,Most Used Websites,Most Used Offline Media Brands,Response to Online Marketing Stimuli,Offline Brands Recalled etc
This report summarizes a study conducted on women home-based workers in Delhi, India. It finds that these women work 6.5 hours on average each day producing goods through obsolete production techniques. They contribute 62% to India's GDP but receive low wages. The report also examines self-help groups as a means of financial support and finds that most women are unaware of such programs. It concludes that the women face exploitation from middlemen in the production process.
Similar to Contribution of Urban Informal Settlement Dwellers to Urban Economy in India (20)
Indicus data and analytics solutions help businesses take the right marketing decisions faster and smarter. They provide ready-to-use data and analytics that support strategic decision making at all levels.Indicus products help users locate and select their consumer and market segments, prioritize markets and sales efforts, optimally locate their store or branch, test and experiment with new products, ads and sales tactics.
The critical USP of Indicus products is that they provide insights about the markets and the consumers through highly robust and credible data. The easy-to-use analytical tools and insightful infographics lets users compare, prioritize and choose their best markets instantly.
Moreover different Indicus products allow the users to choose the granularity-level they desire to work in. They can analyze consumer demography and market related data and derive insights at the level of a state, district, cities (of various tiers), block, neighbourhood, pin code, and now as finely as a one square kilometer area. At every geographic level, a range of marketing relevant demographic and economic data, derived from highly authentic public data sources, are analyzed and presented.
The document shows economic growth and changes in economic freedom index values for Indian states between 2004-05 and 2011-12. It groups the states into four categories: states with large decline, moderate decline, moderate rise, and large rise in their economic freedom index values. Gujarat had the largest rise in economic freedom index, increasing from 0.46 in 2005 to 0.65 in 2013, while Jharkhand and Punjab had the largest declines falling by 0.07 and 0.01 respectively over the same period.
PREDICTING GROWTH OF URBAN AGGLOMERATIONS THROUGH FRACTAL ANALYSIS OF GEO-SPATIAL DATA
Location Analytics is one of the fastest emerging fields in the broad area of Business Intelligence/Data Science. By
some industry estimates, almost 80% of all data has a location dimension to it. Consequently, identification of
trends and patterns in spatially distributed information has far reaching applications ranging from urban planning, to
logistics and supply chain management, location based marketing, sales territory planning and retail store location.
In view of this, we present an approach based on Fractal Analysis (FA) of highly granular geo-spatial data.
Specifically, we use proprietary data available at approximately1 square km level for New Delhi, India provided by Indicus Analytics (India’s leading economic data analytics firm based in New Delhi). We compare and contrast the patterns and insights generated using the FA approach with other more traditional approaches such as spatial to correlation and structural similarity indices. Preliminary results indicate that there are indeed “selfsimilar” local patterns that are completely missed by spatial correlation that are accurately captured by the more sophisticated FA approach. These patterns provide deep insights into the underlying socio-economic and demographic processes and can be used to predict the spatial distribution of these variables in the future. For example, questions such as what are the pockets of population growth in a city and how will businesses and government respond to that growth can be answered using the proposed approach.
India’s strong consumption story relies on its demographic structure, which, at this
point in time, is highly favourable compared to most other emerging nations. As per
the UN population statistics, this favourable demographic dividend will last for another
25–30 years. Before that, most other emerging nations would have already begun to
witness a slowdown in the growth of young (working-age) population.
The ensuing benefits with regard to the rising income and household spending would
provide a significant boost to the consumption-driven growth story of India. A glimpse
of the changing pattern of India’s consumption is already visible in the breakdown
of private final consumption spending data provided by the government. There is
a marked increase in spending on lifestyle products and services such as hotels,
mobiles, transportation and other miscellaneous goods. As against that, spending on
essentials has only remained stable.
International retailers are well aware of these benefits that the Indian economy offers.
Barring few legislative challenges that could be tackled through the policy reforms and
opening up of the retail sector, retailers have often expressed their intention to enter
and invest in India’s attractive retail sector. This is very well reflected in AT Kearney’s
Global Retail Development Index 2012, where India ranks as the fifth most attractive
retail market for international retailers. The retail sector is a significant contributor to India’s economic activity. Though a
direct measurement of the retail sector is difficult to derive through government
statistics, the trade, hotels and restaurant sectors come close to giving us an
estimate of its contribution. That component, in which retail (both organised and
unorganised) is the dominant activity, accounts for around 18% of India’s GDP.
Within the services sector of India, this component is the largest contributor
to the economy. Many institutions, however, may not agree with this possibly
understated measurement of the retail sector, as it may not accurately account
for the unorganised sector. For instance, as per the estimates of the Associated
Chamber of Commerce and Industry (ASSOCHAM) presented in one of its retail
reports of 2012, the contribution of both organised and unorganised retail stood
at 22% of GDP. This would mean that Indian retail sector size should measure
closer to INR 19.2 trillion in 2012. Leading research institutions such as AT
Kearney and ASSOCHAM estimate this sector to grow at around 15% y-o-y over
the next three–five years as against a 12%–13% nominal growth of India’s GDP
estimated by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Going by that logic, the retail
sector should reach a size of INR 34 trillion by 2016. This is a significant growth.
The sector is also an important contributor towards the socioeconomic well-being
of the economy as it employs close to 9.4% of India’s labour force, as per the
association.
This document outlines the features and functionality of a software tour for a geospatial data analytics platform. It describes steps for selecting geographies and variables, extracting and visualizing data through graphs and maps, performing advanced queries, adding layers, generating reports, uploading external data, creating custom variables, plotting points of interest, and generating user accounts. The document concludes by inviting the reader to contact the company for any additional questions.
So the Food Security Bill is through. More than two thirds of the country’s population has now been promised highly subsidized food. Congress and UPA will get a couple of extra percent points of votes, add another 2-3 percentage points because of the good monsoons and you get a good enough swing for it to come back next year. The BJP was checkmated as it was impossible for it to play its usual flawless doublespeak.
I am asked what could be bad about ensuring elimination of hunger and malnutrition. I would like to ask a counter question? What is good about theFood Security Bill?
It promises to finally eliminate hunger and malnutrition, they say. How? Because now the poor can buy wheat, rice and coarse cereal at highly subsidized rates. How will the poor be identified I ask; that will happen they say. Where will the poor buy from I ask; the Public Distribution System (PDS)they say. Where? I ask again. The PDS shop, they say. And why will the PDS shop now suddenly start working when it has not for so many decades? Because now it’s a right, and people can demand redressal from the courts, they say.
So let’s grant this – the PDS will now start to function because the government will better use better technology. They will use GIS, GPS, perhaps Aadhar card and biometrics, etc. and this will eliminate the problems that the PDS system has. How will it work? The government will buy grains from production centres, store and transport them to consumption centres, and then sell them at subsidized rates through the public distribution system. Each of these will cost. Of course the PDS system itself will need to be strengthened almost everywhere. This will also cost. The high-tech sounding technology is not costless; the Aadhar number needs biometric identification, etc. etc. All of this will cost a lot. A paper coming from the government’s own Commission for Agri Cost and Prices (CACP) puts the total figure at about 682 thousand crores over a three year period. It is highly unlikely that the government can spend this, and the system cannot work well unless it is implemented very well. Chidambaram fighting his needless forex battles cannot loosen the purse strings. And even if he did, no one in this government has the ability to implement it. And without some serious money backed by serious project management skills the subsidized food will not reach where it is intended to. There will therefore be leakages. The estimated leakage itself is about 200 thousand crore by the CACP. I think it will be more as leakage is not only amount getting diverted, but also the amount wasted. When the numbers are so high it is obvious what kind of people will like to get into politics and into the government, and which ones would stay away.But these are all nitty-gritties of implementation. The Food Security Bill is inherently flawed in many other ways.Who will have control over this whole process?
The Case for Increasing FDI Caps in Insurance
The history of India’s political economy is replete with missed opportunities. The approach to growth and investment has been often stranded in the many romantic notions of selfreliance and what constitutes national interest. In every
decade since Independence, the approach to foreign direct investment has been influenced by a mistrust triggered by a colonial hangover. Every time India has opened its doors – or windows if you please – to foreign investment, it has been characterised by gradualism in the wake of much opposition. The debates around opening or expanding FDI are similar – as it was when telecom or banking opened up for foreign investment. What is important to recognise is that every such initiative has been beneficial, delivering greater common good.
Higher economic growth is driven by competition and consumer choice. Competition drives efficiency and efficiency drives growth. This is true of every country that has done well economically. It is also true of India since 1991, in segments where competition has been introduced. Any attempt to artificially introduce protection always has costs. Inefficient producers are protected, but at the expense of consumers. Consumers suffer from higher prices,bad service and limited choice. This is straightforward under-graduate economic theory. The gains to inefficient producers are more than neutralized by losses to consumers, leading to an overall deadweight welfare loss to the country.
In this argument, the colour of the competition, whether it is domestic or foreign, does not matter. In addition, there is the macroeconomic argument about a current account deficit having to be met through capital account inflows and non-debt-creating FDI inflows are preferable to debt-creating capital inflows. While these broad arguments about competition and FDI are accepted, the question to ask is, why should the insurance sector not be subject to these compelling arguments? Is there anything special about insurance that rational arguments should not be applied to
this sector? In every sector where India has opened up to FDI, be it manufacturing or be it services, two propositions are empirically evident. First, liberalization helps consumers. Second, fears about inefficient producers being eliminated are also vastly exaggerated.
Instead, producers of goods and services adapt and survive, based on access to capital, technology, knowhow, improved management practices and customer orientation. Therefore, protection not only harms the cause of consumers, it also harms the cause of producers. There is no reason why insurance should be treated differently. And economic logic and rationale should not be conditional on whether one is within the government or is in opposition.
The Economic Freedom of the States of India 2012 estimates economic freedom in the 20 biggest Indian states, based on data for 2011. The aim of this report—to measure the level of economic freedom within India—grows out of a larger project begun in the 1980s by the Fraser Institute and culminating in the annual Economic Freedom of the World
report (co-published by the Cato Institute in the United States). That exercise has proved fruitful in establishing a strong empirical relationship between economic freedom and prosperity, growth, and improvements in the whole range of indicators of human well being. The global report has also produced an explosion of research by leading universities, think tanks and international organisations on the critical role of economic freedom to human progress, including its importance to sustaining civil and political liberty. The Cato Institute is pleased to co-publish the present report on India with Indicus Analytics and the Friedrich Naumann Foundation at a time when both India’s high growth prospects and its commitment to reform have come under scrutiny.
The main highlights of this study are as follows.
1. The top state in India in economic freedom in 2011 was Gujarat. It displaced Tamil Nadu, which had been the top state in 2009. Gujarat’s freedom index score has been rising fast, and at 0.64 it is now far ahead of second-placed Tamil Nadu (0.56). Madhya Pradesh (0.56) is close behind in third position, Haryana (0.55) retains fourth position and Himachal (0.53) retains fifth position.
2. The bottom three states in 2011 were, in reverse order, Bihar, Jharkhand and West Bengal. In 2009, the reverse order was Bihar, Uttarakhand and Assam. Uttarakhand has moved up sharply from 19th to 14th position, and this improved freedom is reflected in its average GDP growth rate of 12.82 per cent in 2004-2011, the fastest among all states. This is an impressive achievement for a once-backward state.
3. Earlier the median score for economic freedom for all states had declined from 0.38 in 2005 to 0.36 in 2009. But it has now improved substantially to 0.41 in 2011. This is good news. Still the median score lags way behind Gujarat’s 0.64, so other states have a long way to go.
4. The biggest improvement has been registered by Madhya Pradesh. Its freedom index score rose from 0.42 in 2009 to 0.56 in 2011, enabling it to move up from 6th to 3rd position. This improved economic freedom was associated with acceleration in its GDP growth. This averaged 6 per cent per year from 2004-2009, but then accelerated to 9 per cent per year in 2009-2011.
5. The biggest decline in economic freedom has been recorded by Jharkhand, which slumped from 8th to 19th position. Its score declined from 0.38 to 0.31. Unsurprisingly, its GDP growth has averaged only 4.6 per cent in 2004-2011, one of the lowest among all states . Jharkhand has special problems as a heavily forested state suffering from Maoist insurrections.
Education is clearly important in tapping the so-called demographic dividend. There is nothing automatic about a demographic dividend materializing. Among other things, that is a function of health and education outcomes. More specifically, there is question of skills. The overall skills deficit has often been flagged. For instance, in 2002, the S.P. Gupta Special Group constituted by the Planning Commission stated, “It should be noted, however, that on the average the skilled labour force at present is hardly around 6-8 per cent of the total, compared to more than 60 per cent in most of the developed and emerging developing countries.” In 2001, the Montek Singh Ahluwalia Task Force , again constituted by the Planning Commission, stated, “Only 5% of the Indian labour force in this age category has vocational skills.” While the numbers are marginally different, the Eleventh Five Year Plan document adds the following. “The NSS 61st Round results show that among persons of age 15-29 years, only about 2% are reported to have received formal vocational training and another 8% reported to have received non-formal vocational training indicating that very few young persons actually enter the world of work with any kind of formal vocational training.” Among the youth, most of those with formal training are in Kerala, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Himachal Pradesh and Gujarat. A better indicator of a State’s performance is the share of the young population that has some variety of formal training. In this, Maharashtra, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Gujarat and Andhra Pradesh perform well. Is this because there is better training capacity and infrastructure? Is it because industrial activity exists in these States? Is it because there is a positive correlation between some minimum level of educational attainment and acquisition of formal training? The answer is probably a combination of various factors.
This document summarizes Gujarat's economic growth story based on data from various sources such as the Planning Commission. Some key points:
1) Gujarat has seen a significant increase in its real GSDP growth rate, from 6.45% per year between 1994-1995 to 2004-2005 to over 10% per year from 2004-2005 to 2011-2012.
2) Poverty levels in Gujarat, especially in rural areas, have declined sharply from 2004-2005 to 2009-2010 according to NSS data, indicating growth benefits have trickled down.
3) While human development indicators for Gujarat are dated, the available evidence suggests growth has positively impacted welfare and
Indian cement industry has passed through many ups and down. It was under strict
government control till 1982. Subsequently, it was partially decontrolled and in 1989, the
industry was opened for free market competition along with withdrawal of price and
distribution controls. Finally, the industry was completely de-licensed in July 1991 under the
policy of economic liberalization and the industry witnessed spectacular growth in production
as well as capacity.
The document summarizes the Ma Foi Randstad Employment Trends Survey (MEtS) for the fourth quarter of 2011 and projected trends for the first quarter of 2012. The survey polled 639 companies across 13 sectors to assess employment trends in the organized sector. Key findings included expected increases in employment in sectors such as financial services, IT, and healthcare, while manufacturing saw more muted growth. The report analyzed trends by sector, salary increases, new hire experience and functions.
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The organized sector in India created 346,000 jobs between July and September 2011 and is expected to add another 326,400 by end 2011, according to the latest findings of Ma Foi Randstad Employment Trends Survey – Wave 3.
The survey was conducted among 676 companies across 13 industry segments panning 8 Indian cities. The feedback was gathered from the top HR personnel and senior management of companies, who shared valuable insights on the job creation during the last (July – September) and the current (October – December) quarters of 2011.
The current slowdown in the economy and increasing domestic inflation has resulted in sectoral variation in the employment outlook among sectors and although new jobs continue to be added, it is at a slower pace. According to the survey, the Healthcare sector continues to lead in job generation by adding 60,400 jobs in Q3 (July – September) 2011, followed by Hospitality sector with 48,400 jobs and IT & ITeS sector with 46,600 jobs during the same period.
This is however lesser than the numbers (Healthcare - 63,800 / Hospitality - 54,400 / IT & ITeS - 55,500) predicted at the beginning of the quarter three. These sectors are expected to continue as the lead job generators in the coming quarter with Healthcare expecting to add 58,700 jobs followed by Hospitality & ITeS adding 40,000 plus jobs each.
Among the cities, Mumbai added 28,500 jobs, followed by Delhi & NCR adding 27,000 and Chennai adding 15,500. However, the total job generation by these 3 cities was lower by 6,100 jobs, against the original prediction (Mumbai - 32,300 / New Delhi & NCR – 27,900 / Chennai – 16,900) at the beginning of Q3. These cities are expected to generate a total of 69,200 jobs in the current quarter.
Household consumption patterns depend on many factors, and the age of the chief wage earner is a key determinant. The Indicus Indian Urban Consumer Spectrum classifies urban households into three broad categories: younger years, in which the chief wage earner is predominantly less than 34 years of age; middle years, in which the chief wage earner is mainly in the age group of 35 to 54, and mature years, households in which the chief wage earner is usually over the age of 54.
At each life stage, there are different income and consumption patterns; as the chief wage earner moves into the older years, the family structure also changes. So the category of younger years does not necessarily denote younger households; in fact, households in mature years have more than 40% of its population under the age of 18.
Creating consumer segments by the age of the chief wage earner of the household reveals patterns that are otherwise hidden in data. Take for instance occupations—the sector that employs the highest share of chief wage earners in younger and middle years is manufacturing, which takes up a lower share for chief wage earners in mature years. On the other hand, manufacturing falls to second slot for chief wage earners in mature years; and more interestingly, public administration/defence accounts for the third largest share of employment in this segment. This does point to the changing structure of employment over time, and also gives an indication of the income and consumption behaviour of these households.
Then there is the size of the household—households where the chief wage earner is in his younger years are to a large extent small in size; close to 60% are single member households—the earning member in the city is single or married and living away from his family. This is the smallest segment, comprising less than 15% of urban households, and around 5% of urban population. The largest segment, which accounts for more than 60% of urban households, is those in which chief wage earners are in their mature years; here, a majority have five or more members and almost a quarter have more than two earning members. This, therefore, forms a bulk of urban consumer spends; and, since it includes senior citizens as well as minors, it caters to the needs of all age groups.
The segment in which chief wage earners are in their middle years accounts for more than a quarter of urban households. This segment stands out as the one in which almost all households have minors; this would, therefore, be extremely cued into the needs of growing children—whether it comes to education, food or entertainment, it is in these households that children rule.
The younger years segment feeds into the others as chief wage earners marry, or bring their families to the cities and have children, save to buy houses, two-wheelers, cars and so on, and the maturity of the chief wage earner naturally shows up in higher incomes and asset penetration across the groups.
mall durables—the little items that personalize households and make each home different—can be divided into four main groups: furniture and fixtures, household appliances, recreational goods, and other personal goods including mobile handsets, watches, clocks, plastic goods and decorative items. As a group, they account for less than 2% of total household expenses, as other basic necessities such as food, travel and rent take up the bulk of the budget.
The largest sub-groups in this category are other personal goods and household appliances, accounting for more than 80% and 11%, respectively, of the total expense within the group. There are variations across states. In Chandigarh, Goa and Kerala, household appliances take up close to 20% of the expenses in this category, double the average.
Within this group of small durables, there is a wide variety, with prices and brands to suit every pocket, and as households move up the income ladder, they spend on higher-value items within the group; per-household annual expense on small durables, therefore, rises from Rs. 1,255 on an average in the lowest income segment, which are households earning less than Rs. 1.5 lakh a year, to Rs. 11,807 in the highest income segment of households earning more than Rs. 10 lakh a year.
With technology based solutions seen as key to achieving financial inclusion, the role of e-money becomes important in reaching out to the unbanked masses. While regulatory space in India has been slowing opening up to allow non-banks to act as e-money issuers and prudential norms are in place, regulatory concerns remain regarding the safety of customer funds and the potential impact of e-money on monetary aggregates. The regulator’s dilemma, as described by David Porteous, is whether or not to implement measures that may hinder expansion of access to nonusers in the interest of greater protection for those who already have access, and it is for each country to evolve models and practices appropriate to their economy. It is however instructive to absorb lessons from international experiences that exemplify how regulations can evolve to meet the challenges involved in non-bank e-money issuers, all with the aim of bringing about universal financial inclusion.
M-PESA is a mobile based transfer of money between customers, facilitated by network of retail agents. Kenya is the first country to have adopted M-PESA where the model witnessed huge success and is contributing big way in enabling financial inclusion in the country. Deployment of M-PESA in India can bring similar benefits as experienced in Kenya. Growing mobile penetration in rural areas would ensure that people are able to benefit from mobile based money transfer concept. Indian regulatory system has also been gearing up to allow technology benefits in enabling financial inclusion, developments are only at introductory stage.
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Contribution of Urban Informal Settlement Dwellers to Urban Economy in India
1. Contribution of Urban Informal Settlement
Dwellers to Urban Economy in India
Final Report
November 2013
PRIA
42, Tughlakabad Institutional Area,
New Delhi – 110062
Tel: +91-11-29960931-33
Fax: +91-11-29955183
E-mail: info@pria.org; alip@pria.org
Web: www.pria.org
0|Page
2. Acknowledgements
We are thankful to our fellow citizens across the 50 cities in India who participated in the survey so
sincerely and so constructively. Urban poor, who struggle every hour of the day to earn their
livelihood, spent hours of their precious time in responding to our questions and crosschecking of
information. We are indebted to their each moment spent with us during this study. We are grateful
to our non-poor respondents who cooperated in this study by providing their frank
opnions/perceptions about urban poor.
The study also engaged trained community members as researcher and supporters during field
enquiry processes to generate in-depth information about communities in sample. We acknowledge
the contribution of hundreds of such investigators and express our heartfelt thanks to them. Our
local partner organizations in different states wholeheartedly supported the survey by actively
engaging in this survey as investigator and local coordinators. We are grateful to them for their
valuable contributions.
Thanks to colleagues in Indicus Analytics, specially Dr Laveesh Bhandari, President and Mr Dripto
Mukhopadhayay, Vice President of Indicus, for accepting our request to partner in this pioneering
study across the country. Colleagues in Indicus and PRIA regularly visited the cities, slums and other
urban poor pockets across almost states of the country to generate large data during such a short
time span (July - August 2013) to complete the survey. Without their diligence and unquestioned
commitments to the cause, this study could not have seen the light of the day.
This study could not have been conceptualized, conceived and completed without mental and moral
support of Dr Rajesh Tandon, President, PRIA. He actively encouraged and supported ideas for
undertaking this study when we were repeatedly facing disturbing negative perceptions about
relevance of urban poor during our ongoing urban field interventions in various cities and states of
the country. Colleagues in Urban team of PRIA – Ms Bhavita Vaishnava, Mr Amitabh Bhushan, Mr
Mahesh Dhandole, Dr. Suman Bhanoo, Mr Jeetesh Rai, Dr. Anshu Singh, Ms. Deepika Pandey, Mr.
Abhishek Jha and Mr Prakash Pathak – deserve special mention for their contributions.
We do acknowledge the contributions of panellists (Prof O.P. Mathur, Vice President, NIUA; Ms
Kavita Ramdas, Regional Representative, Ford Foundation-New Delhi; Dr Pranob Sen, former Chief
Statistician and Secretary, Government of India, and Mr Rakesh Ranjan, Advisor, Planning
Commission of India) and participants of national workshop (held on 15th October 2013 at India
Habitat Centre, New Delhi) whose critical comments and suggestions helped us a lot to further
enrich the findings of this study.
Finally we express our sincere thanks to the Rockefeller Foundation and the Ford Foundation for
financially supporting this study as part of ongoing PRIA’s national initiatives to strengthen civil
society voices on Urban Poverty and Urban Governance across the country.
Manoj Rai
Director, PRIA- New Delhi
1|Page
November 2013
3. CONTENTS
Section No.
Section heading
Acknowledgement
1
1.1
1.2
1.3
2
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.3.1
2.3.2
2.3.3
3
3.1
3.1.1
3.1.2
3.1.3
3.1.4
3.1.5
3.1.6
3.2
3.2.1
3.2.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
3.6.1
3.6.2
3.6.2.1
3.6.2.2
3.6.3
3.7
3.7.1
3.7.2
3.8
4
LIST OF TABLES
LIST OF FIGURES
Executive Summary
Informal Settlements in India – A General Perspective
Background
Slums in India – A General Perspective
Key Issues Identified
Relevance of the Present Study, Objectives and Methodology
Relevance of the Present Study
Objectives of the Study
Methodology
Primary Survey of Informal Settlement Households in Fifty Top Cities in
India
Estimation of Contribution of Informal Settlement Households on Urban
Economy – A Social Accounting Matrix (SAM) Approach
Discussion with Non-Informal Settlement Households
Informal Settlement Households – Findings from Survey on
Income and Employment
Contribution to City Labour Supply
Overall Household Income and Contribution to City Incomes
Why Simply Looking at Income–Employment Contribution Is not
Enough?
Employment Status and Income – Some Observations
Sources of Livelihood
Informal Sector and Informal Settlement Dwellers
Housing Concerns
Tenure Security and Housing Conditions
Distance from Place of Work
Education
Migration
Gender
Standard of Living
Expenditure
Indebtedness and Financial Access
Debt
Financial Access
Welfare Benefits: Public Distribution System
Other Socio-Economic Attributes
Participation in the Political Process
Social Participation
Key Issues Identified in This Section
Measuring Contribution of Urban Informal Settlement Dwellers
4.1
4.2
5
2|Page
The Model
Key Issues Identified in this Section
Non-Informal Settlement Households: Perceptions about the Positives
and Negatives of Informal Settlements
Page
1
4
4-5
6-10
11
11-12
12-23
24-25
26
26-28
28-29
29
30-31
31-32
33
34
34
35
36-37
38
39-40
41-43
43-44
44
45-47
47-48
48-50
50-54
54-57
58
58-60
61
61
61-62
63
64
64
64-65
65-66
67
67-72
72
73-74
4. 5.1
74-78
Perceptions regarding the Contribution of Informal Settlement
Population to the City
5.2
3|Page
Key observations
Appendix 1
Appendix 2
Appendix 3
Appendix 4
78
79
89
90
97
5. LIST OF TABLES
Table 3.1: Average Monthly Earnings of Urban Informal Households
Table 3.2: Migrant Characteristics
Table 3.3: Indebtedness of Informal Settlement Households
Table 3.4: Access to Bank/Post-Office Account and Microfinance
Table 3.5: Access to Public Distribution System through Ration Cards
Table 3.6: Participation in Voting
Table 3.7: Social Inclusion
Table 4.1: Basic Structure of an SAM
Table 4.2: Comparison of Multipliers between Informal Settlement Dwellers and Other Urban
Classes
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1.1: Top 10 States – Share of Slum Households of the Country
Figure 1.2: Share of Slum Households to Total State Households
Figure 1.3: Top Ten Cities Based on Households Residing in Slums
Figure 1.4: Projected CAGR of Slum Population – 2012–2017
Figure 1.5: Increase in Slum Population 2012–2017
Figure 1.6: Distribution of Slum Households in India by Source of Drinking Water
Figure 1.7: Contribution of Untreated Tap Water to Source of Drinking Water in Slum Households in
Various States
Figure 1.8: Proportion of Slum Houses with Latrine Facilities within the Premises
Figure 1.9: Proportion of Slum Household Practicing Open Air Defecation
Figure 1.10: Proportion of Slum Households with Electricity, Tap Water and Latrine within House
Premises
Figure 3.1: Share of Informal Settlements in City Population and Labour Supply
Figure 3.2: Age Distribution of Male Population
Figure 3.3: Age Distribution of Female Population
Figure 3.4: Distribution of Households by Income Category
Figure 3.5: Share of Informal Settlements in City Population and Income
4|Page
6. Figure 3.6: Distribution of Slum Households by Caste
Figure 3.7: Average Monthly Earnings across Employment Status
Figure 3.8: Distribution of Employed Members by Employment Status
Figure 3.9: Distribution of Casual Workers in Terms of Average Number of Months Worked in a Year
Figure 3.10: Average Monthly Earnings across Livelihood Categories
Figure 3.11: Distribution of Employed Members by Source of Livelihood
Figure 3.12 Share of Business Owners in Each Sector: All India (%)
Figure 3.13: Distribution of Households by Type of Tenure
Figure 3.14: Distribution of Households by House Condition
Figure 3.15: Average Monthly Earnings across Distance from Place of Work
Figure 3.16: Distribution of Employed Members across Educational Qualifications
Figure 3.17: Average Monthly Earnings across Educational Qualification
Figure 3.18: Share of Migrants in City Population; City-wise Share of Migrants from Rural Areas and
from Different States
Figure 3.19: Land Ownership Status across Years of Migration
Figure 3.20: Average Monthly Expenditure on Rent across Years of Migration
Figure 3.21: Access to PDS across Years of Migration
Figure 3.22: Access to Bank/PO Account across Years of Migration
Figure 3.23: Average Monthly Earnings across Years of Migration
Figure 3.24: Gender Distribution of Sample Population
Figure 3.25: Gender Distribution of Sample Earning Members
Figure 3.26: Sample Work Participation Rate
Figure 3.27: Contribution of Female Workers in Labour Supply for Each Livelihood Category
Figure 3.28: Contribution of Female Workers in Labour Supply for Each Employment Status Category
Figure 3.29: Expenditure–Earnings ratio across Income Groups
Figure 3.30: All India: Monthly Expenditure across Categories (%)
Figure 3.31: Distribution of Households by Source of Loan
Figure 3.32: Distribution of Households by Ration Card Type
Figure 4.1: Schematic Diagram of Economic Inter-linkages Captured in SAM
Figure 5.1: Perception about Role of Slum Households in the City
Figure 5.2: Effect of Non-Presence of Slum Households in the City
Figure 5.3: Opinions on City Life without Slum People
Figure 5.4: Opinions on Removal of Informal Settlements
5|Page
7. Executive Summary
The phenomenon of increased urbanization in India is facing one of its foremost challenges in
the form of disparity between redistribution of economic opportunity and growth. The centre of
poverty is gradually shifting towards urban centres and this situation is further worsened by
already high population densities, poor infrastructure and a general lack of effective housing
policy and provisioning for the poor. The Census of India 2011 suggests that 66% of all
statutory towns in India have slums, with 17.4% of total urban households currently residing.
However, this estimate of slums takes into account certain criteria set by the Census for a
settlement to be featured as a slum. A large proportion of households who are living in similar or
poorer dwelling conditions than those living in slums have been omitted. This study
encompasses all those settlements that comply with the definition of slums (as given by the
Census of India) as well as those with similar or poorer dwelling conditions that those of slums
as ‘Informal Settlements’, because these are primarily dwelling units where most of the urban
poor live. Interventions should be targeted at all these informal settlements instead of only slums
as defined by the Census, since the quality of life and infrastructure in these informal settlements
are similar to those of slums.
The objective of the present study is to look into the contribution of informal settlement
households to urban economy. The primary reason for looking at this particular question is to
determine whether the informal settlement households, who normally form the poor strata of
the urban population, do contribute to the urban economy to a significant extent or not. If they
do contribute to urban economy, whether providing proper urban services to them should be
treated as their legitimate right? For greater comprehension, this study attempts to discover the
role of informal settlement population as a productive agent in urban economy, which is in
contrast to the general notion that this section of population is “burden to the city.”.
A primary survey of 50 top cities in India was conducted to achieve the study objective. The
survey captured various socio-economic–demographic dimensions of urban informal settlements
dwellers in these cities. A total of about 5350 households and about 24500 individuals were
covered in the survey. The focus of the questionnaire was to capture information about income–
expenditure, employment, nature of job, education, living conditions and the similar information
to understand the economic component of their life as well as their standard of living.
Subsequently, we construct a social accounting matrix (SAM) of India that includes urban
informal sector as a component. SAM is the best possible tool that takes into account the interlinkages among various economic agents within an economy. One of the advantages of SAM is
6|Page
8. that it can incorporate certain sections of households into a framework whereby the impact of
that section on the economy in terms of contribution to income (GDP) as well as the multipliers
can be computed, thus allowing precise quantification of the informal settlement population’s
contribution to urban economy. In addition, the study also captures the perceptions of noninformal settlement households regarding the role of the target segment of population in a city
life. This qualitative analysis provides an understanding of the shadow cost of non-existence of
this section of population in the urban centres.
The following are the important points of the study for an understanding of urban informal
settlement population’s contribution to urban economy.
In the million-plus population cities, nearly 40% of the households live in slums. Five
metropolitan cities of the country, namely, Mumbai, Delhi, Chennai, Hyderabad, and
Kolkata, account for more than 50% of the total slum households in the country. States such
as Delhi and Maharashtra raise concerns as they already have a high slum population and are,
according to a recent report by National Building Organization (NBO), expected to face
relatively high growth rates in the coming years.
The Census of India 2011 shows that about 35% of the slum population does not have
access to ‘treated’ tap water from a municipal corporation. More than 25% of the slum
dwellers use water from handpumps, tubewells or some other undefined sources that might
be highly hazardous to their health.
Maharashtra, Odisha, Chhattisgarh and Delhi show that about 50% of slum dwellers do not
have sanitation facilities within house premise. Bihar, Odisha, Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh
have more than 40% of slum households practicing open-air defecation. This figure is also
high for Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh.
At an all-India level, 36% of slum households do not have three basic facilities, viz.,
electricity, tap water and sanitation, within the house premises. States such as Bihar, Assam,
Chhattisgarh, and Odisha reveal a very sad state of affairs with less than 20% of the slum
with these basic amenities.
Though the slum itself is neglected by the authorities hat is evident from above observations,
there is a stark differences between facilities available at notified and non-notified slums.
Non-notified slums have significantly poorer amenities compared to notified slums
The primary survey data suggest that self-employed workers in informal settlements have
greater average earning than their counterparts employed as casual labour and even those in
regular salaries/wage jobs. However, significant variations are observed across cities. This
employment status category might be the repository of much disguised unemployment in
7|Page
9. informal settlements as seen by the fewer number of months being worked by casual
labourers.
Informal sector is found to be the most important employment source for informal
settlement population in the distributions across livelihood categories. Majority of employed
members in informal settlements are in the unskilled service worker category. Among
business owners, we see the range of informal sector enterprises that are being run by the
residents of informal settlements, most of them as service providers where formal provision
is inadequate.
Within informal settlements income varies significantly. Though at the lower income level,
income and expenditure are almost equal in most cases, the expenditure to earnings ratio of
informal settlement households decreases with increase in income. Food is expectedly the
most important expenditure category, especially for the lower income households within
informal settlements. On an average, expenditure on food is almost half of the total monthly
income. Health, education and conveyance also have significant expenditure shares.
Debt is quite common among the informal settlement dwellers. However, penetration of
banks and microfinance institutions is found to be low.
A majority of informal settlement dwellers have lower than middle school education.
Income, as expected, increases with higher level of education. Tenure security and housing
conditions, which are important indicators of socio-economic status, vary across cities. A
sizeable proportion of the informal settlement population is composed of migrants, who are
primarily from rural areas, but not necessarily from different states. The migrants were
predominantly of the permanent sort who had been living in the city for many years. The
motivation for the migration was mostly unemployment or low wages in the place of origin.
Large proportion of informal settlement dwellers are in productive age group. Therefore,
with better facilities and living condition, increased productivity level of this section of
population can boost the economy further.
The survey shows that new migrants face difficulties in settling in a new cities in terms of
various dimensions of daily living. The major problems they face are in terms of rent, access
to PDS, access to banking facilities, land tenure facilities
Proportion of female earning members and the female work participation is much lower than
the male members, which perhaps is an indicator of gender inequality in availing employment
opportunities.
8|Page
10. Through constructing SAM including informal sector dwellers as an economic agent, the
study has captured direct, indirect and induced impact of activities (related to both
production and consumption) of informal settlement dwellers on urban economy.
GDP multiplier of informal settlement dwellers is 1.4, which in simple words suggests that
because of one extra unit of increase income by informal settlement households, total of 1.4
units of GDP will be experienced as total impact (including direct, indirect and induced).
Assuming that urban GDP is about 60% of total GDP, the total contribution of informal
settlement dwellers to urban GDP of India is 7.53%.
Total output multiplier for economic sectors is 2.90. This suggests that an injection of one
additional unit of demand from informal settlement households will result in an additional
output generation of 2.90 units in the economy.
Total household income multiplier of informal settlement dwellers is 2.0. This suggests that
an injection of one additional unit of demand from informal settlement households will
result in an additional household income generation of 2.0 units in the economy.
In case of most of the production sectors, urban informal settlement households show a
higher multiplier than rest of the urban households. Education is the only sector where
multiplier is higher for rest of the urban households than informal sector households.
The probable reason for higher multiplier for urban informal sector is that because of
aspirations to catch up with urban lifestyle, any extra income of urban informal settlement
dwellers is converted to consumption and savings are scarce. On the other hand, in case of
non-informal settlement dwellers in urban areas, additional income is generally converted
into savings. Thus consumption propensity of urban informal settlement dwellers for any
additional unit of income is higher than non-informal settlement dwellers.
The initial reactions of the non-informal settlement households about contribution of
informal settlement population were extremely negative. For about 50% of informal
settlement dwellers play more negative role in an urban life than contribute positively.
However, once the discussion moved towards the likely effect of non-existence of this
section of population, majority of the non-informal settlement respondents felt that their
lives will be affected adversely by their absence because many of the activities undertaken by
urban informal settlement dwellers are irreplaceable as those are neither remunerative nor
attractive for non-informal settlement population.
9|Page
11. About 40% of the non-informal settlement urban sample households think that their daily
life will be affected adversely if the informal settlements and the people living there are
removed.
Most of the non-informal settlement dwellers feel that informal settlement dwellers should
be given better basic services since they are integral part of the city life.
A Few Final Words
On the contrary to the general notions, the study suggests that informal settlement dwellers play
positive roles in urban economy as well as urban life apart from a few known adverse roles.
Their contribution to urban GDP, and some of the “difficult to replace” nature of jobs they are
engaged in, makes them an integral productive economic agent of the urban economy. Based on
the Census of India 2011 data, as well as primary survey data of informal settlements of 50 cities,
the study also suggests that a large proportion of the households do not even have access to the
basic facilities. As the services provided to this section of population are often considered as
favour to the community rather than their basic right, the approach and attitude of the
authorities needs to be re-examined. Certainly the informal settlement dwellers deserve the basic
facilities that other urban dwellers enjoy as their right. This needs to be translated into policies by
the policy makers and opinion leaders of the country.
10 | P a g e
12. Section 1:
Informal Settlements in India – A General Perspective
1.1 Background
India has been experiencing a steady increase in urban population, which has grown from 78.9
million in 1961 to 377 million in 2011, now accounting for almost a third of the population.
While decadal growth of rural population has slowed down from 18% during 1991–2001 to 12%
between 2001 and 2011, the urban population growth rate has remained stagnant at a little higher
than 30%. In fact, for the first time since independence, the absolute decadal change in urban
population at 91 million was higher than the decadal change in rural population.
Cities and towns are increasingly becoming the economic nerve centres – drawing investments,
technology and manpower; accumulating skill, capital and knowledge, and thus fostering
innovation – enabling rapid increase in its contribution to overall growth of the economy.
Consequently, urban India now accounts for a dominant share in the economy. According to the
McKinsey report titled “India’s Urban Awakening, 1 ” almost 60% of the country’s GDP is
accounted for by urban India, which by 2030 is likely to expand further to amass a 70% share.
While on the one hand it certainly is an opportunity, on the other hand it also embraces a
number of challenges within the system.
The foremost challenge it poses, and that in all likelihood is going to accentuate further, is the
disparity it has created between population distribution and economic opportunity. If two-thirds
of population residing in the rural areas is living on about one-third of economic contribution,
this surely leads to a significant income inequality across the rural–urban divide. This inequality
and lack of opportunity not only fans rural–urban migration, but also results in a shift in the
centre of poverty. This is not only an India-centric phenomenon, but also worldwide. UNHABITAT estimates that 95% of population growth in the world’s poorest regions will be in
urban areas. As a result, cities will increasingly become the centre of poverty in the coming
years.2
Migration in itself would not be a major problem, but for the existing high population density in
the urban centres, thus creaking infrastructure and a general lack of effective housing policy and
1McKinsey,
2010, India’s Urban Awakening. Web link:
http://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/McKinsey/dotcom/Insights%20and%20pubs/MGI/Research/Ur
banization/Indias%20urban%20awakening%20Building%20inclusive%20cities/MGI_Indias_urban_awa
kening_full_report.ashx
2UN-HABITAT, 2006, Cities, Slums and the Millennium Development Goals. Web link:
http://www.unhabitat.org/documents/media_centre/APMC/Cities,%20Slums%20and%20the%20Mille
nnium%20Development%20Goals.pdf
11 | P a g e
13. provisioning for the poor. Considering that cities’ informal settlements are often the “first step”
out of rural poverty,3 migration is only going to create more pressure on the already floundering
infrastructure facilities. The absence of and/or ineffective policy intervention and investment in
augmenting housing supply and basic amenities for the urban poor has resulted, as expected, in
an expansion in the informal settlements across all the urban centres in India.
According to the Census 2011, almost two-thirds of statutory towns have slums and almost onefifth of urban households in India live in slums. As per the latest Census counts, there were 1.08
lakh slums in India in 2011, accounting for 13.75 million households. Population living in slums
is expected to rise to 105 million by 2017 from 75 million in 2001.4 The UN-Habitat report on
the “State of the World Cities 2012-13”5 also predicted a similar trend across the developing
regions of the world. Slum population in the developing regions was about 1.4 billion in 1990,
accounting for about 35% of urban population. By 2012 the estimated figure was expected to
exceed 2.6 billion, which accounts for more than 45% of urban population. In the South Asian
region, the proportion was estimated to increase from 26.5% of urban population to 32.4% over
the same period. The worst situation seems to prevail in the Latin American and Caribbean
region where almost 80% of urban population lives in the slums, followed by western Asia
(67.1%), Northern Africa (54.6%) and Eastern Asia (50.3%). Even in India’s immediate
neighbouring countries, the percentage of slum population in total urban population is as high as
62 in Bangladesh, 58 in Nepal and 47 in Pakistan.6
1.2 Slums in India – A General Perspective
The Census of India defines slums as residential areas where dwellings are unfit for human
habitation for reasons of dilapidation, overcrowding, faulty arrangements and design of such
buildings, narrowness or faulty arrangement of street, lack of ventilation, light, or sanitation
facilities or any combination of these factors that are detrimental to the safety and health. The
poorer section of slum dwellers suffer disproportionally from catastrophic illness costs despite
the existence of free public health services. Policies need to be implemented that enhance the
UN_HABITAT, op. cit.
Ministry of Housing and Urban Poverty Alleviation, 2010, Report of the committee on slum
statistics/census. Web link: http://mhupa.gov.in/W_new/Slum_Report_NBO.pdf
5 UN-Habitat, 2012, State of the World Cities 2012-13, pg 171. Web link:
http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/listItemDetails.aspx?publicationID=3387
6 UN-Habitat, op. cit. pp. 148–9.
3
4
12 | P a g e
14. resilience of poor households against illness costs.7 Also research suggests that the correlation
between slum residence and nutritional outcomes is nuanced and depends on how one defines
a slum. This suggests that interventions targeted at slums should look beyond official definitions
and include current living conditions to effectively reach the most vulnerable. 8 The Registrar
General of India (RGI) has categorised and adopted the following definitions of slums for the
purpose of the Census of India 2011.9
1.
Notified slum: All notified areas in a town or city; Notified as ‘Slum’ by State, UT
Administration or Local Government under any Act including a ‘Slum Act’.
2.
Recognized slum: All areas recognised as ‘Slum’ by State, UT Administration or Local
Government, Housing and Slum Boards, although these might not have been formally notified
as slum under any Act.
3.
Identified slum: A compact area of at least 300 population (or about 60–70 households)
living in poorly built, congested tenements, in unhygienic environment, usually with inadequate
infrastructure and lacking in proper sanitary and drinking water facilities.
As seen above, the scope of the definition of slums covers any and every housing unit that is
‘unfit’ for human settlement. This would seem to suggest that there no housing unit where the
urban poor reside that have conditions similar to those seen in the slums falling under the three
aforementioned definitions. However, the housing data of the Census of India 2011 show that
there exist houses with similar or poorer conditions than the official slum housing units in urban
areas of India. NBO report suggests that large numbers of settlements are not covered by
Census since they do not fulfil the criteria to be defined as slum (threshold number of houses).
The present study attempts to cover informal settlements. This has not been defined by any
competent authority in India. Several quarters define the term “informal settlement” loosely in
accordance to its literary meaning. However, this important issue needs to be resolved since the
major objective of the study is to estimate contribution of informal settlement dwellers to urban
economy. Therefore, the settlements that are ignored by the Slum Census because of the
enumeration criteria, need to be covered if they share the same characteristics as slum houses. At
the same time, the study needs to keep in mind that because of problem in definition , informal
settlement dwellers in urban India should not be overestimated.
7
Sakdapolrak, Patrick; Seyler, Thomas; Ergler, Christina. Burden of direct and indirect costs of illness: Empirical
findings from slum settlements in Chennai, South India, Progress in Development Studies, April 2013, Vol. 13
Issue 2, p135-151.
8
Swaminathan, Hema; Mukherji, Arnab, Slums and Malnourishment: Evidence from Women in India, American
Journal of Public Health. Jul2012, Vol. 102 Issue 7, p1329-1335.
9
Census of India, 2011
13 | P a g e
15. To solve this problem, we must define informal settlement dwellers as those who live in similar
housing conditions as that of the poorest slum dwellers and add their numbers to the population
of slum on the basis of the assumption that the income level and work participation of these
households will be similar to at least the poorest slum dwellers. This would remove the
possibility of any overestimation of informal settlement dwellers. Certainly this is a better
representation of informal settlement dwellers than considering only slum dwellers as being
similar. However, the rest of the discussion in this section is related to slum dwellers since the
data used for the purpose was obtained from Slum Census 2011, which is the only source for
secondary data. Undoubtedly, the living conditions discussed below are an underestimation of
the poor conditions that the informal settlement dwellers live in.
The data from the Census of India 2011 show that out of all statutory towns in India, about 66%
have slums. Compiling the figures for notified, recognized and identified slums, we find that a
total of 137.49 lakh households live in 1.08 lakh slums across India. The 2011 Census data also
show that 17.4% of total urban households in the country are currently living in slums. It is
known that the extent of economic activities as well as the size of the states varies extensively
across India and so also does the slum population. However, assuming this, also the distribution
of slum households seems quite skewed in favour of a few states. The distribution as shown in
Figure 1.1 reveals that 10 states in the country account for about 85% of total slum households
in the country. The top 5 states account for about 65% of total slum households.
Figure 1.1: Top 10 States - Share of Slum Households in
the Country
Source: Census of India 2011
14 | P a g e
16. With this skewed distribution of slum population, one can assume that in some of the states the
slum population will have a significant share in total population as well, especially in these that
are more urbanized and industrialized. This has significant implications on the standard of living
in these particular states although those may be ahead of many others in terms of economic
activities. Inequality and disparate development seem to be key features in the development
process of these states. To answer this question, we have presented percentage share of slum
households to total households in the states in Figure 1.2, which suggests that 6 states, namely,
Andhra Pradesh, Delhi, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Chhattisgarh, have 10%
or more households of the state living in slums.
1
1
1
2
1
2
2
3
4
4
5
4
5
5
6
6
7
7
9
8
9
9
10
10
10
% Share
13
14
14
Figure 1.2: Share of Slum Households to Total State Households
Source: Census of India 2011
It can be concluded from the above observations that there will be a few selected cities that are
over-burdened with slum population and justifiable are unable to provide even the simple basic
facilities to this section of the population. Another plausible corollary to this assumption is that
with low level of income, the two primary pillars of development, viz., education and health, are
certainly neglected within this group, which is a deeper cause of concern not only for city but
also for the country. To corroborate these hypotheses, we have observed city-wise numbers
related to slum population and households. If we consider just the cities with a million plus
population, we find that nearly 40% of the households in these cities are slum households. The
share of top 10 cities in terms of slum population is shown in Figure 1.3, which shows that the
top five metro cities, namely, Mumbai, Delhi, Chennai, Hyderabad and Kolkata, account for
more than 50% of total slum households in the country. And, the same for top ten cities
15 | P a g e
17. comprise more than 65% of the country’s total. Therefore, the above observations highlight two
very important points:
1. Slums are not a phenomenon that is noted uniformly in all states.
2. It is more of big city-centric problems, especially those that are notably far ahead of
others in terms of economic activities.
3. Respective local governments/city municipalities are facing major problems relating to
slums compared to state or central authorities.
With these points, it is more pertinent to understand the future growth of slum population so
that the threats to these big cities can be envisaged with further clarity.
Figure 1.3: Top Ten Cities Based on Households
Residing in Slums
Source: Census of India 2011
The National Building Organization report of 201110 provides projections of slum population till
2017. Based on these data, we have computed the growth rates of slum population for each state
from 2012 to 2017. The growth has been computed as Compound Annual Growth Rate
(CAGR) instead of annual average so that we can obtain a picture spanning 5 years. Change in
absolute numbers of slum population during these 5 years has also been computed to suggest the
amount of extra effort the urban authorities need to make to the cities livable for all. The
projected CAGR of slum population during 2012–2017 and the predicted absolute increase in
10
Report of the Committee of Slum Statistics/Census, Government of India, Ministry of Housing and Urban
Poverty Alleviation, National Building Organization, 2011
16 | P a g e
18. slum population are presented in Figures 1.4 and 1.5, respectively. As expected, because of the
large base, the CAGR for most of the states with large number of slum population exhibited
likely lower growth rates than the others. However, the causes of concern are Delhi and
Maharashtra. Though the number of slum population is among the top in the country, the
predicted growth rates for these states are also significantly higher than many other states. These
are reflected through predicted values of absolute change in slum population. In Maharashtra,
the number of slum population is going to increase by more than 2000 thousand in next 5 years.
Obviously, the larger increase is going to be experienced in Mumbai and its surrounding areas.
Uttar Pradesh and Tamil Nadu are the 2 other states where total increase in slum population in
the next 5 years will be more than 1000 thousand. Delhi is, with a much smaller geographic area
than the other states, going to experience of 532 thousand additional persons to its existing slum
population.
1
1
1
1
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
4
4
4
CAGR on %
6
Figure 1.4: Projected CAGR of Slum Population - 2012 to 2017
Source: Computed based on NBO 2011
17 | P a g e
19. 2007
1267
1077
658
533
532
486
465
408
349
330
330
302
178
154
109
101
88
50
31
28
18
15
12
10
10
5
2
Increase in Slum Population (in '000)
Figure 1.5: Increase in Slum Population 2012-17
Source: Computed based on NBO 2011
A book titled Behind the Beautiful Forevers: Life, Death, and Hope in a Mumbai Undercity, by Katherine
Boo outlines the struggles and living conditions of people living in the Mumbai slum of
Annawadi. To provide a much wider understanding of the living conditions, the following
discussions and charts provide an understanding of the provision of the basic amenities in slums.
The discussion relates to a few basic services as given in slum-related data by Census of India
2011. This looks into the level of availability of a few selected basic facilities or lack thereof
among slum households in different states. The indicators chosen considered certain factors that
are absolutely essential in enabling a household to live with dignity and have a basic quality of
life.
Sources of Drinking Water
Drinking water is one of the most important necessities for the well-being of slum households
for daily life as well as health-related wellness. Owing to close proximity of slum houses to one
another and the attendant problems of poor sanitation and hygiene, slums have the potential to
be hot-spots during outbreak of endemic diseases such as cholera, bacteria, dysentery, etc. Clean
drinking water limits such outbreaks to a large extent. We look at the all-India distribution of
drinking water sources in slum households. Figure 1.6 shows that, at all-India level, about 35%
of the slum dwellers do not have access to “treated” tap water. Note that the so-called treated
water supplied by many of the municipalities is found to be enough contaminated for spreading
serious diseases. About 35% of slum dwellers do not have access to this as well. More than 25%
of the slum dwellers use water from hand pump, tubewell and some undefined sources. State18 | P a g e
20. wise distribution of households who fetch tap water from untreated sources is presented in
Figure 1.7. Among the bigger states, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Chhattisgarh,
Madhya Pradesh have a significant proportion of slum population who use un-treated tap water.
Figure 1.6: Distribution of Slum Households in India
by Source of Drinking Water (%)
7.64
Tapwater from treated
source
5.70
Tapwater from un-treated
source
12.67
Handpump
8.67
65.32
Tubewell/Borehole
Other source
Source: Census of India 2011
Untreated Tap water %
Contribution
0.5
1.5
2.2
3.7
3.9
3.9
4.7
5.0
5.5
5.7
5.8
6.2
6.8
7.0
7.1
7.5
8.7
9.3
9.4
10.5
10.5
11.0
11.9
12.5
13.5
16.2
18.3
20.6
21.0
27.2
31.8
37.3
Figure 1.7: Contribution of Untreated Tap Water to Source of Drinking
Water in Slum Households within States
Source: Census of India 2011
Availability of Sanitation Facility
Sanitation facilities are important for ensuring the health and dignity of households living in
slums of urban India. A state-wise distribution of urban slum households based on availability of
19 | P a g e
21. sanitation facility within the household premises is presented in Figure 1.8. Apart from Kerala,
most of the states exhibiting greater availability of sanitation facilities within the house premises
are the North-Eastern states. Figures in Maharashtra, Odisha, Chhattisgarh and Delhi show that
nearly 50% of slum dwellers do not have sanitation facilities within their house premises.
Similarly, the situation in Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh also is quite
alarming.
Source: Census of India 2011
As an extension of poor sanitation facilities across most of the states in the country, Figure 1.9
shows the state-wise incidence of open-air defecation, which is often cited as the cause of many
diseases and illnesses. Even if one disregards the utilitarian cost implications of entire households
contracting diseases from habitual open-air defecation, we are still staring at the humanitarian
aspect, which also does not allow one to overlook this phenomenon in slums of urban India.
20 | P a g e
99
95
93
93
93
92
91
89
88
86
85
84
83
82
80
77
72
66
66
64
63
63
63
61
61
54
53
50
49
48
42
4
Latrine Inside Premises %
Contribution
Figure 1.8: Proportion of Slum Houses with Latrine Facilities within the
Premises
22. 42
42
42
48
0.49
1
2
3
3
4
6
7
9
9
10
10
11
11
12
14
14
15
17
19
19
19
21
23
25
25
26
32
Open-air Defecation %
Figure 1.9: Proportion of Slum Household Practicing Open Air Defecation
Source: Census of India 2011
To understand overall living condition, we look at the proportion of slum households with three
basic facilities: electricity, tap water and sanitation within house premises. These are the
preliminary components of an urban life. Figure 1.10 presents state-wise distribution of slum
households with all these three facilities. At an all-India level, an average of 36% slum
households has these facilities. Himachal Pradesh emerges as the best state in terms of
availability of these facilities to slum households. Bihar, Assam, Chhattisgarh, Odisha and others
show very poor conditions, with less than 20% of the slum households with access to these basic
amenities. This supports the findings of the study by Ajai Srivastava and R. C. Singh that
portrayed the poor condition in which the slum dwellers live in Bhilai city.11
11
Srivastava, Ajai; Singh, R.C., “Slums and Associated Problems: A Case Study of Bhilai, an Industrial
City, India”, International Journal of Environmental Studies. 1996, Vol. 50, Issue 1, p51.
21 | P a g e
23. 75
7
9
11
15
16
18
24
25
26
28
29
32
32
34
35
41
43
45
49
49
50
50
50
53
55
56
58
58
64
80
60
40
20
1
2
Households with Electricity, Tap Water, and
Latrine within premises (%)
Figure 1.10: Proportion of Slum Households with Electricity, Tap Water,
and Latrine within House Premises
0
Source: Census of India 2011
Difference Based on Notified and Non-Notified Status
As it has been mentioned earlier that slums are notified as well as non-notified. A relevant
question comes to mind that does the status of the slum have any association with amenities
available? In other words, whether the quality of living in notified and non-notified slums is same
in terms of facilities provide by the authorities. Since Census of India does not provide slum
specific information, the study attempted to look for an answer to this question with the help of
National Sample Survey Organization (NSSO) data of 65th round. 12 NSSO data provides
information on slums for 10 big states. A few parameters have been discussed below to suggest
how the status determines or discriminates the living conditions or the provisions of amenities.
The parameters chosen to show differences between notified and non-notified slums are:
1. Share of kutcha houses
2. Availability of electricity (for household use and street lights)
3. Share of households with modern septic tank/flush toilets
4. Pucca road
5. Underground sewerage facilities.
Differences between notified and non-notified slums are presented with the help of graphical
representation from Figure 1.11 to 1.15. Each of these figures has shown stark discriminations
12
NSSO, “Some Characteristics of Urban Slums 2008-09”, MoSPI, Government of India, May 2010.
22 | P a g e
24. against the non-notified slums regarding the chosen parameters. The actual figures are presented
in Appendix 1 from Table 12 to table 15. It is clearly evident that the living conditions in nonnotified slums are significantly poorer compared to notified slums. Since the living conditions of
the slums themselves are abysmal compared to rest of the urban settlements in India, the
conditions of non-notified slums suggest complete apathy towards the residents of these
settlements.
Figure 1.11: Share of Kutcha
Houses
80
Figure 1.12: Electricity for
Households and Street Lighting
100
60
80
60
40
40
20
20
0
0
Notified
Figure 1.13: Share of Septic
Tank/Flush Latrine
40.00
Non-notified
Figure 1.14: Pucca Road
100
80
30.00
60
20.00
40
10.00
20
0.00
0
Notified
23 | P a g e
Non-notified
Notified
Non-notified
25. Figure 1.15: Per Cent Slums with Underground Sewerage
100
80
60
40
20
0
Notified
Non-notified
Key Issues Identified
According to the Slum Census 2011, almost two-thirds of statutory towns have slums
and almost one-fifth of urban households in India live in them. The centre of poverty is
gradually shifting towards urban centres and this situation is further worsened by already
high population densities, poor infrastructure and a general lack of effective housing
policy and provisioning for the poor. This has led to the expansion of informal
settlements in all urban centres in India.
In Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal, the share of slum
households to total slum households is significantly higher than in other states. Delhi,
Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh are also close to the aforementioned states.
In cities with million plus population, nearly 40% live in slums households. The metro
cities of Mumbai, Delhi, Chennai, Hyderabad, and Kolkata account for more than 50%
of total slum households in the country.
The Census of India 2011 data show that about 35% of the slum population do not have
access to ‘treated’ tap water from a municipal corporation. More than 25% of the slum
dwellers use water from hand-pumps, tubewells or some other undefined sources.
Among the bigger states, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Chhattisgarh,
Madhya Pradesh have significant proportion of slum population using un-treated tap
water.
24 | P a g e
26. Maharashtra, Odisha, Chhattisgarh and Delhi show that nearly 50% of slum dwellers do
not have sanitation facilities within house premise. Bihar, Odisha, Jharkhand and
Chhattisgarh have more than 40% of slum households practicing open-air defecation.
At an all-India level, 36% of slum households do not have basic facilities of electricity,
tap water and sanitation within the house premises. Bihar, Assam, Chhattisgarh and
Odisha have less than 20% of the slum households with access to these basic amenities
for daily life.
There is a distinct difference between notified and non-notified slums in terms of
amenities which show complete apathy of the authorities towards residences of informal
settlements.
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27. Section 2:
Relevance of the Present Study, Objectives
and Methodology
2.1 Relevance of the Present Study
Worldwide, numerous studies have been conducted on several dimensions relating to slum or
informal settlements in cities. This ranges from the reasons leading to the growth of informal
settlements, the socio-economic-demographic conditions of informal settlement dwellers and
how to address issues of informal settlement development, including poverty eradication and
enhancing quality of life and the similar ones. A study on African countries finds that external
debt, high inequality, lack of planned urban growth, and the exclusionary regulatory framework
governing (residential) land supply contribute to the prevalence of slums and squatter
settlements.13 The study also identifies three factors – higher level of income, greater financial
stability and investment in infrastructure – as having a significant impact on reducing the
incidence of slums and social exclusion.
The degree of shelter deprivation (defined as lack of access to improved water and sanitation,
overcrowding, non-durable housing and insecure tenure) among the slum dwellers in a number
of Asian and African countries was studied by UN-Habitat,14 which found significant variation
across countries. In essence, it showed heterogeneity across slums, even though the poorest
regions tended to host the largest slum population suffering from multiple shelter deprivation.
Similarly, the Global Report on Human Settlements 2003 shows that the slums are generally
characterised by very poor urban housing conditions, high concentration of poverty and
economic deprivation, and limited access to credit and formal employment.15
The generally hazardous location of the slums is also reflected in many of the studies. For
example, the Global Report on Human Settlements 2003 finds that the lands on which slums
develop are often fragile, dangerous and polluted by industrial effluents and noxious waste, and
prevalence of water-borne diseases is quite high. The precarious/hazardous location of the slums
Ben Aramiah, 2001, Slums as expression of social exclusion: Explaining the prevalence of slums in
African countries. Web link: http://www.oecd.org/dev/pgd/46837274.pdf
14 UN-Habitat, 2008, State of the World Cities 2012-13, pg 90-105. Web link:
http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/listItemDetails.aspx?publicationID=2562
15 UN-Habitat, 2003, The Challenge of Slums: Global Report on Human Settlements 2003.Web link:
http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/listItemDetails.aspx?publicationID=1156
13
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28. in India is also reflected in the NSSO 65th round report,16 which finds that almost half of the
slums were affected by water logging during monsoon.
Similarly, several studies in India also explore the conditions of slums. For example, the CGDR
study on the slums of Delhi assesses the socio-economic status of slum dwellers.17 The study
analyses the availability of various basic civic amenities, including housing, drinking water, latrine
and sewerage system, drainage system, health and education facilities, etc. It finds that most
slums suffer from inadequate garbage disposal system, sanitation, and healthcare; open
defecation is rampant; and most dwellers suffer from lack of safe drinking water supply. Despite
this general lack of amenities, most of the houses are pucca, although fear of eviction looms large
due to absence of land rights. Better livelihood has been the primary reason for migration from
rural regions of Uttar Pradesh (UP) and Bihar, and unaffordable accommodation has been the
main reason for moving into slums. PRIA, which is also active in many of the informal
settlements across many cities, have also completed several studies characterizing the condition
of such settlements in many of the cities.18,19,20
The general portrayal by this multitude of literature on the profile of urban slums and slum
dwellers is one of deprivation. Slum dwellers generally belong to the lower economic strata,
often from the backward communities and migrants from rural areas looking for better
livelihood opportunities. The civic amenities here are, in general, considerably poor compared
with the rest of the city, resulting in unhygienic living standards. Most of the inhabitants of the
informal settlements are also engaged in economic activities that are generally not suitable for
educated urban class, like daily labourers, rickshaw pullers, house maids/servants, petty
businesses, etc.
However, very few studies exist that have tried to identify or measure the contributions of
informal settlement population to the city’s economy. The general perception has been that the
informal settlements are primarily a burden on the city’s ecosystem. However, the extent of truth
in this perception has remained largely unexplored. There is a gap in the existing literature
regarding the contribution of informal settlements and its scientific measurement. Since most
NSSO, 2010, Some characteristics of urban slums 2008–09, 65th round. Web link:
http://mospi.nic.in/Mospi_New/upload/534_final.pdf
17 Centre for Global Development Research, 2011, Analysis of Slum Area in Delhi & Alternative
Strategies of Rehabilitation Web link:
http://planningcommission.nic.in/reports/sereport/ser/ser_slum.pdf
18 PRIA, 2012, Slum listing report - Patna
19 PRIA, 2012, Slum listing report - Jaipur
20 PRIA, 2012, Raipur: Urban Poverty (Slum) Profile
16
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29. research studies only discuss economic status or socio-demographic status or availability or lack
of it in informal settlements, mostly only slums, there is little awareness the role of this section of
population in terms of economic contribution. The current research has made an attempt to
bridge this gap between the existing knowledge on informal settlement dwellers and their role in
economy of urban areas. This should receive a special attention since 19 million-plus cities report
more than 25% share of slum households in total city households. We raise several research
questions that need answers to bridge the existing research gap. These questions are as follows.
How do informal settlement dwellers engage in productive economic works?
What is the income–expenditure profile of the informal settlement dwellers?
How to account for the labour as well as income–expenditure profile of this segment of
population to measure their contribution to a city’s economy?
What is the total contribution of informal settlement dwellers – direct, indirect and
induced – to urban economy?
Would the city economy and social life remain unaffected in case this section of the city
population simply ceased to exist? In such a scenario, can the non-informal settlement
section of the city easily replace the vacuum?
Answers to all these questions are important to arrive at a conclusive decision about the
relevance of informal settlement dwellers in a city. Their contribution to economy as well as
their role in other socio-economic aspects of city life determines whether they deserve
proper services from city governments on their own right rather than being provided as
subsidies or so as well as whether policy makers need to re-think the way they treat informal
settlement dwellers and in fulfilling their requirements.
2.2 Objectives of the study
Based on the research gap identified above, the present study focuses on three crucial issues:
1. Identifying involvement level of the informal settlement population in cities’
economic activities: Focus here will be on assessing the economic profile of the
households and income earners – their livelihood profile, their income–expenditure
profile, their asset profile, tenement status, etc.
2. To measure direct, indirect and induced contribution of the informal settlement
population to cities’ economic scenario: This issue tries to estimate the share of city
28 | P a g e
30. economy accounted for by the informal settlement dwellers and what kind of impact can
additional demand from informal settlements have on the output level of the urban
economy.
3. To understand the shadow impact of non-existence of the informal settlement
population in cities: This issue explores the perception and views of non-informal
settlement city population on the contribution and importance of the informal settlement
dwellers on city economic and social life more qualitatively.
2.3 Methodology
To achieve the aforementioned objectives, a three-pronged strategy is used. First, informal
settlement household survey is conducted in top 50 cities focusing on the livelihood profile,
income–expenditure profile and asset ownership profile and tenement status. The objective here
was to characterize the member’s sector and nature of employment, qualifications, individual as
well as household earnings, household expenditures across various items, asset holding profile,
access to amenities, etc. In short, the informal settlement household data from top 50 cities
allows us to present the involvement level of this segment of the city population in the cities’
economic activities. This segment not only contributes by supplying labour to the city, but also
contributes to city income through consumption and tax-revenue generation.
To exactly measure this contribution of the informal settlement population to the city economy
in quantitative terms, we include Social Accounting Matrix (SAM) as the second element in our
analysis. The SAM allows us to understand the value of contribution of people living in informal
settlements by capturing direct, indirect and assuring induced impact, measuring contribution to
urban income or Gross Domestic Products (GDP) and measuring impacts on different sectors
due to additional demands from informal settlement population.
In addition to these two quantitative aspects, the analysis framework followed in the study also
includes a qualitative aspect in the form of discussion with non-informal settlement households
on their perception about positives and negatives of the existence of informal settlements. This
was included to assess their attitude towards informal settlement population, their perception of
the contribution that the informal settlement populations are making to the city’s economy as
well as the importance of this neglected section of the city population to the overall city
economic and social life.
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31. Primary Survey of Informal Settlement Households in Fifty Top Cities in India
As mentioned earlier, the focus of the primary survey of households in 50 top cities (Appendix 2
2.3.1
presents the list of 50 cities covered in the primary survey) was on:
Livelihood profile – whether the earning members are employed in industrial sector or
services or in business, their level of skill, the nature of job (casual, regular salaried, selfemployed, etc.), the earning profile, the education profile, etc.
Income–expenditure profile of household – an overall household-level income and
expenditure and item-wise distribution of expenditure have been captured
Asset ownership profile – asset holdings of the informal settlement households in these
cities
Tenement-level information – ownership of land, nature of housing based on their
structure (pucca, semi-pucca, kuchcha).
A structured questionnaire was used for the informal settlement household survey. A total
number of 5353 informal settlement households (which included 24,445 household individual
members) were surveyed across the 50 cities. Out of which, 1,201 households were from the 4
cities, namely, Bhopal, Jaipur, Patna and Raipur, which are representatives of Indian average city
in terms of size and economy. These cities have been treated as core cities for the study. In each
of the 4 core cities, 10 informal settlements were selected randomly; and from each settlement,
30 households were randomly chosen. Thus, 300 households were sampled from each of these 4
core cities. In the rest of the 46 cities, 3 settlements from each were randomly chosen. The
number of households from each settlement remained the same at 30 households. This gave us a
sample of 90 households from each of these 46 cities. The duality in our approach in sample
selection was borne out of the felt need to study a few of the cities in more detail while
attempting to analyse the broad national scenario, and in the face of budgetary and time
limitations. While a 5000-plus household sample spread across top 50 cities will give enough
representativeness to the sample for estimating the national trend, a 300-sample size drawn from
10 settlements from each of the select 4 cities will allow us to explore inter-city differences with
more statistical accuracy than what a small 90 sample drawn from 3 settlements would allow us.
All these four cities are million-plus cities and are capitals of their respective states. Since these
cities have some characteristics of metro cities as well as some of smaller urban centres, these
cities will provide an essence of urban dynamics of an average Indian city. All these cities are
growing rapidly in terms of population and geography and facing the usual problems that are
common to rapid urban growth.
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32. Accordingly, while capturing the all-India scenario represented by households’ survey data of 50
cities, we have also analysed city-level information only for the four core cities – Bhopal, Jaipur,
Patna and Raipur. All-India-level estimates on different parameters have been computed on the
basis of the 50-city sample. These are weighted estimates where the weights have been computed
based on an individual city’s share in total slum households in the 50 cities put together. The
secondary data on city-wise slum households are collated from Slum Census of India 2011.21
Estimation of Contribution Informal Settlement Households on Urban Economy
– A Social Accounting Matrix (SAM) Approach
2.3.2
Capturing data on contribution of informal settlement population to urban economy is a difficult
task, since it not only involves macro-economic aspects of the economy, but also involves all the
aspects that the informal settlement population is engaged in different components of economy
directly or indirectly. SAM is primarily an extension of Input-Output analysis (I-O) that brings
distributional issues to the fore. Since National Accounts Statistics (NAS) considers only
consolidated income, outlay and capital finance accounts, distinguishing at most a few aggregated
institutions, distributional aspects cannot be captured. Such scenario led to the development of
SAM, which originated from research for a pragmatic data system in which both macroeconomic aggregates (the growth indicators) and distribution and redistribution could be
recorded, and thus integrated.22 It is seen as an extension of I-O accounting system as it fills in
the “links in the circular flow from factor. Briefly, an SAM shows how sectoral value-added
accrues to production factors and their institutional owners; how these incomes, corrected for
net current transfers, are spent; and how expenditures on commodities lead to sectoral
production and value added. The “leakages” from this cycle, for example in the form of
payments abroad or savings, are also shown. The SAM shows the interrelationship between
income distribution and final expenditures. Hence, the impact of a change in demand in one
sector on the overall economy is captured in a much broader way in SAM than in an I-O matrix.
This is because besides the impact on other producing sectors, SAM also captures the effects on
income that operates via household incomes.
21
http://www.censusindia.gov.in/2011census/hlo/Slum_table/Slum_table.html
22
(Keuning and Ruijter, 1988).
31 | P a g e
33. We have used the SAM framework to measure the contribution of informal settlement
population to urban economy. The SAM for 2011–2012 has been developed based on the NAS
data, primary survey data of informal settlement households in 50 cities and the Census of India
data. Macro-economic data are taken from NAS, informal settlement households’ employment,
income, expenditure-related data are used from the primary survey, and Census of India data are
used for capturing number of informal settlement households. Slum informal settlement
household has been used as a separate agent in the SAM structure so that the contribution of
this section can be captured separately. On the basis of this model, we have measured combined
effect, including direct, indirect and induced, to urban GDP, multiplier effects of informal
settlement households on particular production sectors considered for SAM construction. We
have also compared multiplier effect of informal settlement households and other urban
households, i.e. non-informal settlement households on production structure.
Contribution of informal settlement dwellers to urban economy requires employment, income,
and expenditure data at the all-India level. As mentioned earlier, since Slum Census is a
significant underestimation of the number of urban informal settlement dwellers, we have
estimated the likely number of informal settlement households based on housing data released
by the Census of India. According to the Census of India 2011, households living in livable and
dilapidated houses in urban areas in India are 247.24 lakh, which is 31.5% of total urban
households. According to Slum Census of India 2011, total slum households are 137.49 lakh.
Out of these, 57.17 lakh households are living in livable and dilapidated houses, which account
for 41.59% of total slum households. Housing data of Census of India 2011 show that in urban
areas 247.24 lakh houses are in livable and dilapidated condition. Assuming that 57.71 lakh slum
households are included in 247.24 lakh urban houses that are in livable and dilapidated
condition, we are left with 190.00 lakh houses whose condition is poorer than about 60% of
slum dwellers. To avoid overestimation of informal settlements, one can safely assume that 50%
of households living in “livable” houses and 100% of households living in “dilapidated” houses
are certainly living in conditions that are poorer than most of those living in slums. The socioeconomic profile of these people is no better than slum households by any means. This adds up
to 103.54 lakh households that are not considered in slum households but should be included in
informal settlement since they live either in similar or in poorer conditions than slum
households. This gives us a total number of 241.03 lakh households that we have considered as
households living in informal settlements.
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34. 2.3.3
Discussion with Non-Informal Settlement Households
Although we could capture data on contribution of informal settlement population to urban
economy, some aspects remain un-captured. The shadow effect of non-existence of population
residing in informal settlement or population group with similar socio-economic-demographic
characteristics on city economy is a difficult task within the scope of the current study. Although
some of the shadow impacts can be captured since they can be computed for those with a much
bigger effort than the current study, a few of them will always remain un-captured because of
their nature of non-convertibility to economic cost. However, within the scope of the present
study, we have captured the likely shadow impacts based on simple interaction with noninformal settlement households on their perception about the contribution and importance of
the informal settlements on the city’s economy. The interaction was based on unstructured
guidelines more in a discussion format. The researchers questioned about 120 non-informal
settlement households in different cities to understand their perceptions. This exercise was
primarily a probe about the non-informal settlement dwellers’ attitudes towards the informal
settlement population, their perception about the contribution of the informal settlements to a
city’s economy in terms of labour force, their social and demographic impacts, and on a city’s
overall economic and social ecosystem. The questionnaire also solicited their views on how the
city economy would be affected if the informal settlements and the peoples residing their ceased
to exist.
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35. Section 3:
Informal Settlement Households - Findings
from Primary Survey of Fifty Cities
This section deals with important socio-economic–demographic characteristics of urban
informal settlement dwellers. All major characteristics are covered in this section. Data captured
through the structured questionnaire have been analysed and presented here based on the
relevance to the present study. As mentioned in the methodology section, the analysis has been
presented at all-India level for four core cities (Jaipur, Bhopal, Raipur and Patna). All-India
figures are weighted estimates based on weights calculated for each city as given in detail in the
methodology part. The four core cities are presented to show primarily city-to-city variation in
some of the parameters considered. This helps in understanding differences across cities since
all-India numbers represent a more general picture without referring to the variations. The only
purpose of including these four cities in the analysis is to provide some city-wise information on
socio-economic dynamics along with that of all-India scenarios. The main text has discussed and
analysed the data with visuals. Tables are given in Appendix 4.
To provide a complete picture of the livelihood characteristics of the informal settlement
population, we have covered education, employment, sectors and status of employment, income,
expenditure, expenditure by different items, migration status, indebtedness, asset ownership and
basic amenities being enjoyed by this section of population. To make it more comprehensive and
reader-friendly, we have presented these parameters in different sub-sections.
3.1 Income and Employment
The UN-Habitat Global Report on Human Settlements 2003 recognises that while informalsector activities within a city are by no means confined to informal settlements, “slums tend to
form the epicentre or principal source of labour for the informal sector.” This also ascertains
that most of the economic activities within slums are informal in nature. It would be wrong to
assume, however, that the informal sector is made of homogeneous entities. The vagaries and
differences in employment, and consequently income in different informal sector livelihood
activities need to be classified, and put in the context of the overall scenario of the urban poor in
India.
With this context, it is essential to understand the labour market in which the residents of
informal settlements engage themselves, and the trends seen in the structure of livelihood
opportunities will give us important clues that will further enrich the analysis.
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36. Contribution to City Labour Supply
The share of informal settlement members in the city’s labour supply is in line with the share of
3.1.1
Share of
informal settlements (%)
the total informal settlement population in the city’s urban population (Figure 3.1).
30
Figure 3.1: Share of Informal Settlements in City Population and
Labour Supply
20
10
0
Bhopal
Jaipur
Share of informal settlement in city population
Patna
Raipur
All India
Share of informal settlement in city labour supply
Jaipur and Patna lie quite below the national average when it comes to the demographic presence
of informal settlements in the city – both at an overall level and for labour supply. Bhopal and
Raipur, however, are much higher than the national average with regard to the share of informal
settlements in the population and labour supply. The similarity lies in the fact that there is parity
in the shares of informal settlements to population and labour supply, across the board.
Contribution of informal settlement to the pool of labour within a city is in line with their
presence within the city.
This also implies that the work participation rates observed in informal settlements is close to the
overall work participation rate for the city. In other words, there is no disproportionate
unemployment biased against informal settlements observed in India, or the dependency ratios
observed in informal settlements is in line with those seen in the rest of the city.
Age distribution of the sample population will help us establish that a large proportion of the
informal settlement dwellers are in the productive age group.
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37. Figure 3.2: Age Distribution of Male Population
Age Group (%)
100
80
60
40
20
0
All India
Bhopal
Below 15 years
18 to less than 60 years
Jaipur
Patna
Raipur
15 to less than 18 years
60 years or more
Figure 3.3: Age Distribution of Female Population
Age Group (%)
100
80
60
40
20
0
All India
Bhopal
Below 15 years
18 to less than 60 years
Jaipur
Patna
Raipur
15 to less than 18 years
60 years or more
As seen in Figures 3.2 and 3.3, for both male and female sample populations, a majority of the
people are between 18 and 60 years of age, with close to or more than half the sample
population falling in this age group.
Overall Household Income and Contribution to City Incomes
The poor performance of the four focus cities with respect to the all-India average is revealed on
3.1.2
observation of average monthly household earnings (Table 3.1).
Table 3.1 : Average Monthly Earnings of Urban Informal Households
Overall (in Rs.)
All India Bhopal Jaipur Patna Raipur
10,150
6,283 8,503 6,660
6,763
Figure 3.4 shows the distribution of households across income categories for the four focus
cities and across India (50 cities).
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38. Figure 3.4: Distribution of Households by Income Category
Income Category Share (%)
100
80
60
40
20
0
Bhopal
Less than Rs. 5000
Jaipur
Rs. 5000 to Rs. 10000
Patna
Rs. 10000 to Rs. 20000
Raipur
Rs. 20000 to Rs. 30000
All India
More than Rs. 30000
Only Jaipur has a distribution fairly in line with the all-India scenario. The other three cities have
a much higher proportion of households in the ‘Less than Rs. 5000’ category, and lesser share of
households in the ‘Rs. 10,000 to Rs. 20,000’ income category.
Despite the fact that the contribution of employed members from informal settlements to the
labour supply of a city is in line with their contribution to the overall city population, this is far
from truth when it comes to the informal settlement contribution to earnings, as seen in Figure
3.5.
Figure 3.5: Share of informal settlements in city population
and income
Informal settlement share (%)
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
Bhopal
Jaipur
Patna
Raipur
Share of informal settlements in total city income
Share of informal settlements in total city population
37 | P a g e
All India
39. 3.1.3
Why Simply Looking at Income-Employment Contribution Is not Enough?
The low contribution to overall city income might provide some people with yet another reason
to believe that slums are a burden on the already limited spaces available in urban areas of
developing countries like India. This flawed reasoning does not take into account the
underestimation of the social value of many of the activities performed by residents of informal
settlements in the course of their jobs.
The unique confluence of caste and class in India has, for generations, ensured that certain
positions or tasks in society are traditionally associated with certain people who have a
homogeneous cultural identity. The tasks include cleaning of roads, sewers, clearing garbage and
a whole host of municipal tasks and duties. These tasks and jobs, which are essential to the
functioning of any urban area, have historical caste and purity connotations and have
traditionally been the domain of certain disadvantaged and subjugated groups of people. The
derogatory stance towards these communities has led to the undervaluation of the roles usually
undertaken by them. The undervaluation and low social status of these groups have led to them
to constitute the bulk of the low-income households living in informal settlements of urban
areas.
Figure 3.6 confirms the distribution of households according to caste in the four focus cities and
at the all-India (50 cities) level.
Figure 3.6: Distribution of Slum Households by Caste
100
Caste Share (%)
80
60
40
20
0
Bhopal
Jaipur
General
Patna
SC
ST
Raipur
All India
OBC
Contribution to labour supply and income is only one side of the story. The distribution with
regard to the nature of employment will offer further insights into the contribution of informal
settlements to the employment scenario of a city.
38 | P a g e
40. Employment Status and Income – Some Observations
The average monthly earnings across employment status show some interesting variations
3.1.4
(Figure 3.7).
Figure 3.7: Average monthly earnings across employment status
Raipur
Patna
Jaipur
Bhopal
All India
0
1000
2000
Casual Labour
3000
4000
5000
6000
Average monthly earnings (Rs.)
Regular Salaried/Wage
7000
8000
9000
Self-employed
While the all-India figures appear to be in line with other studies, 23 which indicate that selfemployed workers in urban areas seem to earn more than their counterparts working as casual
labour, this observation can be accounted for by recognising the role of the informal sector as
means of channelling enterprising behaviour such as the setting up of juice shops, or small
eateries, or small gumtis/khokas selling tobacco products. Self-employed can also mean workers
who have been employed as domestic servants, or those working as hawkers and petty traders.
The whole gamut of possibilities that is afforded by the presence of the informal sector seems to
bode well for the residents of informal settlements in India, at least in terms of income. This
story can be said to be true only if we look at the overall picture in India.
Significant variation is observed across cities. A total of 13 out of the 50 cities surveyed had
average earnings of casual labourers surpassing that of self-employed workers. Bhopal is one of
those cities where workers employed as casual labour earn more on average than workers who
are self-employed. While the informal sector and all its myriad opportunities might be working in
the favour of self-employed slum dwellers in many cities, it is evidently not such a haven for selfemployment for all cities. All four focus cities have lower average incomes for almost all
employment status categories than the all-India average.
23
Human Development Resource Centre, UNDP India & Council for Social Development, Estimating Informal
Employment & Poverty in India (Discussion Paper Series 7, 2002)
39 | P a g e
41. Figure 3.8 shows the distributions in these 4 cities and at the all-India level for proportions of
employed members in slums in each employment status category.
Employment status share 9%)
Figure 3.8: Distribution of Employed Members by
Employment Status
100
80
60
40
20
0
Bhopal
Self-employed
Jaipur
Patna
Regular Salaried/Wage
Raipur
Casual Labour
All India
Others
Bhopal and Raipur show higher incidence of casual labour and lower incidence of regular
salaried/wage workers than the national average.
Considering casual workers in the 4 focus cities, we find that they work fewer months, in general,
compared to all-India average (Figure 3.9). This indicates a stronger degree of variation in work-
Informal settlement share (%)
force cities that many a time may not be reflected through the average at country level.
Figure 3.9: Distribution of Casual Workers in Terms of Average
Number of Months Worked in a Year
80
60
40
20
0
Less than or equal to 6 months
Bhopal
Jaipur
More than 6, up to 9 months
Patna
Raipur
More than 9 months
All India
The casual nature of the workforce is undesirable as it is major contributor to poverty.
Bhopal, Jaipur and Patna also record higher incidence of self-employed workers, which could
either mean that they are business owners or workers in an unstructured service sector
engagement such as maid servant, auto-driver, hawker, etc. This underlies the importance of the
role that ought to be played by municipal corporations and state governments with regard to the
40 | P a g e
42. nurture and the mainstreaming of the informal sector. By widening the avenues of employment
and ensuring hospitable spaces for informal sector activities to flourish, cities can become
hotspots of entrepreneurial activity.
Sources of Livelihood
Even when we look at average earnings across livelihood categories, we find that the four focus
3.1.5
cities earn less on average for each category (Figure 3.10).
Figure 3.10: Average Monthly Earnings Across Livelihood Categories
Raipur
Patna
Jaipur
Bhopal
All India
0
2000
4000
Unskilled service worker
6000
8000
10000
Average monthly earnings (Rs.)
Skilled service worker
Industrial worker
12000
14000
Business owner
We look at the distribution of informal settlement workers in terms of source of livelihood
(Figure 3.11).
Livelihood source share (%)
Figure 3.11: Distribution of Employed Members by
Source of Livelihood
100
80
60
40
20
0
Bhopal
Industrial worker
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Jaipur
Skilled service worker
Patna
Raipur
Unskilled service worker
All India
Business owner
43. It is clear that a majority of the workers are employed as unskilled service workers and the
contribution of such workers is particularly high in Bhopal. The second highest category
contribution across our sample is that of skilled service workers. The former includes those
employed members of informal settlements who work mostly in informal sector engagements
such as domestic workers, rickshaw pullers, casual labourers, petty traders, junk dealers, shop
helpers, etc. The skilled service workers include those employed members who have acquired
skills and livelihood knowledge in diverse fields such as electrical works, plumbing, auto repair,
tailoring, carpentry, painting, driving, etc.
The preponderance of employed members within informal settlements in the two service sectors
points towards an informalization of the labour supply from these areas. Even among the
business owners we find evidence pointing towards the same (Figure 3.12).
Figure 3.12 Share of Business Owners in Each Sector:
All India (%)
0.9
3.4
1.5
1.9
3.5
7.2
21.3
4.0
3.3
10.4
6.4
8.1
28.1
Food and Bevarages
Pan/Bidi etc.
Groceries
Artisans
Manufacturing/Production
Electronics:Sales/Repair
Construction
Communications
Automobiles
Laundry
Tailor/Saloon/Beauty Parlour
Transport
Edu/Med Services
We find that most of the business owners among informal settlement dwellers are in the
categories related to small-scale retail items such as groceries or tobacco products, and in the
food and beverages sector. The latter includes enterprises engaged in food processing and
preservation as well as those operating small eateries. Only about 6% of the business-owning
population in informal settlements is engaged in small-to-medium–scale manufacturing and
production. About 7% of business owners operate in the transport sector by owning and
operating multiple auto-rickshaws/buses/taxis/cycle-rickshaws, etc. A similar proportion of
business owners (8%) are engaged in enterprises involving some amount of skilled work
(artisans) such as furniture making, woodwork, leatherwork, etc. These figures refer to the
owners of informal sector enterprises within informal settlements themselves.
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44. From the sector-wise distribution of business owners as seen in the previous figure, we find
strong evidence of services provision by the informal sector. These situations often arise all over
the world in areas where the formal provision of services is inadequate.24 The large of incidence
of ‘Food and Beverages’ and ‘Groceries’ among business owners in informal settlements shows
that informal settlement residents are adapting to the lack of services and commercial activities in
the formal sector by channelling the demand for these services into informal business activities.
These home-based shops in settlements affords the residents the freedom to conveniently buy
items in the small quantities that they desire, sometimes even on credit. Personal services are also
offered by many of the informal settlement enterprises as can be seen by the share of business
owners in categories like ‘Tailor/Saloon/Beauty Parlour’ and also ‘Electronics: Sale/Repair’.
Informal Sector and Informal Settlement Dwellers
The large scope of the informal sector, in all its varied manifestations, has a large contribution to
3.1.6
national economies, especially in developing countries. Its role with regard to employment and
subsistence of the poorer sections in urban areas is crucial. In informal settlements, the demand
for jobs, goods and services is increasing at a rate that cannot be provided for by formal sector
employment. The informal sector creates many of the jobs needed by the growing workforce and
it fairly compensates for the formal sector’s inability to provide for goods and services.
The true extent of the informal sector in our sample can be understood on examining
employment status and sources of livelihood as seen in the previous two subsections. The high
incidence of workers employed as casual labour (34% all India) and the large proportion of
workers engaged as unskilled service workers (53% all India) definitely points towards the
existence of a large informal sector in Indian cities. If we account for the fact that many of the
skilled service workers (28% all India) might also be working in informal sector activities (like
masonry, carpentry, minor electrical repairs, automobile maintenance) and the reasonable
assumption that almost all the business owners in informal settlements (5% all India) are
probably in the informal sector, the true scope of the informal sector starts emerging.
There are many theories propounded that explain the existence and persistence of informal
sector enterprises in the urban milieu. The one that makes the most intuitive sense in the Indian
context is the theory of institutional cost, which says that the reason behind the informal nature
of the enterprises mentioned above is that institutional costs are high. Taxing and regulation is an
24
Zamberia, A M (1999) ‘The state civil society partnership in the provision of water and sanitation for the
urban poor: The case of Kibera, Nairobi’, Dissertation, K F Schuessler Institute for Social Research. Indiana
University, Indiana
43 | P a g e
45. expensive undertaking on the part of any government body, and the inability to tax people who
are already making so little further limits the government’s ability to regulate these economic
environments. It can also be argued that many informal-sector enterprises choose not to enter
the regulated business environment precisely to avoid taxes and other costs such as time and
harassment that simply makes registration not worthwhile. However, this does not mean that
these enterprises do not have to pay ‘protection bribes’ to local officials and the police.
Another characteristic of informal-sector enterprises is the existence of casual labour. This often
involves activities of the seasonal and temporary nature, although to a much lesser extent than
seen in rural areas. The nature of the activities in an informal-sector casual labour job is often of
the hazardous or precarious nature, and there is also very little by way of compensation in case
of mishaps in the workplace. This is again due to the informal nature of these activities that falls
outside labour laws and safety regulations.
As a result of the limited education, skills and socio-economic resources at the disposal of the
residents of informal settlements, they form possibly the most important source of supply for
the informal job market, largely due to their willingness to work for very low or belowsubsistence wages.25 The wages are kept low by the large supply of labour at the disposal of the
informal sector due to the large number of workers from informal settlements. This results in
wage instability, high turnover rates in jobs and exploitation of workers (especially women and
children) in very low-income jobs.26 This increases the already wide gap between different socioeconomic groups. It also leads to the ‘a large growth in the demand for low-wage workers and
for jobs that offer few advancement possibilities’.27
3.2 Housing Concerns
Contribution of informal settlements can be seen in the context of affordable housing options
for the huge pool of low-cost labour whose low incomes limit their expenditure capacity for
shelter. In exchange for these low costs, households tolerate unhygienic living conditions, small
and crowded spaces, low access to basic services and insecure tenure.
25
Cuervo, J C and D H O K Hin (1998) ‘Todaro migration and primacy models: Relevance to the urbanization of
the Philippines’ Cities 15(4): 245–256
26
UNCHS (Habitat) (2003) The Challenge of Slums: Global Report on Human Settlements 2003. UNCHS
(Habitat_/ Earthscan, London
27
UNCHS (Habitat) (2001a) Cities in a Globalizing World: Global Report on Human Settlements 2001. UNCHS
(Habitat)/Earthscan, London
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46. 3.2.1
Tenure Security and Housing Conditions
Unstable tenure severely limits an informal settlement household’s ability to mobilize household
capital, and renders it difficult for families to establish firm roots in the city and foster
community ties that could be beneficial in terms of income–employment opportunities.
Furthermore, because the urban poor are especially vulnerable to changes in their circumstances,
providing affordable and secure housing will go a long way in ensuring a decent quality of life to
households in the informal settlements.
The distribution of informal settlement households in terms of land ownership status reveals
some differences within cities, which might be key to understanding the relative economic status
of informal settlement dwellers in different cities (Figure 3.13).
Tenure typoe share (%)
Figure 3.13: Distribution of Households by Type of
Tenure
100
80
60
40
20
0
Bhopal
Jaipur
Others
Public Land Encroached
Possession Certificate/Occupancy Right
Patna
Raipur
All India
Rented
Private Land Encroached
Patta
The ‘Patta’ category refers to the freehold type of tenure that provides for full ownership of
unlimited ownership and the right to free enjoyment and disposal of objects within the bounds
of law.28 This refers to an ownership of the home and the land on it, which is permanent in
nature. This ownership might be privately acquired or allotted through government initiative
such as the Rajiv Gandhi Awas Yojana (RAY).
This is different from the “Possession Certificate/Occupancy Right” category, which refers to
the state-transferred right to occupy land or property. This category could also refer to the
leasehold type of private tenure, which gives the rights to the exclusive possession of the land or
property that is transferred for a consideration or rent, for a fixed duration. The certificate/right
28
Payne, G. (1997) Urban Land Tenure and Property Rights in Developing Countries: A Review, Intermediate
Technology Publications/ODA, London
45 | P a g e
47. could be valid for a limited period of time or it could also be valid for as long as 99 years, in
which case this form of ownership is almost indistinguishable from the freehold-type tenure.
The public and private land encroached categories refer to the non-formal tenure type where
security depends on factors such as numerical strength and political support. This is
characterised by low entry costs and limited provision of services (Payne, 1997 ibid). The ‘Rented’
category refers to the non-regularised tenant, which is perhaps the most insecure of tenure
categories as a contract is unlikely, and the housing and services standards are minimal.
The growth of informal settlements within cities of a developing country such as India reflects
serious disparities in wealth, resources and also in terms of access to urban services. The latter is
determined to large extent by formal security of tenure.29
The security with regard to tenure can be crucial in guaranteeing the longevity of any positive
benefits accruing from increased livelihood opportunities. The tenure security will have
repercussions in the approach of informal settlement dwellers to city life – what kind of
education they seek for their children, their nature of interaction with municipal bodies and the
extent of the fulfilment of their civic rights. This is the rights-based approach to triggering policy
change in tenure regularization.
The claim to tenure will also be reflected in the sense of ownership felt towards the city and its
spaces. The most intuitive way to address the common complaint of informal settlements being
unkempt and unhygienic might therefore lie in enabling informal settlement dwellers to claim the
spaces that they live in as their own, so that they can live and work in the city without the
constant fear of displacement. This will have implications in poverty alleviation, ability to take
housing and other forms of credit and in incentivising informal settlement dwellers to take pride
in the upkeep of their homes. This is the functional approach towards arguing in favour of
tenure regularization. This is reflected in the housing conditions seen in our sample (Figure 3.14).
29
Holding their ground: secure land tenure for urban poor in developing countries. Edited by Alain DurandLasserve and Lauren Royston.
46 | P a g e
48. House condition Share (%)
Figure 3.14: Distribution of Households by House
Condition
100
80
60
40
20
0
Bhopal
Jaipur
Pucca
Patna
Semi-Pucca
Raipur
All India
Katcha
The role of municipal corporations is crucial. Despite The Constitution (74th Amendment) Act
of 1992, which deals with devolving and decentralizing control in many aspects to municipal
governments, it has been observed that municipalities are ill-equipped in dealing with these largescale infrastructural changes. These continue to be overseen by state government departments
(public works, public health, town planning, etc.) and other organizations such as the water and
sewage boards and housing development authorities. This leads to much confusion in town
planning framework and makes it even more difficult to effectively engineer a suitable policy
response.
3.2.2
Distance from Place of Work
It is often been argued that a robust transportation infrastructure within a city, especially one that
is subsidized and aimed towards the residents of informal settlements, can go a long way towards
improving access to better job opportunities, in both the formal and the informal sectors.30 Thus,
there is often a trade-off between transportation and housing costs. This would mean that
employment opportunities that are further away from informal settlements are monetarily more
promising. Thus, in relation to the average earnings of employed household members of
informal settlements, we can expect those with places of work further away from the settlements
to earn more on average than those with places of work closer to the settlement. This is
confirmed from our sample (Figure 3.15).
30
UN Habitat The Challenge of Slums: Global Report on Human Settlements (2003). Earthscan (London)
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49. Average monthly earings (Rs.)
Figure 3.15: Average Monthly Earnings across Distance
from Place of Work
8000
7000
Bhopal
6000
Jaipur
5000
4000
Patna
3000
Raipur
2000
All India
Within 1.0 1.0 to 3.0 3.1 km to 6.1 km to more than
km.
km.
6.0 km
10.0 km. 10.0 km
We find that average earnings of individual employed members of households increase with
distance from the informal settlement. Individuals are thus making a trade-off between
transportation costs and housing costs. In other words, they are willing to live further away from
their place of work, and thus have lower costs of housing, in exchange for higher remuneration
in their place of employment. Individuals forego the increased transportation costs that results
from locating themselves further away from their place of work, in exchange for better pay.
3.3 Education
A way out of this poverty quagmire would be to improve the productivity of the workforce, and
this can be done through education. We next look at a few income and employment
considerations for education.
Most of the working members in informal settlements had discontinued their education after
completing middle school. The four cities under consideration have fewer employed workers
who have graduated from school and those who have graduated from college than the all India
average (Figure 3.16). This is being fuelled by cities in the western zone and satellite cities like
Gurgaon, Noida, Thane, etc.
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50. Figure 3.16: Distribution of Employed Members across Education
Qualifications
Educational qualification
Share (%)
100
80
60
40
20
0
Bhopal
Jaipur
Illiterate
Primary School(Class 5 to Class 7 pass)
Class 12 pass
Patna
Raipur
All India
Literate(0 to Class 4 pass)
Middle School(Class 8 to Class 11 pass)
Graduate+
This might explain why a greater degree of casualisation is observed in the 4 focus cities than in
all-India average. Education distribution certainly seems support the theory that the poorer
education status of the informal settlement population in these 4 cities leads to a higher
proportion of workers being employed as casual labour in unskilled service jobs, which
ultimately leads to lower earnings. This explanation finds some support from the average
monthly earnings data across educational qualifications (Figure 3.17).
Average monthly earings (Rs.)
Figure 3.17: Average Monthly Earnings across
Educational Qualification
8000
6000
Bhopal
Jaipur
4000
Patna
Raipur
2000
All India
Generally, the average incomes appear to rise in correlation to higher educational qualifications, a
fact that is hardly surprising. Thus, no hidden bottlenecks appear in the urban scenario negating
the influence of higher education to the point of stifling the desire to pursue education.
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51. Despite the large presence of workers in casual labour, the numbers in other types of betterpaying work (of the self-employed or regular wage variety) are definitely prevalent enough for
individuals to want to pursue these jobs in order to better their economic status. The zeal to
improve one’s lot in life pushes people to pursue further education and ensure that future
generations are better educated. This is reflected in the average earnings of employed members
across educational qualifications.
Other factors affecting overall economic status such as migration and land holding is discussed
subsequently.
3.4 Migration
The Harris–Todaro migration model31 was the first of its kind to address the urban–rural divide
in wages due to the sticky nature of wages in formal sector employment. This leads to migrations
from rural areas to urban cities in search of more profitable employment. However, not all
migrants are gainfully employed in the formal sector due to the paucity of jobs. This model says
that this will lead to unemployment in urban areas.
In the developing countries, however, this scenario is slightly modified in that migrants who fail
to find employment in the formal sector find other means of income in the informal sector.
However, it will be interesting to look at some figures showcasing the economic status of
migrants and other such questions such as where they have come from and what were their
reasons for migration (Figure 3.18).
Figure 3.18: Share of Migrants in City Population; City-wise Share of
Migrants from Rural Areas and from Different States
Originating
from rural area
Originating
from different
state
Share of
migrant
population
0
10
20
All India
31
30
40
50
60
Proportion observed in each city (%)
Raipur
Patna
Jaipur
70
80
90
Bhopal
John R. Harris and Michael P. Todaro, “Migration, Unemployment and Development: A Two-Sector Analysis,”
The American Economic Review 60 (1970), 126
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