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HISTORY CAMBRIDGE AS - PAPER 2
MODULE 1871-1918
PRESENTATION 9
JAPANESE MILITARISM
PRESENTATION BASED ON
Beasley, William G. (1991). Japanese Imperialism 1894–1945
Dower, John W. (1999). Embracing Defeat: Japan in the Wake of World War II
Dower, John W. (1995). Japan in War & Peace
Gow, Ian (2004). Military Intervention in Pre-War Japanese Politics: Admiral Kato Kanji and
the Washington System. Militarization and Demilitarization in Contemporary Japan
Gordon, Andrew (2003). A Modern History of Japan: From Tokugawa Times to the Present
Maki, John M (2007). Japanese Militarism, Past and Present
Martin, Bernd. (1995). Japan and Germany in the modern world
Sims, Richard (2001). Japanese Political History Since the Meiji Renovation 1868–2000
Sunoo, Harold Hwakon (1975). Japanese Militarism, Past and Present
Welch, Claude Emerson. (1976). Civilian Control of the Military: Theory and Cases from
Developing Countries
OVERVIEW
Japanese militarism
refers to the ideology
in the Empire of Japan
that militarism should
dominate the political
and social life of the
nation, and that the
strength of the military
is equal to the strength
of a nation.
MEIJI RESTORATION
The military had a strong influence on Japanese society from the Meiji
Restoration. The leaders in Japanese society during the Meiji period (in the
military, politics or business) were ex-samurai or descendants of samurai,
and shared a set of values and outlooks.
The early Meiji government viewed Japan as threatened by western
imperialism, and one of the prime motivations for the Fukoku Kyohei
policy was to strengthen Japan's economic and industrial foundations, so
that a strong military could be built to defend Japan against outside
powers. Domestic issues within early Meiji Japan also called for a strong
military.
The early Meiji government was threatened by internal revolts, such as the
Saga Rebellion and Satsuma Rebellion, and numerous rural peasant
uprisings.
Asahi on completion in UK, 1900
YAMAGATA AND MILITARY CONSCRIPTION
The rise of universal military conscription, introduced by Yamagata
Aritomo in 1873, with the proclamation of the Imperial Rescript to
Soldiers and Sailors in 1882 enabled the military to indoctrinate soldiers
from various social backgrounds with military-patriotic values and the
concept of unquestioning loyalty to the Emperor of Japan (kokutai).
Yamagata like many Japanese was strongly influenced by the recent
striking success of Prussia in transforming itself from an agricultural state
to a leading modern industrial and military power.
The Prussian model also devalued the notion of civilian control over the
independent military, which meant that in Japan, as in Germany, the
military could develop into a state within a state.
JAKOB MECKEL
Japanese Army Staff paid close attention to Major Jakob Meckel's views
on the superiority of the German military model over the French system
as the reason for German victory.
In response to a Japanese request, Prussian Chief of Staff Helmuth von
Moltke sent Meckel to Japan to become an O-yatoi gaikokujin.
In Japan, Meckel worked closely with future Prime Ministers General
Katsura Tarō and General Yamagata Aritomo, and with army strategist
General Kawakami Soroku.
ORGANISING THE DEPARTMENTS
Meckel made numerous recommendations which were implemented,
including reorganization of the command structure of the army into
divisions and regiments, thus increasing mobility, strengthening the army
logistics and transportation structure with the major army bases
connected by railways, establishing artillery and engineering regiments as
independent commands, and revising the universal conscription system
to abolish virtually all exceptions.
A bust of Meckel was sited in front of the Japanese Army Staff College
from 1909 through 1945
MECKEL’S IMPACT
Although his period in Japan (1885–1888) was relatively short, Meckel
had a tremendous impact on the development of the Japanese military.
He is credited with introducing Clausewitz's military theories and the
Prussian concept of war games (kriegspiel) in a process of refining tactics.
By training some sixty of the highest-ranking Japanese officers of the time
in tactics, strategy and organization, he was able to replace the previous
influences of the French advisors with his own philosophies.
Meckel especially reinforced Hermann Roesler's ideal of subservience to
the Emperor by teaching his pupils that Prussian military success was a
consequence of the officer class's unswerving loyalty to their sovereign
Emperor, as expressly codified in Articles XI-XIII of the Meiji Constitution.
Jacob Clemens Meckel
JAPAN AS AN IMPERIALIST POWER
The rise of political parties in the late Meiji period was coupled with the
rise of secret and semi-secret patriotic societies, such as the Genyōsha
(1881) and Kokuryukai (1901), which coupled political activities with
paramilitary activities and military intelligence, and supported
expansionism overseas as a solution to Japan's domestic issues.
With a more aggressive foreign policy, and victory over China in the First
Sino-Japanese War and over Russia in the Russo-Japanese War, Japan
joined the imperialist powers.
The need for a strong military to secure Japan's new overseas empire was
strengthened by a sense that only through a strong military would Japan
earn the respect of western nations, and revision of the unequal treaties.
ECONOMIC POWER
During the 19th century, Great Power status was considered dependent
on resource-rich colonial empires, both as a source of raw materials for
military and industrial production, and international prestige.
Due to the lack of resources in Japanese home islands, raw materials such
as iron, oil, and coal largely had to be imported.
The success of Japan in securing Taiwan (1895) and Korea (1910) had
brought Japan primarily agricultural colonies.
In terms of resources, the Japanese military looked towards Manchuria's
iron and coal, Indochina's rubber, and China's vast resources.
INDEPENDENCE OF THE MILITARY
Also forming part of the basis for the growth of militarism was the
freedom from civilian control enjoyed by the Japanese armed forces.
In 1878, the Imperial Japanese Army established the Imperial Japanese
Army General Staff office, modelled after the Prussian General Staff. This
office was independent of, and equal (and later superior) to the Ministry
of War of Japan in terms of authority.
The Imperial Japanese Navy soon followed with the Imperial Japanese
Navy General Staff. These General Staff offices were responsible for the
planning and execution of military operations, and reported directly to
the emperor. As the Chiefs of the General Staff were not cabinet
ministers, they did not report to the Prime Minister of Japan, and were
thus completely independent of any civilian oversight or control.
THE INFLUENCE OF THE MILITARY
The Army and the Navy also had decisive say on the formation (and
survival) of any civilian government.
Since the law required that the posts of Army Minister and Navy Minister
be filled by active duty officers nominated by their respective services, and
since the law also required that a prime minister resign if he could not fill
all of his cabinet posts, both the Army and the Navy had final say on the
formation of a cabinet, and could bring down the cabinet at any time by
withdrawing their minister and refusing to nominate a successor.
In reality, while this tactic was used only one time (to prevent General
Kazushige Ugaki, from becoming Prime Minister in 1937), the threat always
loomed when the military made demands on the civilian leadership.
HAKKO ICHIU
During Taishō period, Japan saw a period of democratic rule ("Taisho
democracy"), and several diplomatic attempts were made to encourage peace,
such as the Washington Naval Treaty and participation in the League of Nations.
With the beginning of the Shōwa era, the apparent collapse of the world
economic order with the Great Depression starting in 1929, coupled with the
imposition of trade barriers by western nations and an increasing radicalism in
Japanese politics including issues of domestic terrorist violence (including an
assassination attempt on the emperor in 1932 and a number of attempted coups
d'état by ultra-nationalist secret societies) led to a resurgence of so-called
"jingoistic" patriotism, a weakening of democratic forces and a belief that the
military could solve all threats both domestic and foreign.
Patriotic education also strengthened the sense of a hakko ichiu, or a divine
mission to unify Asia under Japanese rule.
LONDON NAVAL TREATY
Those who continued to resist the "military solution" including nationalists
with unquestionable patriotism, such as generals Jotaro Watanabe and
Tetsuzan Nagata and ex-Foreign Minister Kijūrō Shidehara were driven
from office or an active role in the government.
A turning point came with the ratification of the London Naval Treaty of
1930. Prime Minister Osachi Hamaguchi and his Minseito party agreed to a
treaty which would severely limit Japanese naval power.
This treaty was strongly opposed by the military, who claimed that it would
endanger national defense, and was portrayed by the opposition Rikken
Seiyukai party as having been forced upon Japan by a hostile United States,
which further inflamed growing anti-foreign sentiment.
MAY 15 INCIDENT IN 1932
The Japanese system of party government finally met its demise with the
May 15 Incident in 1932, when a group of junior naval officers and army
cadets assassinated Prime Minister Inukai Tsuyoshi.
The assassins were put on trial and sentenced to fifteen years'
imprisonment, they were seen popularly as having acted out of patriotism
and the atmosphere was set where the military was able to act with little
restraint.
OPPOSITION TO MILITARISM
Despite the apparently monolithic national consensus on the official
aggressive policies pursued by the Imperial government in the first part of
the Shōwa era, some substantial opposition did exist.
This was one of various forms of Japanese dissidence during the Shōwa
period.
The most organized open opposition to militarism was from the Japanese
Communist Party. In the early 1930s Communist activists attempted to
influence army conscripts, but the party was suppressed during the mid-
1930s within Japan.
OPPOSITION: TAKASHI AND SHIDEHARA
Personal opposition included individuals from the fields of party politics,
business and culture. Here are some examples:
• Hara Takashi, a commoner and liberal thinker of the Rikken Seiyūkai, had
become prime minister in 1918 with the rallying cry of "Militarism is
dead." Three years later, however, Hara was assassinated.
• Kijūrō Shidehara followed a non-interventionist policy toward China,
attempting to stabilize its relations with Great Britain and the United
States. The term "Shidehara diplomacy" came to describe Japan's liberal
foreign policy during the 1920s, and was assailed by military interests
who believed it was weakening the country.
OPPOSITION: TAKUMA AND TATSUKICHI
• Baron Takuma Dan, director of Mitsui Bank, was an important opponent
of Japan overseas interventions and was known for his pro-American
views. He was murdered on March 5, 1932 in the League of Blood
Incident.
• Minobe Tatsukichi, a respected professor at Tokyo Imperial University
declared the emperor to be a part of the constitutional structure of Japan
rather than a sacred power beyond the state itself in 1935. His
constitutional interpretation was overwhelmingly accepted by
bureaucrats until the 1930s. In the increasingly militant 1930s, these
ideas led to attacks against Minobe in the House of Peers and his
resignation from that body.
OPPOSITION: TAKAO AND TAKAGI
• Saitō Takao, a graduate of Yale University was a member of the Rikken
Minseito party. On February 2, 1940, he made a speech in the Diet in
which he sharply questioned the prosecution and justification of Japan's
"holy war" in China. He was expelled from the Diet on March 7, 1940 and
his speech also led to the creation of the League of Diet Members
Believing the Objectives of the Holy War by Fumimaro Konoe.
• Admiral Sōkichi Takagi, an opponent of Japan's decision to declare war
on the United States, was asked by Navy Minister Shigetarō Shimada to
compile a report analysing Japanese defeats during the Pacific campaign
of 1942. His analysis convinced Takagi of Japan's inevitable defeat. Takagi
began planning for the assassination of Prime Minister Hideki Tōjō before
his removal from office in July 1944.
OPPOSITION: JIGORO
• Kanō Jigorō, creator of Judo and founder of the modern Japanese
educational system, member of Japan's Olympic Committee, and de facto
foreign minister for Japan was a staunch opponent of militarism.
Concerned that his Judo school, the Kodokan, would be used as a military
training center, he obtained a promise from the Emperor that it would
not be. Alternate sources list different causes of death, and some
consider his passing to be suspicious.

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CAMBRIDGE AS HISTORY: JAPAN MILITARISM

  • 1. HISTORY CAMBRIDGE AS - PAPER 2 MODULE 1871-1918 PRESENTATION 9 JAPANESE MILITARISM
  • 2. PRESENTATION BASED ON Beasley, William G. (1991). Japanese Imperialism 1894–1945 Dower, John W. (1999). Embracing Defeat: Japan in the Wake of World War II Dower, John W. (1995). Japan in War & Peace Gow, Ian (2004). Military Intervention in Pre-War Japanese Politics: Admiral Kato Kanji and the Washington System. Militarization and Demilitarization in Contemporary Japan Gordon, Andrew (2003). A Modern History of Japan: From Tokugawa Times to the Present Maki, John M (2007). Japanese Militarism, Past and Present Martin, Bernd. (1995). Japan and Germany in the modern world Sims, Richard (2001). Japanese Political History Since the Meiji Renovation 1868–2000 Sunoo, Harold Hwakon (1975). Japanese Militarism, Past and Present Welch, Claude Emerson. (1976). Civilian Control of the Military: Theory and Cases from Developing Countries
  • 3. OVERVIEW Japanese militarism refers to the ideology in the Empire of Japan that militarism should dominate the political and social life of the nation, and that the strength of the military is equal to the strength of a nation.
  • 4. MEIJI RESTORATION The military had a strong influence on Japanese society from the Meiji Restoration. The leaders in Japanese society during the Meiji period (in the military, politics or business) were ex-samurai or descendants of samurai, and shared a set of values and outlooks. The early Meiji government viewed Japan as threatened by western imperialism, and one of the prime motivations for the Fukoku Kyohei policy was to strengthen Japan's economic and industrial foundations, so that a strong military could be built to defend Japan against outside powers. Domestic issues within early Meiji Japan also called for a strong military. The early Meiji government was threatened by internal revolts, such as the Saga Rebellion and Satsuma Rebellion, and numerous rural peasant uprisings.
  • 5. Asahi on completion in UK, 1900
  • 6. YAMAGATA AND MILITARY CONSCRIPTION The rise of universal military conscription, introduced by Yamagata Aritomo in 1873, with the proclamation of the Imperial Rescript to Soldiers and Sailors in 1882 enabled the military to indoctrinate soldiers from various social backgrounds with military-patriotic values and the concept of unquestioning loyalty to the Emperor of Japan (kokutai). Yamagata like many Japanese was strongly influenced by the recent striking success of Prussia in transforming itself from an agricultural state to a leading modern industrial and military power. The Prussian model also devalued the notion of civilian control over the independent military, which meant that in Japan, as in Germany, the military could develop into a state within a state.
  • 7. JAKOB MECKEL Japanese Army Staff paid close attention to Major Jakob Meckel's views on the superiority of the German military model over the French system as the reason for German victory. In response to a Japanese request, Prussian Chief of Staff Helmuth von Moltke sent Meckel to Japan to become an O-yatoi gaikokujin. In Japan, Meckel worked closely with future Prime Ministers General Katsura Tarō and General Yamagata Aritomo, and with army strategist General Kawakami Soroku.
  • 8. ORGANISING THE DEPARTMENTS Meckel made numerous recommendations which were implemented, including reorganization of the command structure of the army into divisions and regiments, thus increasing mobility, strengthening the army logistics and transportation structure with the major army bases connected by railways, establishing artillery and engineering regiments as independent commands, and revising the universal conscription system to abolish virtually all exceptions. A bust of Meckel was sited in front of the Japanese Army Staff College from 1909 through 1945
  • 9. MECKEL’S IMPACT Although his period in Japan (1885–1888) was relatively short, Meckel had a tremendous impact on the development of the Japanese military. He is credited with introducing Clausewitz's military theories and the Prussian concept of war games (kriegspiel) in a process of refining tactics. By training some sixty of the highest-ranking Japanese officers of the time in tactics, strategy and organization, he was able to replace the previous influences of the French advisors with his own philosophies. Meckel especially reinforced Hermann Roesler's ideal of subservience to the Emperor by teaching his pupils that Prussian military success was a consequence of the officer class's unswerving loyalty to their sovereign Emperor, as expressly codified in Articles XI-XIII of the Meiji Constitution.
  • 11. JAPAN AS AN IMPERIALIST POWER The rise of political parties in the late Meiji period was coupled with the rise of secret and semi-secret patriotic societies, such as the Genyōsha (1881) and Kokuryukai (1901), which coupled political activities with paramilitary activities and military intelligence, and supported expansionism overseas as a solution to Japan's domestic issues. With a more aggressive foreign policy, and victory over China in the First Sino-Japanese War and over Russia in the Russo-Japanese War, Japan joined the imperialist powers. The need for a strong military to secure Japan's new overseas empire was strengthened by a sense that only through a strong military would Japan earn the respect of western nations, and revision of the unequal treaties.
  • 12. ECONOMIC POWER During the 19th century, Great Power status was considered dependent on resource-rich colonial empires, both as a source of raw materials for military and industrial production, and international prestige. Due to the lack of resources in Japanese home islands, raw materials such as iron, oil, and coal largely had to be imported. The success of Japan in securing Taiwan (1895) and Korea (1910) had brought Japan primarily agricultural colonies. In terms of resources, the Japanese military looked towards Manchuria's iron and coal, Indochina's rubber, and China's vast resources.
  • 13. INDEPENDENCE OF THE MILITARY Also forming part of the basis for the growth of militarism was the freedom from civilian control enjoyed by the Japanese armed forces. In 1878, the Imperial Japanese Army established the Imperial Japanese Army General Staff office, modelled after the Prussian General Staff. This office was independent of, and equal (and later superior) to the Ministry of War of Japan in terms of authority. The Imperial Japanese Navy soon followed with the Imperial Japanese Navy General Staff. These General Staff offices were responsible for the planning and execution of military operations, and reported directly to the emperor. As the Chiefs of the General Staff were not cabinet ministers, they did not report to the Prime Minister of Japan, and were thus completely independent of any civilian oversight or control.
  • 14. THE INFLUENCE OF THE MILITARY The Army and the Navy also had decisive say on the formation (and survival) of any civilian government. Since the law required that the posts of Army Minister and Navy Minister be filled by active duty officers nominated by their respective services, and since the law also required that a prime minister resign if he could not fill all of his cabinet posts, both the Army and the Navy had final say on the formation of a cabinet, and could bring down the cabinet at any time by withdrawing their minister and refusing to nominate a successor. In reality, while this tactic was used only one time (to prevent General Kazushige Ugaki, from becoming Prime Minister in 1937), the threat always loomed when the military made demands on the civilian leadership.
  • 15. HAKKO ICHIU During Taishō period, Japan saw a period of democratic rule ("Taisho democracy"), and several diplomatic attempts were made to encourage peace, such as the Washington Naval Treaty and participation in the League of Nations. With the beginning of the Shōwa era, the apparent collapse of the world economic order with the Great Depression starting in 1929, coupled with the imposition of trade barriers by western nations and an increasing radicalism in Japanese politics including issues of domestic terrorist violence (including an assassination attempt on the emperor in 1932 and a number of attempted coups d'état by ultra-nationalist secret societies) led to a resurgence of so-called "jingoistic" patriotism, a weakening of democratic forces and a belief that the military could solve all threats both domestic and foreign. Patriotic education also strengthened the sense of a hakko ichiu, or a divine mission to unify Asia under Japanese rule.
  • 16. LONDON NAVAL TREATY Those who continued to resist the "military solution" including nationalists with unquestionable patriotism, such as generals Jotaro Watanabe and Tetsuzan Nagata and ex-Foreign Minister Kijūrō Shidehara were driven from office or an active role in the government. A turning point came with the ratification of the London Naval Treaty of 1930. Prime Minister Osachi Hamaguchi and his Minseito party agreed to a treaty which would severely limit Japanese naval power. This treaty was strongly opposed by the military, who claimed that it would endanger national defense, and was portrayed by the opposition Rikken Seiyukai party as having been forced upon Japan by a hostile United States, which further inflamed growing anti-foreign sentiment.
  • 17. MAY 15 INCIDENT IN 1932 The Japanese system of party government finally met its demise with the May 15 Incident in 1932, when a group of junior naval officers and army cadets assassinated Prime Minister Inukai Tsuyoshi. The assassins were put on trial and sentenced to fifteen years' imprisonment, they were seen popularly as having acted out of patriotism and the atmosphere was set where the military was able to act with little restraint.
  • 18. OPPOSITION TO MILITARISM Despite the apparently monolithic national consensus on the official aggressive policies pursued by the Imperial government in the first part of the Shōwa era, some substantial opposition did exist. This was one of various forms of Japanese dissidence during the Shōwa period. The most organized open opposition to militarism was from the Japanese Communist Party. In the early 1930s Communist activists attempted to influence army conscripts, but the party was suppressed during the mid- 1930s within Japan.
  • 19. OPPOSITION: TAKASHI AND SHIDEHARA Personal opposition included individuals from the fields of party politics, business and culture. Here are some examples: • Hara Takashi, a commoner and liberal thinker of the Rikken Seiyūkai, had become prime minister in 1918 with the rallying cry of "Militarism is dead." Three years later, however, Hara was assassinated. • Kijūrō Shidehara followed a non-interventionist policy toward China, attempting to stabilize its relations with Great Britain and the United States. The term "Shidehara diplomacy" came to describe Japan's liberal foreign policy during the 1920s, and was assailed by military interests who believed it was weakening the country.
  • 20. OPPOSITION: TAKUMA AND TATSUKICHI • Baron Takuma Dan, director of Mitsui Bank, was an important opponent of Japan overseas interventions and was known for his pro-American views. He was murdered on March 5, 1932 in the League of Blood Incident. • Minobe Tatsukichi, a respected professor at Tokyo Imperial University declared the emperor to be a part of the constitutional structure of Japan rather than a sacred power beyond the state itself in 1935. His constitutional interpretation was overwhelmingly accepted by bureaucrats until the 1930s. In the increasingly militant 1930s, these ideas led to attacks against Minobe in the House of Peers and his resignation from that body.
  • 21. OPPOSITION: TAKAO AND TAKAGI • Saitō Takao, a graduate of Yale University was a member of the Rikken Minseito party. On February 2, 1940, he made a speech in the Diet in which he sharply questioned the prosecution and justification of Japan's "holy war" in China. He was expelled from the Diet on March 7, 1940 and his speech also led to the creation of the League of Diet Members Believing the Objectives of the Holy War by Fumimaro Konoe. • Admiral Sōkichi Takagi, an opponent of Japan's decision to declare war on the United States, was asked by Navy Minister Shigetarō Shimada to compile a report analysing Japanese defeats during the Pacific campaign of 1942. His analysis convinced Takagi of Japan's inevitable defeat. Takagi began planning for the assassination of Prime Minister Hideki Tōjō before his removal from office in July 1944.
  • 22. OPPOSITION: JIGORO • Kanō Jigorō, creator of Judo and founder of the modern Japanese educational system, member of Japan's Olympic Committee, and de facto foreign minister for Japan was a staunch opponent of militarism. Concerned that his Judo school, the Kodokan, would be used as a military training center, he obtained a promise from the Emperor that it would not be. Alternate sources list different causes of death, and some consider his passing to be suspicious.