This article discusses the questions of representativeness and legitimacy within the context of the Majelis Rakyat Papua (Papuan People’s Assembly) as an integral part of the Indonesian government’s asymmetrical-decentralization scheme to reduce separatist tendencies in Papua. We find that the MRP has generally failed in its representation and its claim to legitimacy.
This document outlines the syllabus for a course on public administration. It covers 9 topics in paper 1, including definitions of public administration, approaches like new public management, and the role of citizens. Paper 2 covers 8 topics related to organizational structure and management in government, including the structure of federal and local governments, intergovernmental relationships, financial administration, and managing human resources. It lists 20 recommended books on subjects like public policy, development governance, and comparative public administration.
The document summarizes several traditional and new subfields of public administration. The traditional subfields discussed are political theory, international relations, comparative politics, organization and management, public personnel administration, public fiscal administration, and local government administration. Newer subfields that have emerged include policy analysis and program administration, public enterprise management, voluntary sector management, and spatial information management. Each subfield is briefly described in terms of its key areas of focus and topics studied.
Rethink the politics of development in Africa? how the political settlement s...Dr Lendy Spires
This document analyzes how the distribution of political power within ruling coalitions in Ghana shaped the allocation of resources to the education sector from 1993 to 2008. It finds that under both the NDC and NPP governments, regions with more powerful factions within the ruling coalition received more education spending per capita compared to need. A political settlements approach focusing on how power is distributed within ruling coalitions provides insights into how politics influences development outcomes in Africa.
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI)inventionjournals
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI) is an international journal intended for professionals and researchers in all fields of Humanities and Social Science. IJHSSI publishes research articles and reviews within the whole field Humanities and Social Science, new teaching methods, assessment, validation and the impact of new technologies and it will continue to provide information on the latest trends and developments in this ever-expanding subject. The publications of papers are selected through double peer reviewed to ensure originality, relevance, and readability. The articles published in our journal can be accessed online
This document discusses three problems with establishing a science of public administration: (1) issues with normative values and conflicting goals like efficiency versus democracy; (2) accounting for human behavior and individual personalities within organizations; and (3) the influence of different social settings across countries. The author argues that while some principles may apply universally, public administration is limited as a science due to the complex influences of values, human nature, and unique social and historical contexts in different places.
The US/Allies and the Emerging Powers: A Comparative Analysis of National Cap...Chukwuyem Iharagbon
This document provides a comparative analysis of the national capabilities of the US/Allies and Emerging Powers. It examines several indices of national power, including geographic location, population, defense capabilities, economic/financial capabilities, and influence of national currencies. While previous studies found that the US/Allies maintained an advantage in military and technology, this document argues that the Emerging Powers' large populations and growing financial influence through institutions like BRICS and SCO pose a challenge to US/Allies dominance. It recommends including national currency as a power index and redirecting defense spending toward development to maintain influence.
This document summarizes Fred W. Riggs' theory of comparative public administration. Riggs developed typologies to classify societies, including agrarian, industrial, and prismatic societies. He argued developing societies exhibit characteristics of both traditional and modern structures, described as "prismatic" or having "overlapping." Key aspects of prismatic societies include heterogeneity, formalism, and overlapping functions between traditional and modern institutions. Riggs' theory provided a framework for understanding the interaction between administrative systems and broader social, economic, and cultural contexts in developing nations.
Public administration involves managing and administering public/government affairs. It has evolved over time from traditional public administration to development administration and new public administration. Traditional public administration focused on efficiency and following rules, while development administration emphasizes goals, participation, decentralization and planning for change. New public administration rejects being value-neutral and instead focuses on social equity, being client-oriented, and qualitative transformation through decentralization. The key functions of public administration include planning, organizing, staffing, directing, coordinating, reporting and budgeting.
This document outlines the syllabus for a course on public administration. It covers 9 topics in paper 1, including definitions of public administration, approaches like new public management, and the role of citizens. Paper 2 covers 8 topics related to organizational structure and management in government, including the structure of federal and local governments, intergovernmental relationships, financial administration, and managing human resources. It lists 20 recommended books on subjects like public policy, development governance, and comparative public administration.
The document summarizes several traditional and new subfields of public administration. The traditional subfields discussed are political theory, international relations, comparative politics, organization and management, public personnel administration, public fiscal administration, and local government administration. Newer subfields that have emerged include policy analysis and program administration, public enterprise management, voluntary sector management, and spatial information management. Each subfield is briefly described in terms of its key areas of focus and topics studied.
Rethink the politics of development in Africa? how the political settlement s...Dr Lendy Spires
This document analyzes how the distribution of political power within ruling coalitions in Ghana shaped the allocation of resources to the education sector from 1993 to 2008. It finds that under both the NDC and NPP governments, regions with more powerful factions within the ruling coalition received more education spending per capita compared to need. A political settlements approach focusing on how power is distributed within ruling coalitions provides insights into how politics influences development outcomes in Africa.
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI)inventionjournals
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI) is an international journal intended for professionals and researchers in all fields of Humanities and Social Science. IJHSSI publishes research articles and reviews within the whole field Humanities and Social Science, new teaching methods, assessment, validation and the impact of new technologies and it will continue to provide information on the latest trends and developments in this ever-expanding subject. The publications of papers are selected through double peer reviewed to ensure originality, relevance, and readability. The articles published in our journal can be accessed online
This document discusses three problems with establishing a science of public administration: (1) issues with normative values and conflicting goals like efficiency versus democracy; (2) accounting for human behavior and individual personalities within organizations; and (3) the influence of different social settings across countries. The author argues that while some principles may apply universally, public administration is limited as a science due to the complex influences of values, human nature, and unique social and historical contexts in different places.
The US/Allies and the Emerging Powers: A Comparative Analysis of National Cap...Chukwuyem Iharagbon
This document provides a comparative analysis of the national capabilities of the US/Allies and Emerging Powers. It examines several indices of national power, including geographic location, population, defense capabilities, economic/financial capabilities, and influence of national currencies. While previous studies found that the US/Allies maintained an advantage in military and technology, this document argues that the Emerging Powers' large populations and growing financial influence through institutions like BRICS and SCO pose a challenge to US/Allies dominance. It recommends including national currency as a power index and redirecting defense spending toward development to maintain influence.
This document summarizes Fred W. Riggs' theory of comparative public administration. Riggs developed typologies to classify societies, including agrarian, industrial, and prismatic societies. He argued developing societies exhibit characteristics of both traditional and modern structures, described as "prismatic" or having "overlapping." Key aspects of prismatic societies include heterogeneity, formalism, and overlapping functions between traditional and modern institutions. Riggs' theory provided a framework for understanding the interaction between administrative systems and broader social, economic, and cultural contexts in developing nations.
Public administration involves managing and administering public/government affairs. It has evolved over time from traditional public administration to development administration and new public administration. Traditional public administration focused on efficiency and following rules, while development administration emphasizes goals, participation, decentralization and planning for change. New public administration rejects being value-neutral and instead focuses on social equity, being client-oriented, and qualitative transformation through decentralization. The key functions of public administration include planning, organizing, staffing, directing, coordinating, reporting and budgeting.
Exploring Pesse Na Siri’ Values in Budgetary Preparation Process: An Ethnogra...QUESTJOURNAL
This document summarizes an ethnographic study that explored the values of Pesse na siri' in the budget preparation process at the Regional Work Device Unit (RWDU) level in East Luwu, Indonesia. The study found that several Pesse na siri' values were present in the budgeting process, including tongeng (truth), lempu' (honesty), getteng (firmness), adele' (justice), and lalambate tarantajo or siwolong polong (cooperation). Tongeng value was reflected in adhering to policies, procedures and regulations, while being accountable to the community. Lempu' value involved preparing budgets based on objective source documents without exaggeration
This document provides an overview of key concepts in politics and political science. It defines politics as the art and science of government that involves making common decisions for groups of people. It discusses political concepts like power, authority, legitimacy, attitudes, public opinion, perception, values, conflict, and decision-making. It also examines governance, political processes, institutions, groups, and individuals. Overall, the document presents foundational information about many important elements of politics.
This document provides an introduction to the course "Introduction to Public Administration" (PAD202) at the National Open University of Nigeria. It outlines the main contents of the course, which are organized into 3 modules covering various units and topics related to public administration. The first module covers the meaning and concepts of public administration, as well as its evolution and ecology. The second module examines public administration as an art or science and discusses its growth, importance, scope and functions. The third module compares private and public administration and analyzes the relationship between public administration and politics, in addition to various theories of public administration.
This document provides information about a public administration course taught by Prof. Ginandjar Kartasasmita at the Graduate School of Asia and Pacific Studies at Waseda University in Tokyo, Japan. The course covers key concepts and intellectual frameworks in public administration, with a focus on the relationships between governance, administration, and development. It will include lectures, class discussions, assignments, and a final paper. The grade is based 30% on class participation, 30% on assignments, and 40% on the final paper. Required readings are listed and materials can be accessed on the professor's website.
This document discusses the meaning and scope of public administration and how it has evolved over time. It begins by noting there is no consensus on a definition and different writers have defined it in different ways, either broadly to include policymaking or narrowly as just the executive branch. It discusses how early thinkers like Woodrow Wilson viewed public administration and principles that were established. Over time, factors like industrialization, technology development, and scientific management movement influenced the growth of public administration as an academic discipline in the late 19th/early 20th century. The core components of administration are also outlined.
Political philosophy is defined by five attributes: national identity, nationalism, political culture, and political attitudes. These attributes shape how citizens develop principles and values within a political system. For example, national identity provides a sense of belonging that influences nationalism and political destiny. Political destiny is further shaped by political culture, which determines the basic norms of political activity. Together, these factors influence an individual's political ideology and views on issues like the balance of freedom and equality. Political philosophy is also influenced by natural abilities and instincts that allow humans to form social and political organizations for survival and self-sufficiency. The document advocates for a reformed liberal political system that empowers government to positively shape society and reward citizens' talents, in order to
Lorenz von Stein is considered the founder of public administration science. He argued it relies on other disciplines and practitioners should concern themselves with both theory and practice. In the US, Woodrow Wilson is seen as the father for recognizing it in 1887, advocating for separating politics and administration. Key thinkers in the early 20th century included Gulick, Urwick, Fayol and Taylor. Definitions of public administration evolved over time as the field developed, addressing the executive branch activities, policymaking roles, and relationship to the public. New models like New Public Management and New Public Service also emerged in recent decades.
Segurança Alimentar,naturalização da fome,frente aos Organismos Econômicos,pá...Vilma Pereira da Silva
Fórum de Sociologia- Justiça Social & Democratização, realização, Universidade de Buenos Aires, Faculdades de Ciências Econômicas, Buenos Aires-Argentina. Trabalho apresentação oral, expositora; Vilma Pereira,pag. 329.
The document discusses different views of public administration as both a field of practice and study. As a field of practice, public administration involves carrying out governmental functions like enacting laws and policies. As a field of study, it uses empirical research and social science methods to advance knowledge. Public administration is considered an applied discipline that prepares individuals for careers in public service. It is viewed as both an art that involves creativity and leadership, and a science with theories to explain phenomena in the field. Several definitions of public administration are provided that emphasize its role in implementing policies and delivering services to the public.
This document defines and discusses public administration. It begins by defining public administration as the implementation of government policy and the academic study of such implementation. It then discusses the nature, fields, components, and institutions of public administration. The fields covered include local governance, fiscal administration, policy analysis, organization management, and emerging fields like public enterprise management. It also discusses the relation of public administration to other disciplines like economics, criminology, and engineering. Finally, it provides overviews of key Philippine government institutions in public administration like the Commission on Audit, Civil Service Commission, and Commission on Elections.
Public Administration Relations with other Disciplinesmahtab sajib
This presentation shows the relation of Public Administration with other disciplines like sociology, psychology, history,law etc. from the academic point of view.
The Ethical Practices Among Tourism Workers in The First and Second Congressi...YogeshIJTSRD
The study aimed to determine the significant difference between the profile and the ethical practices of tourism workers in the first and second congressional districts of Zamboanga del Norte as basis for a proposed intervention program. To find out the significant difference between the profile of tourism workers of first and second congressional districts of Zamboanga del Norte and their ethical practices. Data were collected from 110 respondents from various cities and municipalities police stations in Zamboanga del Norte using purposive sampling, frequency count percentage, weighted mean, chi square, and standardized Residual Analysis. On the other hand, based on the findings, the study established an intervention program for tourism workers in Zamboanga del Norte to maintain their practices of high ethical standards, and educational institutions may conduct appropriate pieces of training and programs on ethical principles. Furthermore, findings revealed that there was no significant difference when the demographic profile of tourism workers in the first and second congressional districts of Zamboanga del Norte and their ethical practices were analyzed, and no residual analysis of the study was discovered. Shaizilou B. Labadan | Leo C. Naparota "The Ethical Practices Among Tourism Workers in The First and Second Congressional Districts of Zamboanga Del Norte A Basis for Proposed Intervention Program for Local Tourism" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-5 | Issue-3 , April 2021, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd40061.pdf Paper URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/management/management-development/40061/the-ethical-practices-among-tourism-workers-in-the-first-and-second-congressional-districts-of-zamboanga-del-norte-a-basis-for-proposed-intervention-program-for-local-tourism/shaizilou-b-labadan
The document discusses the development of public administration theory and practice over the past 50 years. It addresses key themes and dichotomies in the field such as management vs administration, impartiality vs responsiveness, specialization vs coordination, autonomy vs integration, rationality vs evolution, and authority vs democracy. The field has seen shifts from traditional bureaucracy to new public management and is constantly searching for improvements, often revisiting previously discussed issues. The future remains unclear as the challenges of defining and developing the field continue.
This document discusses the definitions, scope, and distinctions between public and business administration. It provides several definitions of public administration that focus on it being the execution of public law and the management of state affairs. The scope of public administration is examined, including concerns around promoting democratic values, policy sensitivity, implementation capability, and understanding social realities. Key distinctions between public and business administration are outlined, such as their different purposes (general welfare vs. profit), constraints (adherence to law vs. flexibility), and complexity of operations.
Woodrow Wilson was an American scholar and statesman who is considered the father of public administration. The document outlines Wilson's life and contributions, including his seminal 1887 essay "The Study of Administration". It provides details on Wilson's educational background, career path, and observations of society that influenced his work. His essay called for establishing public administration as a field of analytical study and helped define the relationship between administration, politics, and public opinion. The document also discusses how other theorists like L.D. White built upon Wilson's ideas and criticisms of his work.
An introduction to public adminstration 185 halKhairul Iksan
The document discusses the changing nature of public administration over time. It outlines 5 phases of evolution:
1) 1887-1926: Establishment as an independent discipline separate from political science with Woodrow Wilson's foundational work. Focus on the dichotomy between politics and administration.
2) 1927-1937: Development of principles of public administration and a policy perspective.
3) 1938-1947: Period of behaviorialism and development as a social science.
4) 1948-1970: Crisis of identity and challenges to the dichotomy view.
5) 1971-onwards: Emergence of new public administration focused on public policy and management.
Human rights in developing countries and its relationship with country’s econ...AI Publications
This document summarizes a research paper on the relationship between human rights and economic development in developing countries. The paper used a quantitative survey method with 149 valid responses to examine this relationship. The main finding was that there is a strong positive relationship between human rights protections and economic development in developing nations, supporting the research hypothesis. Human rights and economic development influence each other bidirectionally and there are various channels through which they may be linked, such as levels of democracy, political stability, and social policies.
This document discusses the various environmental constraints that can impact public administration. It identifies 5 main constraints: educational, legal-political, socio-cultural, economic, and religious. For each constraint, the document provides details on how it can influence an organization and its administrators. It also gives examples from other authors on how factors within these constraints, such as education levels, laws, social relationships, economic conditions, and religious beliefs, need to be considered by administrators in planning and implementing programs.
This document provides an overview of politics, power, and society. It begins by outlining the learning objectives, which are to explain the nature of politics and political organizations, analyze kinship ties and social networks in relation to power, describe organized social life and behavioral rules, analyze the current Philippine political system, and explore the dynamic relationship between politics and governance. It then defines politics and describes forms of legitimacy, including traditional, charismatic, and rational-legal legitimacy. It also discusses concepts like state power, Marx's views on the state, plutocracy, political dynasties in the Philippines, women in politics in Southeast Asia, and the branches and functions of state power.
IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science is an International Journal edited by International Organization of Scientific Research (IOSR).The Journal provides a common forum where all aspects of humanities and social sciences are presented. IOSR-JHSS publishes original papers, review papers, conceptual framework, analytical and simulation models, case studies, empirical research, technical notes etc.
This document provides an overview of the Indonesian political party PKSPKSPKSPKSPKSPKS (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera or Prosperous Justice Party) and its positions on gender-related issues. Some key points include:
- PKSPKSPKSPKSPKSPKS is an Islam-based party that believes Islamic values can guide people to prosperity while being moderate and respecting rule of law and democracy.
- While it does not seek an Islamic state, it believes Islam is consistent with modernity when core values are upheld.
- The party supports women's political participation and rights, with over half of its 500,000 cadres being women.
Exploring Pesse Na Siri’ Values in Budgetary Preparation Process: An Ethnogra...QUESTJOURNAL
This document summarizes an ethnographic study that explored the values of Pesse na siri' in the budget preparation process at the Regional Work Device Unit (RWDU) level in East Luwu, Indonesia. The study found that several Pesse na siri' values were present in the budgeting process, including tongeng (truth), lempu' (honesty), getteng (firmness), adele' (justice), and lalambate tarantajo or siwolong polong (cooperation). Tongeng value was reflected in adhering to policies, procedures and regulations, while being accountable to the community. Lempu' value involved preparing budgets based on objective source documents without exaggeration
This document provides an overview of key concepts in politics and political science. It defines politics as the art and science of government that involves making common decisions for groups of people. It discusses political concepts like power, authority, legitimacy, attitudes, public opinion, perception, values, conflict, and decision-making. It also examines governance, political processes, institutions, groups, and individuals. Overall, the document presents foundational information about many important elements of politics.
This document provides an introduction to the course "Introduction to Public Administration" (PAD202) at the National Open University of Nigeria. It outlines the main contents of the course, which are organized into 3 modules covering various units and topics related to public administration. The first module covers the meaning and concepts of public administration, as well as its evolution and ecology. The second module examines public administration as an art or science and discusses its growth, importance, scope and functions. The third module compares private and public administration and analyzes the relationship between public administration and politics, in addition to various theories of public administration.
This document provides information about a public administration course taught by Prof. Ginandjar Kartasasmita at the Graduate School of Asia and Pacific Studies at Waseda University in Tokyo, Japan. The course covers key concepts and intellectual frameworks in public administration, with a focus on the relationships between governance, administration, and development. It will include lectures, class discussions, assignments, and a final paper. The grade is based 30% on class participation, 30% on assignments, and 40% on the final paper. Required readings are listed and materials can be accessed on the professor's website.
This document discusses the meaning and scope of public administration and how it has evolved over time. It begins by noting there is no consensus on a definition and different writers have defined it in different ways, either broadly to include policymaking or narrowly as just the executive branch. It discusses how early thinkers like Woodrow Wilson viewed public administration and principles that were established. Over time, factors like industrialization, technology development, and scientific management movement influenced the growth of public administration as an academic discipline in the late 19th/early 20th century. The core components of administration are also outlined.
Political philosophy is defined by five attributes: national identity, nationalism, political culture, and political attitudes. These attributes shape how citizens develop principles and values within a political system. For example, national identity provides a sense of belonging that influences nationalism and political destiny. Political destiny is further shaped by political culture, which determines the basic norms of political activity. Together, these factors influence an individual's political ideology and views on issues like the balance of freedom and equality. Political philosophy is also influenced by natural abilities and instincts that allow humans to form social and political organizations for survival and self-sufficiency. The document advocates for a reformed liberal political system that empowers government to positively shape society and reward citizens' talents, in order to
Lorenz von Stein is considered the founder of public administration science. He argued it relies on other disciplines and practitioners should concern themselves with both theory and practice. In the US, Woodrow Wilson is seen as the father for recognizing it in 1887, advocating for separating politics and administration. Key thinkers in the early 20th century included Gulick, Urwick, Fayol and Taylor. Definitions of public administration evolved over time as the field developed, addressing the executive branch activities, policymaking roles, and relationship to the public. New models like New Public Management and New Public Service also emerged in recent decades.
Segurança Alimentar,naturalização da fome,frente aos Organismos Econômicos,pá...Vilma Pereira da Silva
Fórum de Sociologia- Justiça Social & Democratização, realização, Universidade de Buenos Aires, Faculdades de Ciências Econômicas, Buenos Aires-Argentina. Trabalho apresentação oral, expositora; Vilma Pereira,pag. 329.
The document discusses different views of public administration as both a field of practice and study. As a field of practice, public administration involves carrying out governmental functions like enacting laws and policies. As a field of study, it uses empirical research and social science methods to advance knowledge. Public administration is considered an applied discipline that prepares individuals for careers in public service. It is viewed as both an art that involves creativity and leadership, and a science with theories to explain phenomena in the field. Several definitions of public administration are provided that emphasize its role in implementing policies and delivering services to the public.
This document defines and discusses public administration. It begins by defining public administration as the implementation of government policy and the academic study of such implementation. It then discusses the nature, fields, components, and institutions of public administration. The fields covered include local governance, fiscal administration, policy analysis, organization management, and emerging fields like public enterprise management. It also discusses the relation of public administration to other disciplines like economics, criminology, and engineering. Finally, it provides overviews of key Philippine government institutions in public administration like the Commission on Audit, Civil Service Commission, and Commission on Elections.
Public Administration Relations with other Disciplinesmahtab sajib
This presentation shows the relation of Public Administration with other disciplines like sociology, psychology, history,law etc. from the academic point of view.
The Ethical Practices Among Tourism Workers in The First and Second Congressi...YogeshIJTSRD
The study aimed to determine the significant difference between the profile and the ethical practices of tourism workers in the first and second congressional districts of Zamboanga del Norte as basis for a proposed intervention program. To find out the significant difference between the profile of tourism workers of first and second congressional districts of Zamboanga del Norte and their ethical practices. Data were collected from 110 respondents from various cities and municipalities police stations in Zamboanga del Norte using purposive sampling, frequency count percentage, weighted mean, chi square, and standardized Residual Analysis. On the other hand, based on the findings, the study established an intervention program for tourism workers in Zamboanga del Norte to maintain their practices of high ethical standards, and educational institutions may conduct appropriate pieces of training and programs on ethical principles. Furthermore, findings revealed that there was no significant difference when the demographic profile of tourism workers in the first and second congressional districts of Zamboanga del Norte and their ethical practices were analyzed, and no residual analysis of the study was discovered. Shaizilou B. Labadan | Leo C. Naparota "The Ethical Practices Among Tourism Workers in The First and Second Congressional Districts of Zamboanga Del Norte A Basis for Proposed Intervention Program for Local Tourism" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-5 | Issue-3 , April 2021, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd40061.pdf Paper URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/management/management-development/40061/the-ethical-practices-among-tourism-workers-in-the-first-and-second-congressional-districts-of-zamboanga-del-norte-a-basis-for-proposed-intervention-program-for-local-tourism/shaizilou-b-labadan
The document discusses the development of public administration theory and practice over the past 50 years. It addresses key themes and dichotomies in the field such as management vs administration, impartiality vs responsiveness, specialization vs coordination, autonomy vs integration, rationality vs evolution, and authority vs democracy. The field has seen shifts from traditional bureaucracy to new public management and is constantly searching for improvements, often revisiting previously discussed issues. The future remains unclear as the challenges of defining and developing the field continue.
This document discusses the definitions, scope, and distinctions between public and business administration. It provides several definitions of public administration that focus on it being the execution of public law and the management of state affairs. The scope of public administration is examined, including concerns around promoting democratic values, policy sensitivity, implementation capability, and understanding social realities. Key distinctions between public and business administration are outlined, such as their different purposes (general welfare vs. profit), constraints (adherence to law vs. flexibility), and complexity of operations.
Woodrow Wilson was an American scholar and statesman who is considered the father of public administration. The document outlines Wilson's life and contributions, including his seminal 1887 essay "The Study of Administration". It provides details on Wilson's educational background, career path, and observations of society that influenced his work. His essay called for establishing public administration as a field of analytical study and helped define the relationship between administration, politics, and public opinion. The document also discusses how other theorists like L.D. White built upon Wilson's ideas and criticisms of his work.
An introduction to public adminstration 185 halKhairul Iksan
The document discusses the changing nature of public administration over time. It outlines 5 phases of evolution:
1) 1887-1926: Establishment as an independent discipline separate from political science with Woodrow Wilson's foundational work. Focus on the dichotomy between politics and administration.
2) 1927-1937: Development of principles of public administration and a policy perspective.
3) 1938-1947: Period of behaviorialism and development as a social science.
4) 1948-1970: Crisis of identity and challenges to the dichotomy view.
5) 1971-onwards: Emergence of new public administration focused on public policy and management.
Human rights in developing countries and its relationship with country’s econ...AI Publications
This document summarizes a research paper on the relationship between human rights and economic development in developing countries. The paper used a quantitative survey method with 149 valid responses to examine this relationship. The main finding was that there is a strong positive relationship between human rights protections and economic development in developing nations, supporting the research hypothesis. Human rights and economic development influence each other bidirectionally and there are various channels through which they may be linked, such as levels of democracy, political stability, and social policies.
This document discusses the various environmental constraints that can impact public administration. It identifies 5 main constraints: educational, legal-political, socio-cultural, economic, and religious. For each constraint, the document provides details on how it can influence an organization and its administrators. It also gives examples from other authors on how factors within these constraints, such as education levels, laws, social relationships, economic conditions, and religious beliefs, need to be considered by administrators in planning and implementing programs.
This document provides an overview of politics, power, and society. It begins by outlining the learning objectives, which are to explain the nature of politics and political organizations, analyze kinship ties and social networks in relation to power, describe organized social life and behavioral rules, analyze the current Philippine political system, and explore the dynamic relationship between politics and governance. It then defines politics and describes forms of legitimacy, including traditional, charismatic, and rational-legal legitimacy. It also discusses concepts like state power, Marx's views on the state, plutocracy, political dynasties in the Philippines, women in politics in Southeast Asia, and the branches and functions of state power.
IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science is an International Journal edited by International Organization of Scientific Research (IOSR).The Journal provides a common forum where all aspects of humanities and social sciences are presented. IOSR-JHSS publishes original papers, review papers, conceptual framework, analytical and simulation models, case studies, empirical research, technical notes etc.
This document provides an overview of the Indonesian political party PKSPKSPKSPKSPKSPKS (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera or Prosperous Justice Party) and its positions on gender-related issues. Some key points include:
- PKSPKSPKSPKSPKSPKS is an Islam-based party that believes Islamic values can guide people to prosperity while being moderate and respecting rule of law and democracy.
- While it does not seek an Islamic state, it believes Islam is consistent with modernity when core values are upheld.
- The party supports women's political participation and rights, with over half of its 500,000 cadres being women.
This document provides an introduction and outline for a discussion paper on federalism and conflict management in Ethiopia. It begins with definitions of key concepts such as ethnicity, social identity, prejudice, discrimination, conflict, and federalism. It then outlines the objectives and methodology of the study. The introduction provides background on Ethiopia's ethnic composition and religious demographics. It describes Ethiopia's adoption of an ethnic-federal system in 1991 and how the country is divided into ethnic-based regions. In closing, it states that the paper will analyze constitutional provisions, causes of conflicts, conflict management strategies, and provide concluding remarks.
Exploring cases of ethnic and racial disparities in theAlexander Decker
This document summarizes research on theories of ethnicity and race and perspectives on inequalities based on ethnicity and race. It discusses three main theoretical approaches to understanding ethnicity and race: primordialist theories which see ethnic identity as fixed at birth, instrumental theories which view ethnicity as something that can be manipulated for political or economic ends, and constructivist theories which see ethnic identity as fluid and constructed in social contexts. It also examines functionalist and conflict perspectives on inequalities, with functionalism focusing on assimilation and pluralism, and conflict theory emphasizing how dominant groups use power to divide groups along racial and ethnic lines for their own benefit.
This document discusses the social structure of Nepalese society, including aspects like social class, caste, ethnicity, gender, language, religion, and geography. It notes that Nepalese society has traditionally been divided into hereditary caste groups, but the constitution now upholds equality. It outlines the main social classes and castes in Nepal and how they are divided. It also discusses factors like gender roles and equality, the many languages spoken in Nepal, the religious diversity, and the major geographic regions from the Terai plain to the Himalayas.
This document provides a summary of a research article that analyzes the language used between two Nigerian politicians, Olusegun Obasanjo and Ayodele Fayose, as reported in Nigerian newspapers from 2014 to 2015. The study uses Brown and Levinson's politeness theory to examine instances of (im)politeness in news excerpts featuring the two politicians. 12 excerpts from newspapers are analyzed to identify examples of different politeness strategies, including bald on record statements, negative politeness, positive politeness, and indirect speech. The analysis finds instances where each politician uses language to threaten the other's public image or preserve their own, pointing to the antagonistic relationship portrayed in their remarks.
Among all the religions in Nigeria, Islam and Christianity record large numbers of adherents and the country’s politics is almost based on the two religious divides. This paper examines two religious bodies; the Nigeria Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NSCIA) and the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) established to regulate the activities of Muslims and Christians respectively in the country. The works finds out that both religious bodies take active part in state politics and have struggled for self-relevance and acknowledgement whenever issues of national concerns arise. The struggle began in the 1970s and 1980s when Muslims advanced for the incorporation of the Islamic law into the Nigerian constitution on the ground that the nation has since her inception been governed by Christian law in the guise of British constitution. The result has been religious tension and violence. The work therefore recommends collaboration of the two religious bodies following their aims and objectives to assist the government in fostering peace, progress and development of the country.
Harper discusses how development experts occupy structured positions that make it difficult for them to consider alternative ways of knowing. Their knowledge remains "walled off" due to the spaces they operate in. Nepali health workers who move to places like the UK are more open to different epistemologies and ways of being. Harper also notes the importance of space in shaping knowledge production, as the high walls surrounding a Nepali hospital symbolically separate modern medical practices from local traditions. Hindman adds that development activities and private lives of expatriates shape how aid is implemented in Nepal. Harper argues that understanding the geographical and social contexts of experts is important for comprehending development processes in Nepal.
Social exclusion in madhes_Mukesh_MishraMukesh Mishra
Here are some key strategies to promote inclusion and combat exclusion of Madheshis in Nepal:
1. Integrated and multi-dimensional action programs: Address exclusion across dimensions like income, health, education, employment rather than separate policies for each.
2. Partnership and collaboration: Mobilize diverse stakeholders including government, civil society, private sector to work together on inclusion initiatives.
3. Participation: Involve Madheshis meaningfully in decision making at all stages from planning to implementation.
4. Spatial approach: Analyze exclusion at local levels to understand unique characteristics and design targeted interventions.
5. Increase access to education for Madheshis, especially girls and marginalized groups. Impro
Here are some key strategies to promote inclusion and combat exclusion of Madheshis in Nepal:
1. Integrated and multi-dimensional action programs: Address exclusion across dimensions like income, health, education, employment rather than separate policies for each.
2. Partnership and collaboration: Mobilize diverse stakeholders including government, civil society, private sector to work together on inclusion initiatives.
3. Participation: Involve Madheshis meaningfully in decision making at all stages from planning to implementation.
4. Spatial approach: Analyze exclusion at local levels to understand unique characteristics and design targeted interventions.
5. Increase access to education for Madheshis, especially girls and marginalized groups. Impro
This thesis examines the factors that have contributed to the formation of Maasai ethnic identity and social mobilization in Kenya. It analyzes how the Maasai, as one of the smallest ethnic groups, engage in political claim-making based on a history of land dispossession and marginalization. Through interviews and fieldwork, the study seeks to understand the perspectives, experiences and strategies that drive collective action within the Maasai community and characterize their political movement. Adopting a new constitution in 2010 calling for greater minority representation and devolution of power to counties, the current political environment provides an opportunity to study how the Maasai experience this moment and how it relates to their history of marginalization.
This document discusses the goals and fields of anthropology, sociology, and political science. It states that the goals of anthropology are to discover what all people have in common, produce new knowledge about human behavior, discover what makes people different to understand diversity, and look at one's own culture objectively. The fields of anthropology discussed are cultural anthropology, linguistic anthropology, archaeological anthropology, and physical anthropology. For sociology, its goals are to obtain theories about society and examine human nature. Its branches discussed are social institutions, social psychology, applied sociology, population, political sociology, and social problems. Finally, it states that political science is the study of government, political processes, and behavior.
Ethnic Identity and Political Participation in MadagascarAbraham Contos
The document summarizes a research paper on ethnic identity and political participation in Madagascar. It introduces the topic and outlines the author's research questions. It then reviews literature on the origins and nature of ethnic groups in Madagascar, how ethnicity has become politicized, and the rise of neo-patrimonial politics. The methodology section describes how the author designed a survey experiment based on previous studies to examine the influence of ethnic cleavages on political views and participation in Madagascar.
When the cold war was over at the end of 1980th, we expected that the 21st century would be peaceful, progressive, and politically stable. On the contrary, the strong consciousness of ETHNICITY was dramatically emerged in eastern European ethnic groups that were controlled by the old Soviet Union. The worse situation was the case of old Yugoslavia where were divided into three parts with arms. As we know, that war was the terrible genocide as we know.
What is “ Medical Anthropology?
Health and Sickness could be defined as the dynamic studies. Because, the concept of the sickness and health is depended on the indigenous values. It means “dynamics”.
2. Biomedicine and cultural( behavial sciences can be understood reciprocally.
Cultural Diagnosis.
The fact that the past scientific research and analysis gather so many different specialists needs to be stress. No profession can get alone the right perspective to comprehend the destructiveness of violence, we need different points of view to fight against it and hopefully to transfer this knowledge to the policy making body. It is my hope that our policy makers and society will begin to realize the importance of the anthropological aspects which I am going to discuss in this short paper.
Now, I would like to take this opportunity to share the role of Anthropology in this issue with policy makers and anthropologists but, let me first show about the role of anthropology in the process of development and its connection with violence. I believe that the anthropological theory should apply to the practical field. Another word, I would say that anthropologists must put on two hats (theoretical and practical).
The work was presented during the II Workshop on Medical Anthropology in Rome, October 14th - 15th 2011.
As a result of our gender process in the South America Region Office, including the ICRW gender assessment of the Indigenous People’s Rights Program, the South America Regional Office (SAMRO) has determined the need to carry out a thorough contextual analysis that would help SAMRO develop an intersectional framework for gender and indigenous people’s rights to serve the development of its programmatic strategies and actions.
SAMRO aims to apply this intersectional approach in order to identify and address the effects of intersectional forms of discrimination, especially on women (as opposed to addressing forms of discrimination in isolation of each other). This approach will help SAMRO to determine specific goals and outcomes that are better aimed at addressing specific indigenous peoples and their rights in each of our programs. It will help us build up a common position on these issues and improve our work on gender justice in the region.
This document provides a summary and analysis of reported incidents of violence against women in Pakistan in 2012. It was written by Dr. Rakhshinda Perveen and includes technical reviews from experts at the Aurat Foundation. Primary data was compiled by a team at Intermedia. The document is divided into three sections. Section one provides historical and regional overviews of violence against women cases in Pakistan. Section two presents statistics on cases from six regions: Punjab, Sindh, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Balochistan, Islamabad Capital Territory, and Federally Administered Tribal Areas. Section three reviews reported violence against women cases in Pakistan over the past five years. The document aims to advocate for addressing
This document discusses two approaches to analyzing sub-national movements: 1) a rational choice perspective focusing on political actors manipulating identity and interests, and 2) a transcultural perspective accounting for cultural flows and hybridization. It uses the Telengana movement in India as a case study, first analyzing it through the rational choice lens, then considering how a transcultural approach could provide additional insights. Key points addressed include how the Telengana movement challenges theories of sub-national movements being resolved once accommodated, implications for understanding cultural nationalism, and policy recommendations for states facing sub-national challenges.
The cultural conflict between the pakistani taliban and pakistani womenjanetmesh
The document analyzes the cultural conflict between the Pakistani Taliban and female advocates for education in Pakistan. It discusses how the two groups construct different narratives and have conflicting practices and resources based on their cultural orientations. The Taliban practices an ethnocentric form of communication based on a strict interpretation of Islam and Sharia law, viewing outsiders as inferior. Female advocates practice a more modernist communication style promoting education rights. The analysis applies communication theory to understand how violence can occur when the differing cultures intersect, as seen in the Taliban shooting of Malala Yousafzai for advocating for education.
This article describes a program called Young Warriors that aims to cultivate critical consciousness in young African American men. The program uses movies and rap videos from hip hop culture to help the young men critically analyze messages about race, gender, class and social issues in popular culture. The goal is to enhance their critical thinking skills so they can better understand social forces that influence their communities, and analyze everyday economic, social and cultural challenges. The program is described as drawing from concepts of critical thinking, media literacy, political socialization and psychosocial development to foster sociopolitical development in the young men.
ON OPTIMALITY OF THE INDEX OF SUM, PRODUCT, MAXIMUM, AND MINIMUM OF FINITE BA...UniversitasGadjahMada
Chaatit, Mascioni, and Rosenthal de ned nite Baire index for a bounded real-valued function f on a separable metric space, denoted by i(f), and proved that for any bounded functions f and g of nite Baire index, i(h) i(f) + i(g), where h is any of the functions f + g, fg, f ˅g, f ^ g. In this paper, we prove that the result is optimal in the following sense : for each n; k < ω, there exist functions f; g such that i(f) = n, i(g) = k, and i(h) = i(f) + i(g).
Toward a framework for an undergraduate academic tourism curriculum in Indone...UniversitasGadjahMada
We analyse policy documents as well opinions of stakeholders contributing to the development of the undergraduate academic tourism curriculum, namely: The Government which develops the general framework for curriculum development in Indonesian universities; non-governmental tourism associations which assist universities with opinions and guidance; tourism academics who develop and implement the curriculum in the classroom; and tourism trade associations. Two issues characterize the development of the tourism curriculum namely: determining the appropriate balance between vocational and academic frameworks, and an aspiration to move from inter- to mono-disciplinary instruction.
Association of the HLA-B alleles with carbamazepine-induced Stevens–Johnson s...UniversitasGadjahMada
Carbamazepine (CBZ) is a common cause of life-threatening cutaneous adverse drug reactions such as Stevens–Johnson syndrome (SJS) and toxic epidermal necrolysis (TEN). Previous studies have reported a strong association between the HLA genotype and CBZ-induced SJS/TEN.We investigated the association between the HLA genotype and CBZ-induced SJS/TEN in Javanese and Sundanese patients in Indonesia. Nine unrelated patients with CBZ-induced SJS/TEN and 236 healthy Javanese and Sundanese controls were genotyped for HLA-B and their allele frequencies were compared. The HLA-B*15:02 allele was found in 66.7% of the patients with CBZ-induced SJS/TEN, but only in 29.4% of tolerant control (p = 0.029; odds ratio [OR]: 6.5; 95% CI: 1.2–33.57) and 22.9% of healthy controls (p = 0.0021; OR: 6.78; 95% CI: 1.96– 23.38). These findings support the involvement of HLA-B*15:02 in CBZ-induced SJS/TEN reported in other Asian populations. Interestingly, we also observed the presence of the HLA-B*15:21 allele. HLA-B*15:02 and HLA-B*15:21 are members of the HLA-B75 serotype, for which a greater frequency was observed in CBZ-induced SJS/TEN (vs tolerant control [p = 0.0078; OR: 12; 95% CI: 1.90–75.72] and vs normal control [p = 0.0018; OR: 8.56; 95% CI: 1.83–40]). Our findings suggest that screening for the HLA-B75 serotype can predict the risk of CBZ-induced SJS/TEN more accurately than screening for a specific allele.
Characteristics of glucomannan isolated from fresh tuber of Porang (Amorphoph...UniversitasGadjahMada
Porang is a potential source of glucomannan. This research objective was to find a direct glucomannan isolation method from fresh porang corm to produce high purity glucomannan. Two isolation methods were performed. In first method, sample was water dissolved using Al2(SO4)3 as flocculant for 15 (AA15) or 30 (AA30) minutes with purification. In second method, sample was repeatedly milled using ethanol as solvent and filtered for 5 (EtOH5) or 7 (EtOH7) times without purification. The characteristics of obtained glucomannan were compared to those of commercial porang flour (CPF) and purified konjac glucomannan (PKG). High purity (90.98%), viscosity (27,940 cps) and transparency (57.74 %) of amorphous glucomannan were isolated by EtOH7. Ash and protein level significantly reduced to 0.57% and 0.31%, respectively, with no starch content. Water holding capacity (WHC) of EtOH7 glucomannan significantly enhanced, whereas its solubility was lower than those of PKG due to its ungrounded native granular form.
Phylogenetic Analysis of Newcastle Disease Virus from Indonesian Isolates Bas...UniversitasGadjahMada
This study was conducted to analyze phylogenetic of Indonesian newcastle disease virus(NDV) isolates based on fusion (F) protein-encoding gene, with aim to determine which genotype group of Indonesian NDV isolates, compared to vaccine strain that circulating in Indonesia.
Land Capability for Cattle-Farming in the Merapi Volcanic Slope of Sleman Reg...UniversitasGadjahMada
This research carried out to study the cattle farming development based on the land capability in rural areas of the Merapi Volcanic slope of Sleman Regency Yogyakarta after eruption 2010. Samples taken were Glagaharjo village (Cangkringan Sub-District) as impacted area and Wonokerto village (Turi Sub-District) as unimpacted area. Survey method used were to land evaluation analysis supported by Geographic Information System (GIS) software. Materials used were Indonesian topographical basemap (RBI) in 1:25000 scale, IKONOS image [2015], land use map, landform map, and slope map as supple- ments. Potential analysis of land capability for cattle forage using the production unit in kg of TDN per AU. The result showed that based on the land capability class map, both villages had potential of carrying capacity for forage feed that could still be increased as much as 1,661.32 AU in Glagaharjo and 1,948.13 AU in Wonokerto.
When anti-corruption norms lead to undesirable results: learning from the Ind...UniversitasGadjahMada
This paper analyzes how and why adverse side-effects have occurred in the implementation of two articles of Indonesia’s anti-corruption law. These articles prohibit unlawful acts which may be detrimental to the finances of the state. Indeed, the lawmakers had good intentions when they drafted the two articles. They wanted to make it easier to convict corrupt individuals by lowering the standard of evidence required to prove criminal liability. The implementation of these articles has raised legal uncertainty. The loose definition of the elements of the crime enables negligence and imperfection of (public) contracts to be considered as corruption. The Constitutional Court has issued two rulings to restrict and guide the interpretation of these articles. However, law enforcement agencies (Supreme Court and public prosecutors) have been unwilling to adhere to the rulings. There are two possible reasons for this. First, as has been argued by several commentators, the law enforcement agencies have misinterpreted the concept of Bunlawfulness^. Besides, the law enforcement agencies wish to be seen to be committed to prosecuting and delivering convictions in corruption cases. To do so, they need to maintain looser definitions of the elements of the offence. This paper endorses the Constitutional Court rulings and provides additional reasons in support of their stance. The paper can be considered as a case study for other countries that may be contemplating similar legislation.
Receptor binding and antigenic site analysis of hemagglutinin gene fragments ...UniversitasGadjahMada
We reported a retrospective study on hemagglutinin (HA) gene fragments of Avian Influenza (AI) viruses recovered between 2010 to 2012, using reverse transcriptase polymerase chain reaction (RT-PCR) followed by sequencing. The results provide information about the receptor binding sites (RBS) and antigenic sites character of HA gene of AI viruses in Indonesia. Viral RNA was extracted from allantoic fluid of specific pathogen free (SPF) of chicken embryonated eggs inoculated by AI suspected samples. Amplification was performed by using H5 specific primers to produce amplification target of 544 bp. The resulting sequences were analyzed with MEGA-5 consisting of multiple alignment, deductive amino acid prediction, and phylogenetic tree analysis. The results showed that out of the 12 samples amplified using RT-PCR technique, only 7 were detected to be avian influenza serotype H5 viruses. Sequence analysis of AIV H5 positive samples, showed a binding preference towards avian type receptors. Antigenic site analysis is consistent with the previous report, however, the antigenic site B at position 189 showed that the residue had undergone mutation from arginine to methionine. Phylogenetic tree analysis showed that these viruses were clustered into clade 2.1.3. Our report supports the importance of the previous study of RBS and antigenic properties of HPAI H5N1 in Indonesia.
Sustaining the unsustainable? Environmental impact assessment and overdevelop...UniversitasGadjahMada
Bali faces serious environmental crises arising from overdevelopment of the tourism and real estate industry, including water shortage, rapid conversion of agricultural land, pollution, and economic and cultural displacement. This article traces continuities and discontinuities in the role of Indonesian environmental impact assessment (EIA) during and since the authoritarian ‘New Order’ period. Following the fall of the Suharto regime in 1998, the ‘Reform Era’ brought dramatic changes, democratizing and decentralizing Indonesia’s governing institutions. Focusing on case studies of resort development projects in Bali from the 1990s to the present, this study examines the ongoing capture of legal processes by vested interests at the expense of prospects for sustainable development. Two particularly controversial projects in Benoa Bay, proposed in the different historical and structural settings of the two eras—the Bali Turtle Island Development (BTID) at Serangan Island in the Suharto era and the Tirta Wahana Bali Internasional (TWBI) proposal for the other side of Benoa in the ‘Reform Era’—enable instructive comparison. The study finds that despite significant changes in the environmental law regime, the EIA process still finds itself a tool of powerful interests in the efforts of political and economic elites to maintain control of decision-making and to displace popular opposition forces to the margins.
Magnetogama is an open schematic handassembled fluxgate magnetometer. Compared to another magnetometer, Magnetogama has more benefit concerning its price and its ease of use. Practically Magnetogama can be utilized either in land or attached to an unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV). Magnetogama was designed to give open access to a cheap and accurate alternative to magnetometer sensor. Therefore it can be used as a standard design which is directly applicable to the low-budget company or education purposes. Schematic, code and several verification tests were presented in this article ensuring its reproducibility. Magnetogama has been tested with two kind of tests: a comparison with two nearest observatories at Learmonth (LRM) and Kakadu (KDU) and the response of magnetic substance.
Limitations in the screening of potentially anti-cryptosporidial agents using...UniversitasGadjahMada
The emergence of cryptosporidiosis, a zoonotic disease of the gastrointestinal and respiratory tract caused by Cryptosporidium Tyzzer, 1907, triggered numerous screening studies of various compounds for potential anti-cryptosporidial activity, the majority of which proved ineffective. Extracts of Indonesian plants, Piper betle and Diospyros sumatrana, were tested for potential anticryptosporidial activity using Mastomys coucha (Smith), experimentally inoculated with Cryptosporidium proliferans Kváč, Havrdová, Hlásková, Daňková, Kanděra, Ježková, Vítovec, Sak, Ortega, Xiao, Modrý, Chelladurai, Prantlová et McEvoy, 2016. None of the plant extracts tested showed significant activity against cryptosporidia; however, the results indicate that the following issues should be addressed in similar experimental studies. The monitoring of oocyst shedding during the entire experimental trial, supplemented with histological examination of affected gastric tissue at the time of treatment termination, revealed that similar studies are generally unreliable if evaluations of drug efficacy are based exclusively on oocyst shedding. Moreover, the reduction of oocyst shedding did not guarantee the eradication of cryptosporidia in treated individuals. For treatment trials performed on experimentally inoculated laboratory rodents, only animals in the advanced phase of cryptosporidiosis should be used for the correct interpretation of pathological alterations observed in affected tissue. All the solvents used (methanol, methanol-tetrahydrofuran and dimethylsulfoxid) were shown to be suitable for these studies, i.e. they did not exhibit negative effects on the subjects. The halofuginone lactate, routinely administered in intestinal cryptosporidiosis in calves, was shown to be ineffective against gastric cryptosporidiosis in mice caused by C. proliferans. In contrast, the control application of extract Arabidopsis thaliana, from which we had expected a neutral effect, turned out to have some positive impact on affected gastric tissue.
Self-nanoemulsifying drug delivery system (SNEDDS) of Amomum compactum essent...UniversitasGadjahMada
This document summarizes research on the development of a self-nanoemulsifying drug delivery system (SNEDDS) for Amomum compactum essential oil. Key points:
- Virgin coconut oil was selected as the carrier oil due to its high solubility of the essential oil compared to other oils tested.
- A D-optimal mixture design was used to optimize the SNEDDS formulation, with emulsification time and transmittance as the response variables.
- The optimized formulation contained 10% Amomum compactum essential oil, 10% virgin coconut oil, 65.71% Tween 80 surfactant, and 14.29% PEG 400 co-surfactant.
Attenuation of Pseudomonas aeruginosa Virulence by Some Indonesian Medicinal ...UniversitasGadjahMada
This study aims to discover quorum sensing inhibitors (QSI) from some Indonesian medicinal plants ethanol extract to analyze their inhibitory activities against QS-mediated virulence factors in P. aeruginosa using in-vitro experimental study-laboratory setting. Indonesian medicinal plant ethanolic extracts were tested for their capability to inhibit P. aeruginosa motility, biofilm formation using microtiter plate method, pyocyanin and LasA production using LasA staphylolytic assay. Statistical significance of the data were determined using one way ANOVA, followed by Dunnett’s test. Differences were considered significant with P values of 0.05 or less. The findings obtained showed that Ethanolic extract of T. catappa leaves and A. alitilis flower capable to inhibit P. aeruginosa motility as well as pyocyanin production and biofilm formation. Both extracts also showed capability in reducing LasA protease production. It is concluded that T. catappa and A. alitilis are an interesting sources of innovative plant derived quorum quenching compound(s), thus can be used in the development of new antipathogenic drug.
Short-chain alcohols are a group of volatile organic compounds (VOCs) that are often found in workplaces and laboratories, as well as medical, pharmaceutical, and food industries. Realtime monitoring of alcohol vapors is essential because exposure to alcohol vapors with concentrations of 0.15–0.30 mg·L−1 may be harmful to human health. This study aims to improve the detection capabilities of quartz crystal microbalance (QCM)-based sensors for the analysis of alcohol vapors. The active layer of chitosan was immobilized onto the QCM substrate through a selfassembled monolayer of L-cysteine using glutaraldehyde as a cross-linking agent. Before alcohol analysis, the QCM sensing chip was exposed to humidity because water vapor significantly interferes with QCM gas sensing. The prepared QCM sensor chip was tested for the detection of four different alcohols: n-propanol, ethanol, isoamyl alcohol, and n-amyl alcohol. For comparison, a non-alcohol of acetone was also tested. The prepared QCM sensing chip is selective to alcohols because of hydrogen bond formation between the hydroxyl groups of chitosan and the analyte. The highest response was achieved when the QCM sensing chip was exposed to n-amyl alcohol vapor, with a sensitivity of about 4.4 Hz·mg−1·L. Generally, the sensitivity of the QCM sensing chip is dependent on the molecular weight of alcohol. Moreover, the developed QCM sensing chips are stable after 10 days of repeated measurements, with a rapid response time of only 26 s. The QCM sensing chip provides an alternative method to established analytical methods such as gas chromatography for the detection of short-chain alcohol vapors.
APPLICATION OF CLONAL SELECTION IMMUNE SYSTEM METHOD FOR OPTIMIZATION OF DIST...UniversitasGadjahMada
This paper proposes an application of clonal selection immune system method for optimization of distribution network. The distribution network with high-performance is a network that has a low power loss, better voltage profile, and loading balance among feeders. The task for improving the performance of the distribution network is optimization of network configuration. The optimization has become a necessary study with the presence of DG in entire networks. In this work, optimization of network configuration is based on an AIS algorithm. The methodology has been tested in a model of 33 bus IEEE radial distribution networks with and without DG integration. The results have been showed that the optimal configuration of the distribution network is able to reduce power loss and to improve the voltage profile of the distribution network significantly.
Screening of resistant Indonesian black rice cultivars against bacterial leaf...UniversitasGadjahMada
The document summarizes a study that screened Indonesian black rice cultivars for resistance to bacterial leaf blight caused by Xanthomonas oryzae pv. oryzae. Five black rice cultivars and four white rice cultivars were inoculated with the bacteria and their resistance was evaluated based on disease symptoms and gene expression. The cultivar showing the best resistance was Cempo Ireng, which had the lowest disease intensity and expressed resistance genes xa5, Xa10, Xa21, and RPP13-like after inoculation. Cempo Ireng was identified as the most resistant cultivar and potential source of resistance genes for breeding programs.
This article analyzes the life of young millennial Salafi-niqabi in Surakarta and their strategies in dealing with power relations in their everyday lives. Studies on Salafi in Indonesia have focused more on global Salafimovements, power politics, links with fundamentalist-radical movements, state security and criticism of Salafi religious doctrine. Although there are several studies that try to portray the daily life of this religious group, the majority of previous studies focused on formal institutions and male Salafi. Very few studies have addressed the lives of Salafi women. This is likely due to the difficulty of approaching this group because of their exclusivity, and their restrictions on interacting with the outside world. Using Macleod’s theory of ‘accommodating protest’ within the framework of everyday politics, agency, and power relations, this research found that young millennial Salafi-niqabi have a unique method of negotiating with the modern and globalized world. Through what Macleod calls an accommodation which is at the same time a protest, young Salafi-niqabi have experienced hijrah as a form of negotiation of their millennial identity.
Application of arbuscular mycorrhizal fungi accelerates the growth of shoot r...UniversitasGadjahMada
This document summarizes a study that examined the effects of applying different doses of arbuscular mycorrhizal fungi (AMF) inoculum on shoot root growth of five sugarcane clones. The key findings are:
1) Application of 2-3 g of AMF inoculum/bud chips resulted in faster and greater root colonization compared to the control, reaching 57-100% colonization within 5 days.
2) AMF inoculation significantly increased shoot root traits like root length, surface area, and number of shoot roots, especially for clones BL, VMC, and PS864.
3) AMF application of 2-3 g/bud chips also significantly increased seedling
SHAME AS A CULTURAL INDEX OF ILLNESS AND RECOVERY FROM PSYCHOTIC ILLNESS IN JAVAUniversitasGadjahMada
Most studies of shame have focused on stigma as a form of social response and a socio-psychological consequence of mental illness. This study aims at exploring more complex Javanese meanings of shame in relation to psychotic illness. Six psychotic patients and their family members participated in this research. Ethnographic fieldwork was conducted in Yogyakarta, Indonesia. Thematic analysis of the data showed that participants used shame in three different ways. First, as a cultural index of illness and recovery. Family members identified their member as being ill when they had lost their sense of shame. If a patient exhibited behavior that indicated the reemergence of shame, the family saw this as an indication of recovery. Second, as an indication of relapse. Third, as a barrier toward recovery. In conclusion, shame is used as a cultural index of illness and recovery because it associated with the moral-behavioral control. Shame may also be regarded as a form of consciousness associated with the emergence of insight. Further study with a larger group of sample is needed to explore shame as a ‘socio-cultural marker’ for psychotic illness in Java.
Frequency and Risk-Factors Analysis of Escherichia coli O157:H7 in Bali-CattleUniversitasGadjahMada
Cattle are known as the main reservoir of zoonotic agents verocytotoxin producing Escherichia coli. These bacteria are usually isolated from calves with diarrhea and / or mucus and blood. Tolerance of these agents to the environmental conditions will strengthen of their transmission among livestock. A total of 238 cattle fecal samples from four sub-districts in Badung, Bali were used in this study. Epidemiological data observed include cattle age, sex, cattle rearing system, the source of drinking water, weather, altitude, and type of cage floor, the cleanliness of cage floor, the slope of cage floor, and the level of cattle cleanliness. The study was initiated by culturing of samples onto eosin methylene blue agar, then Gram stained, and tested for indole, methyl-red, voges proskauer, and citrate, Potential E.coli isolates were then cultured onto sorbitol MacConkey agar, and further tested using O157 latex agglutination test and H7 antisera. Molecular identification was performed by analysis of the 16S rRNA gene, and epidemiological data was analyzed using
STATA 12.0 software. The results showed, the prevalence of E. coli O157:H7 in cattle at Badung regency was 6.30% (15/238) covering four sub districts i.e. Petang, Abiansemal, Mengwi, and Kuta which their prevalence was 8.62%(5/58), 10%(6/60), 3.33%(2/60), and 3.33(2/60)%, respectively. The analysis of 16S rRNA gene confirmed of isolates as an E. coli O157:H7 strain with 99% similarities. Furthermore, the risk factors analysis showed that the slope of the cage floor has a highly significant effect (P<0.05) to the distribution of infection. Consequently, implementing this factor must be concerned in order to decrease of infection.
This report explores the significance of border towns and spaces for strengthening responses to young people on the move. In particular it explores the linkages of young people to local service centres with the aim of further developing service, protection, and support strategies for migrant children in border areas across the region. The report is based on a small-scale fieldwork study in the border towns of Chipata and Katete in Zambia conducted in July 2023. Border towns and spaces provide a rich source of information about issues related to the informal or irregular movement of young people across borders, including smuggling and trafficking. They can help build a picture of the nature and scope of the type of movement young migrants undertake and also the forms of protection available to them. Border towns and spaces also provide a lens through which we can better understand the vulnerabilities of young people on the move and, critically, the strategies they use to navigate challenges and access support.
The findings in this report highlight some of the key factors shaping the experiences and vulnerabilities of young people on the move – particularly their proximity to border spaces and how this affects the risks that they face. The report describes strategies that young people on the move employ to remain below the radar of visibility to state and non-state actors due to fear of arrest, detention, and deportation while also trying to keep themselves safe and access support in border towns. These strategies of (in)visibility provide a way to protect themselves yet at the same time also heighten some of the risks young people face as their vulnerabilities are not always recognised by those who could offer support.
In this report we show that the realities and challenges of life and migration in this region and in Zambia need to be better understood for support to be strengthened and tuned to meet the specific needs of young people on the move. This includes understanding the role of state and non-state stakeholders, the impact of laws and policies and, critically, the experiences of the young people themselves. We provide recommendations for immediate action, recommendations for programming to support young people on the move in the two towns that would reduce risk for young people in this area, and recommendations for longer term policy advocacy.
karnataka housing board schemes . all schemesnarinav14
The Karnataka government, along with the central government’s Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (PMAY), offers various housing schemes to cater to the diverse needs of citizens across the state. This article provides a comprehensive overview of the major housing schemes available in the Karnataka housing board for both urban and rural areas in 2024.
Jennifer Schaus and Associates hosts a complimentary webinar series on The FAR in 2024. Join the webinars on Wednesdays and Fridays at noon, eastern.
Recordings are on YouTube and the company website.
https://www.youtube.com/@jenniferschaus/videos
Contributi dei parlamentari del PD - Contributi L. 3/2019Partito democratico
DI SEGUITO SONO PUBBLICATI, AI SENSI DELL'ART. 11 DELLA LEGGE N. 3/2019, GLI IMPORTI RICEVUTI DALL'ENTRATA IN VIGORE DELLA SUDDETTA NORMA (31/01/2019) E FINO AL MESE SOLARE ANTECEDENTE QUELLO DELLA PUBBLICAZIONE SUL PRESENTE SITO
2. of Papua and West Papua, or municipality/regency [kabupaten]-level parlia-
ments) and informal (churches, adat groups, and women’s groups).
We use the MRP as a case study of representativeness and legitimacy for
several reasons. First, it is the only provincial-level second chamber in In-
donesia, as well as the only provincial-level institution that represents indig-
enous communities to the exclusion of other Indonesians, a fact that has
received little attention from scholars studying Indonesia’s decentralization
and regional autonomy. Second, the MRP was designed to bridge represen-
tativeness and legitimacy, two crucial issues not only in the relations between
the national government and the people of Papua, but also for contemporary
politics in Indonesia and many other countries.2
It is particularly important
to examine these issues in a Papuan context given that in part because of the
conflict, Papuan leaders have several competing sources of legitimacy.
Because of the exclusion of pro-independence groups from official represen-
tative institutions and the marginalization of churches and human rights
NGOs, elected Papuan politicians must compete for legitimacy in their own
communities. To date, studies of these two issues have been limited to the
specific and exclusive relations between parties and constituents, or between
representatives and represented, in electoral politics at the national level.3
This article is intended to expand discussion of these issues, thereby provid-
ing a perspective through which the power relations between central and
regional governments can be explained.4
-
ideology, more nebulous but with popular appeal, which identifies adat with authenticity, community,
order, and justice (19). Early colonial and anthropological sources translated adat as ‘‘custom,’’ ‘‘cus-
tomary rights,’’ ‘‘customary law of indigeneous people,’’ or ‘‘tradition.’’ See also Jelle Miedema and Ger
Reesink, One Head, Many Faces: New Perspectives on the Bird’s Head Peninsula of New Guinea (Leiden:
KITLV Press, 2004): 139. Recently it has been hijacked and its meaning narrowed down. It has been
used in naming local people’s organizations, such as the Discussion Forum of Papuan Adat (Lembaga
Musyawarah Adat Papua) and the Papua Adat Council (Dewan Adat Papua). As indicated in note 37,
adat has also has been used in naming the territory of Papuan tribes.
2. Olle To¨rnquist, Neil Webster, and Kristian Stokke (eds.), Rethinking Popular Representation
(New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009); Adeline Koh and Yu-Mei Balasingamchow, Women and the
Politics of Representation in Southeast Asia (New York: Routledge, 2015); Michael Keating, ‘‘What’s
Wrong with Asymmetrical Government?’’ Regional & Federal Studies 8:1 (1998): 195–281.
3. Herbert Kitschelt, ‘‘Linkages between Citizen and Politician in Democratic Polities,’’ Com-
parative Political Studies 33:6–7 (2000): 845–79; Cornelis Lay, ‘‘Political Linkages between CSOs and
Parliament in Indonesia: A Case Study of Political Linkages in Drafting the Aceh Governance Law,’’
Asian Journal of Political Science 25:1 (2017): 130–50.
4. This article was completed as part of a research project conducted by the Department of Politics
and Government, Universitas Gadjah Mada, over a period of 10 years, reinforced by additional research
366 ASIAN SURVEY 58:2
3. ASYMMETRICAL DECENTRALIZATION: AN OVERVIEW
The MRP is not unique, but is part of a broad practice of asymmetrical-
decentralization policies practiced in many states and variously termed asym-
metrical devolution, asymmetrical federalism, or asymmetrical intergovern-
mental arrangements. Asymmetrical decentralization is a form of political
regulation that emphasizes the asymmetrical distribution and setting of
power between two regions, or between a region and the national govern-
ment.5
Safran describes it as ‘‘ethnic institutional accommodations and
positive ethnopluralistic policies’’ used to ‘‘mitigate separatist tendencies,’’6
or, to borrow from Bakke, ‘‘to contain intrastate conflict.’’7
In principle, the various forms of asymmetrical power distribution and
setting are policy instruments used to respond to the fundamental challenges
faced by nations. One of the most prominent is the conflictual relations
between national (central) governments and local or regional ones. However,
there are both optimism and pessimism in scholars’ considerations of such
policies’ ability to resolve conflict between national governments and local
actors. The optimistic perspective holds that asymmetrical-decentralization
policies are used to maintain basic boundaries between a state’s political
units, that is, to reduce the threat of armed separatist or secessionist move-
ments. Such policies are widely promoted as democratic mechanisms for
‘‘peace preserving’’ and perceived as ‘‘a potential cure for internal conflict.’’8
Furthermore, both Saideman et al. and Brancati find a correlation between
the granting of regional autonomy and a lower intensity of violent conflict
over the short and medium term.9
This view understands asymmetrical
-
conducted between February and June 2017. The authors were involved in planning and conducting
research when debate on asymmetrical decentralization reached a fervor following the granting of
special autonomous status to Papua (2001), Aceh (2006), Jakarta (2007), and Yogyakarta (2012).
5. Joachim Wehner, ‘‘Asymmetrical Devolution,’’ Development Southern Africa 17:2 (2000),
249–62; Roger D. Congleton, Asymmetric Federalism and the Political Economy of Decentralization
(Virginia: George Mason University, January 5, 2006), http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/
download?doi¼10.1.1.572.4861rep¼rep1type¼pdf.
6. William Safran, ‘‘Non-separatist Policies Regarding Ethnic Minorities: Positive Approaches
and Ambiguous Consequences,’’ International Political Science Review 15:1 (1994): 61–80.
7. Kristin M. Bakke, Decentralization and Intrastate Struggles: Chechnya, Punjab, Quebec (New
York: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 4.
8. Nancy Bermeo, ‘‘A New Look at Federalism: The Import of Institutions,’’ Journal of
Democracy 13:2 (2002): 96–110.
9. Stephen M. Saideman, David J. Lanoe, Michael Campenni, and Samuel Stanton, ‘‘Democ-
ratization, Political Institution, and Ethnic Conflict: A Pooled Time Series Analysis from 1985–1998,’’
HARYANTO, LAY, AND PURWOKO / LEGITIMACY AND PAPUA’S MAJELIS 367
4. decentralization as a combination of the principles of ‘‘shared rule’’ and ‘‘self-
rule,’’ one which is expected to reduce tensions between ‘‘regional minority
groups seeking greater autonomy and the central government of the state,
which is unlikely to give up territory or power,’’ as mentioned by Bakke.10
Experiences in numerous states indicate that minority representation at
the sub-national level and the granting of special status to regions can reduce
the violence of groups demanding these regions’ independence, thus main-
taining national unity. As Safran states, ‘‘None of the ethnic institutional
accommodations and positive ethnopluralistic policies . . . have led of them-
selves to an escalation of ethnic mobilization culminating in separatism; on
the contrary, such accommodations and policies, if pursued in good faith,
have tended to make separatism unnecessary.’’11
This optimism has empirical roots in a number of cases. For example, since
1978 Spain has recognized ‘‘historical rights’’ and granted special autonomy to
several regions, particularly the Basque Country.12
Although recently Spain
has been faced with serious questions following the unilateral referendum in
Catalonia, this has not in itself eroded the confidence in asymmetrical decen-
tralization’s ability to manage conflict. Canada’s experience with Quebec and
its position within the Canadian Federation is another important example of
asymmetrical decentralization leading to stable relations between central and
provincial governments.13
Social policy reform since the 1995 referendum has
led to Quebec’s becoming central to efforts to promote more egalitarian and
progressive social policy. The Philippines, which has faced armed rebellion in
Mindanao since the 1960s, also decided to implement asymmetrical decen-
tralization to overcome conflict. This policy, to which Indonesia contributed
through the Davao Consensus (1996), promised special treatment of the
southern regions of the country, where most residents are Muslim. Although
-
Comparative Political Studies 35:1 (2002), 103–129; Dawn Brancati, ‘‘Decentralization: Fueling the Fire
or Dampening the Flames of Ethnic Conflict or Seccesionism,’’ International Organization 60:3
(2006): 651–85, http://www.dawnbrancati.com/Brancati_IO_Decentralization.pdf, accessed Sep-
tember 28, 2017.
10. Bakke, Decentralization and Intrastate Struggles, 8.
11. Safran, ‘‘Non-separatist Policies,’’ 63.
12. Thomas Benedikter, ‘‘The Working Autonomies in Europe: Territorial Autonomy as a Means
of Minority Protection and Conflict Solution in the European Experience: An Overview and
Schematic Comparison,’’ Gesellschaft fu¨r bedrohte Vo¨lker, June 19, 2006, http://www.gfbv.it/
3dossier/eu-min/autonomy.html; Jule Goikoetxea, ‘‘Nationalism and Democracy in the Basque
Country (1979–2012),’’ Ethnopolitics 12:3 (2013): 268–89.
13. Bakke, Decentralization and Intrastate Struggles, 184–239.
368 ASIAN SURVEY 58:2
5. the Philippines continues to struggle with discord and volatility in its south-
ern regions, the implementation of asymmetrical decentralization, together
with a ceasefire, was nevertheless sufficient to prevent a more severe human-
itarian crisis.14
Asymmetrical decentralization is often intended as a positive policy
instrument for accommodating a region’s unique culture and history. In
general, such policies are intended predominantly to protect minorities and
manage conflict, as explored in a European context by Benedikter.15
S´apmi
(Lapland) and its position in Norway, Finland, Sweden, and Russia is
a classic example. Although it has seen no secessionist movements seeking
independence, S´apmi has received special treatment as a social and cultural
entity because of its unique culture and its wealth of natural resources.16
Asymmetrical decentralization can also be found in Finland and its treat-
ment of A˚land, a small group of islands between Finland and Sweden.
These islands and their population of almost 30,000 are entirely within
the Swedish cultural sphere.17
A˚land’s political interactions have also been
conducted in the shadow of Sweden. It is one of Europe’s main trading
ports, and three major shipping companies have their headquarters there.
Owing to these factors, A˚land has received special status within Finland,
which extends to its representation in the legislative institution (Lagtinget),
relations with the national parliament in Helsinki, and the influential
A˚ land Commission, which has continued to promote the interests of
A˚land residents.18
Meanwhile, the pessimistic view of asymmetrical decentralization holds
that such policies may ultimately be detrimental to interstate peace and
stability. Horowitz, Brancati, and Eaton have argued that such policies have
enabled minority groups to collectively mobilize their resources and
14. Nathan Gilbert Quimpo, ‘‘Mindanao: Nationalism, Jihadism and Frustrated Peace,’’ Journal
of Asian Security and International Affairs 3:1 (2016): 64–89; Miriam Coronel Ferrer, ‘‘To Share or
Divide Power? Minorities in Autonomies Region: The Case of the Autonomous Region in Muslim
Mindanao,’’ Ethnic and Racial Studies 35:12 (2012): 2097–2115.
15. Benedikter, ‘‘Working Autonomies.’’
16. Regnor Jernsletten, The Sami Movement in Norway: Ideology and Practice 1900–1940
(Tromsø: Universitet I Tromsø, 1998).
17. ‘‘A˚land Islands Population,’’ Population.city, http://population.city/finland/adm/aland-
islands/, accessed June 1, 2017.
18. Pertti Joenniemi, ‘‘The A˚land Islands: Neither Local nor Fully Sovereign,’’ Cooperation and
Conflict 49:1 (2014), 80–97.
HARYANTO, LAY, AND PURWOKO / LEGITIMACY AND PAPUA’S MAJELIS 369
6. institutional networks.19
Eaton notes, for example, that in Colombia,
asymmetrical-decentralization policies have enabled armed and paramilitary
groups to use decentralized resources to destabilize the state, monopolize the
use of force, and create their own ‘‘parallel states.’’ As argued by Cornell,
‘‘When subnational groups obtain territorial autonomy, they gain many
attributes of a state, including executive and legislative institutions, borders
as well as symbols and sometimes flags. With all the attributes of sovereignty,
it is only a small step to ask for their own state.’’20
Thus, asymmetrical-
decentralization policies may serve as incubators for new states and the
collapse of old ones.21
Such a perspective is also evident among policymakers
in the Indonesian national government; we consider this crucial to under-
standing the failure of the MRP.
In Indonesia, asymmetrical decentralization is far from unknown, having
strong roots in the Indonesian constitution and in a spirit inherent in decen-
tralization practices since independence. Article 18 of Indonesia’s first consti-
tution, the Undang-Undang Dasar 1945, which outlines the relationship
between national and regional governments, states, ‘‘The State recognizes
and respects regional government units that are unique or special.’’ This was
reinforced in 2000 by the second constitutional amendment, which made the
above explication integral to the body of Articles 18 (a) and (b). The inclusion
of asymmetrical decentralization in the Indonesian constitution allowed its
use in accommodating and protecting the diverse political and governance
systems in Indonesian society,22
a rational choice for reducing tensions or
conflicts between different forms of governance, including the mature sulta-
nates and local kingdoms spread throughout the archipelago. During
the New Order regime (1966–98) under President Suharto, in the face of
centralization and standardization policies, this concept essentially disappeared
from practice. Nevertheless, the use of the highly centralistic Law No. 5 of 1974
19. Donald Horowitz, ‘‘Patterns of Ethnic Separatism,’’ Comparative Studies in Society and History
23:2 (1981), 165–95; Brancati, ‘‘Decentralization’’; Kent Eaton, ‘‘The Downside of Decentralization:
Armed Clientelism in Colombia,’’ Security Studies 14:4 (2006), 533–62.
20. Svante E. Cornell, ‘‘Autonomy as a Source of Conflict: Caucasian Conflict in Theoretical
Perspective,’’ World Politics 54:2 (2002): 245–76.
21. Ronald Grigor Suny, The Revenge of the Past: Nationalism, Revolution, and the Collapse of the
Soviet Union (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1993).
22. Cornelis Lay et al., ‘‘Keistimewaan Yogyakarta: Naskah Akademik dan Rancangan Undang-
Undang Keistimewaan’’ [Special autonomy of Yogyakarta: Academic paper and special autonomy
bill], in Monograph on Politics and Government 2:1 (Yogyakarta: PolGov, 2008).
370 ASIAN SURVEY 58:2
7. regarding the Basics of Regional Governance as the legal foundation for decen-
tralization indicates that even the 32 years of New Order governance offered
legal space for the concept of asymmetrical decentralization.23
Empirically, Indonesia has implemented asymmetrical decentralization
since the early phases of its independence. This began with the granting of
special status to Yogyakarta, a sultanate in central Java, to honor its sultan’s
dedication to joining and protecting the nascent Indonesian republic. The
special status of Yogyakarta received legal recognition in Law No. 3 of 1950,
which was revised by Law No. 13 of 2012. After Yogyakarta, Aceh received
special status through Decree of the Prime Minister of Indonesia No. 1/Missi/
1959, which was revised by Law No. 44 of 1999 and Law No. 18 of 2001 and
ultimately replaced by Law No. 11 of 2006 after the signing of the Helsinki
Accord. Jakarta, owing to its status as the capital of Indonesia, received special
status through Law No. 29 of 2007 regarding the Governance of the Jakarta
Special Capital Region as the Capital of Indonesia. In the early phase of
reform following the fall of the authoritarian New Order in 1998, several
regions demanded or proposed ‘‘special’’ status, including seven archipelagic
provinces, Bali, and regions with extensive natural resources, including Riau
(2000) and East Kalimantan (2008).24
To date, none of these regions has
received special status, but their demands have been effective in forcing the
national government to accommodate provinces through specific policy
schemes. For instance, fiscal policy has been fundamentally transformed to
consider the nature of a region; in principle, this is a form of recognition of
asymmetrical decentralization. Indonesia’s archipelagic provinces have thus
enjoyed significant increases in funding.
23. Josef Riwu Kaho, Prospek Otonomi Daerah di Negara Republik Indonesia: Identifikasi Faktor-
Faktor yang Mempengaruhi Penyelenggaraan Otonomi Daerah [Prospect of regional autonomies
within the Republic of Indonesia: Identifying factors that influence regional autonomy im-
plementations] (Jakarta: Rajawali Press, 1988). Debate on the interpretation of Law No. 5 of 1974
surfaced in a series of discussions held in Yogyakarta by UGM’s master’s program in local politics and
regional autonomy in collaboration with USAID: Expert Meeting, June 23–24, 2008; first and
second CSO Forum Workshop (September 18–20, 2008, and October 23–25, 2008); and Workshop
for Formulating Policy Papers, April 20–21, 2009.
24. ‘‘Naskah Akademik dan RUU Otonomi Bali’’ [Special autonomy of Bali and academic
paper], Pemerintah Provinsi Bali, http://www.baliprov.go.id/index.php?action¼newstask¼
detailid¼265, accessed May 10, 2017; Heru Cahyono, ‘‘Rasionalitas Tuntutan Provinsi Kali-
mantan Timur untuk Otonomi Khusus’’ [The rationales of East Kalimantan Province’s demand for
special autonomy], Masyarakat Indonesia 39:1 (2013): 75–103, http://ejournal.lipi.go.id/index.php/
jmi/article/viewFile/313/184, accessed May 10, 2017.
HARYANTO, LAY, AND PURWOKO / LEGITIMACY AND PAPUA’S MAJELIS 371
8. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE MRP
The MRP was established based on Law No. 21 of 2001 regarding Special
Autonomy for Papua Province, which came into effect January 1, 2002.
Article 5, paragraph (2) of Government Regulation No. 54 of 2004 empha-
sizes that the MRP was established ‘‘to implement special autonomy in Papua
Province.’’ It took three years before this institution was established formally
and effectively through government regulation. The lengthy process behind
its establishment cannot be separated from its psycho-political context,
including the mutual suspicion between national political authorities in Ja-
karta and elements of Papuan society. When first established, the MRP did
not reflect the political desires or thoughts of the Jakarta elites, particularly
their desire to quash the increasing secessionist demands and violence from
Papua. Instead, these elites viewed the institution as a potentially serious
threat to their political futures. Nor was the MRP fully accepted by the
indigenous people of Papua, including those with political power, who
viewed special autonomy as nothing but ‘‘another empty promise from
Jakarta’’ and thus continued to practice ‘‘dual loyalties’’ in their response.25
Special autonomy, including the MRP, further led to ambivalent attitudes
among the people of Papua, as identified by Kivima¨ki and Thorning.
Asymmetrical decentralization thus became a double-edged sword, one that
‘‘creates opportunities for violence, while at the same time reducing griev-
ances.’’26
As argued by Timmer, this had the potential to stimulate various
types of nationalism in Papua, particularly during the early phases of policy
implementation.27
Conversely, the policy led to trauma and phobia among
the elites in Jakarta.
From the beginning, the MRP was intended to provide cultural represen-
tation for indigenous Papuans, and specific authority to protect the rights of
indigenous Papuans based on their respect for adat and culture, as well as
25. Richard Chauvel and Ikrar Nusa Bhakti, ‘‘The Papua Conflict: Jakarta’s Perceptions and
Policies,’’ Policy Studies 5 (2004): 38, 60, East-West Center, Washington, DC, http://www.
eastwestcenter.org/publications/papua-conflict-jakarta%E2%80%99s-perceptions-and-policies,
accessed June 8, 2017.
26. Timo Kivima¨ki and Ruben Thorning, ‘‘Democratization and Regional Power Sharing in
Papua/Irian Jaya: Increased Opportunities and Decreased Motivation for Violence,’’ Asian Survey
42:4 (July/August 2002): 664.
27. Jaap Timmer, ‘‘Decentralisation and Elite Politics in Papua,’’ Discussion Paper 6 (2005), 2,
Australian National University, Canberra, https://openresearch-repository.anu.edu.au/handle/1885/
10137, accessed March 15, 2017.
372 ASIAN SURVEY 58:2
9. women’s empowerment and harmony in religious life. This institution was
meant to be ‘‘an important element of special autonomy,’’28
or, as phrased by
Elvis Tabuni, head of the Second Commission of the Papuan Parliament,
‘‘the biological child of Papuan special autonomy . . . born as a direct impli-
cation of the Law on Special Autonomy.’’29
Although the MRP was intended
to represent indigenous adat interests, membership is also open to religious
and women’s groups. It has 42 members: 14 adat/culture representatives, 14
religious representatives (two from Islamic groups, four from Catholic
groups, and eight from Protestant groups), and 14 women’s group represen-
tatives. The total number of MRP members may not exceed three-quarters of
total provincial parliament membership.
As stipulated by Article 3, MRP membership is limited to indigenous
Papuans, defined as ‘‘persons of Melanesian racial heritage, consisting of
indigenous tribes in Papua and/or persons accepted and recognized as indig-
enous Papuans by Papuan adat communities.’’ Members serve a five-year
term and may be re-elected for a second five-year term. The limiting of
membership to indigenous persons is intended to increase the participation
of indigenous Papuans in economic and political policymaking and thus
protect their rights and improve their welfare. This policy is intended as
compensation for the government’s mismanagement and political ignorance
during the New Order, when indigenous Papuans and their aspirations were
not significantly accommodated in formal political institutions. Thus, indig-
enous and women’s groups were essentially locked in marginal positions.
Meanwhile, the decision to position adat, religious, and women’s groups as
sources of recruitment was based on the view that these three groups have
concrete power and have long functioned together within traditional Papuan
society. As underscored by Frans Maniagasi, ‘‘Throughout the New Order,
they served solely as firefighters in cases of conflict,’’ meaning that their role
was limited to sweeping conflicts under the rug, not solving them.30
28. Jaap Timmer, ‘‘Desentralisasi Salah Kaprah dan Politik Elite di Papua’’ [Ill-applied decen-
tralization and Papuan political elite in Indonesian local politics], in Gerry van Klinken and
Henk Schulte Nordholt (eds.), Politik Lokal di Indonesia (Jakarta: KITLV and Obor Foundation,
2014), 605.
29. Interview, Jayapura, June 6, 2017.
30. Interview with Frans Maniagasi, former spokesman of the Team for the Proposed Special
Autonomy Law for Papua, in Jakarta, June 20, 2017. It is not surprising that the first work visit
abroad after the establishment of the MRP was to New Zealand, in November 2006. ‘‘Papuan
People’s Assembly to Study Empowerment Programmes for New Zealand Maori,’’ Radio New
HARYANTO, LAY, AND PURWOKO / LEGITIMACY AND PAPUA’S MAJELIS 373
10. The idea of the MRP, as stated in an interview by Maniagasi, was inspired
by the presence and experiences of Maori cultural institutions in New
Zealand. The Maori community has received protection from the state owing
to its unique history and culture. It is underdeveloped compared to the white
population of New Zealand. The culture and history of the Maori, together
with the affirmative policies implemented by the New Zealand government,
have led to claims of similarities between the Papuan and Maori peoples, as
well as arguments justifying references to the Maori experience. The idea for
the MRP was first voiced in 1999 by Barnabas Suebu, at the time the Indo-
nesian ambassador to Mexico, and later successor to Solossa as governor of
Papua. During the preparation of the draft law, the Team for the Proposed
Special Autonomy Law for Papua was tasked by Governor Solossa with giving
concrete legal expression to the unique culture and history of Papua.31
This
was expected, among other things, to provide a special provincial-level insti-
tution (now known as the MRP), along with an affirmative policy to reduce
non-Papuans’ access to local bureaucracy, except for certain positions, for
which no indigenous Papuans meet the criteria.
THE PROBLEM OF REPRESENTATIVENESS AND LEGITIMACY
It has become apparent that the MRP has not assumed an important role in
representing the indigenous peoples of Papua. It has also failed to assert its
legitimacy in its contestations with other representative bodies, including the
provincial and regency/municipal parliaments, as well as churches and other
adat institutions. This is a manifestation of the general failure of the special
autonomy policy. Bertrand argues that this can be attributed to three
factors.32
First, special autonomy emerged not from negotiations but from
forced enactment by the central government. Second, the peoples of Papua
-
Zealand, November 1, 2006, http://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/165769/papuan-
people%27s-assembly-to-study-empowerment-programmes-for-new-zealand-maori.
31. This team was established by Solossa, the governor of Irian Jaya. Chair, Frans Wospakrik
(rector of Cendrawasih University); deputy chair, Manase Setya (director of the Otto and Geisler
School of Higher Economic Learning); secretaries, Agus Sumule and Muhammad Musaad (now
head of the Papuan Regional Development Agency); members, Barnabas Suebu, S. P. Morin and
Anthonius Rahael (both members of parliament), Agus Kafiar (former rector of Cendrawasih
University), and Frans Wanggai (rector of the University of West Papua).
32. Jacques Bertrand, ‘‘Autonomy and Stability: The Perils of Implementation and ‘Divide-and-
Rule’ Tactics in Papua, Indonesia,’’ Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 20:2 (2014), 174–99.
374 ASIAN SURVEY 58:2
11. have become fragmented, and thus have failed to take advantage of the
opportunities provided by the policy. Third, the central government has
failed to ensure its credibility and leadership in its efforts to deter separatism.
Our research shows that institutions within the central government generally
view special autonomy (and thus the MRP) pessimistically. The MRP is
viewed as destined to become a historical footnote rather than an answer
to questions of representativeness and legitimacy or a solution to the troubled
relationships between Jakarta and (some parts of) Papuan society.
Our research has examined the situation in detail, reinforcing Bertrand’s
argument while simultaneously identifying a number of new variables that
explain the failure of the MRP. First, this institution was inspired by a similar
organization for the Maori in New Zealand. Its establishment being based
on limited information contributed to the volatility of the MRP’s position.
Studies indicate that, despite their lengthy struggle, the Maori still face
problems of underrepresentation; furthermore, the route, institutional
forms, and loci of representation used by the Maori differ fundamentally
from those of the MRP.33
The historical relationship between the Labor Party and the Maori-
representation movement led to the establishment in 1962 of the New Zea-
land Maori Council, a consultative institution intended to coordinate the
conveyance of input from the Maori to the government. It appears that this
council was the template followed by the Team for the Proposed Special
Autonomy Law for Papua: it is intended to guarantee the ‘‘reciprocal flow of
information’’ and the involvement of the Maori in policymaking.34
Unlike
33. The Maori’s long fight for representation in national, rather than local, policymaking can be
traced to the passing of the Maori Representation Act in 1867, which implemented a dual system of
representation in parliament. This law divided New Zealand into four constituencies and granted
Maori men the right to elect one representative from each constituency. This representation scheme
was temporary, lasting just five years before being extended in 1872 and 1876. In 1914, a law was
passed guaranteeing the Maori the right to vote and to be elected, which they first practiced in the
1919 election. Tirikatana, the first Maori to represent the Southern Maori, lost this election, but—
promoted by Ratana, a church-based movement that fought for Maori representation—ultimately
won a seat in 1932. In the 2014 elections, the Maori were able to win 7 of the 64 parliamentary seats, 6
of which were taken through the Labor Party.
34. W. K. Jackson and G. A. Wood, ‘‘The New Zealand Parliament and Maori Representation,’’
Historical Studies: Australia and New Zealand 11:43 (1964): 383–96; Augi Fleras, ‘‘From Social Control
towards Political Self Determination? Maori Seats and the Politics of Separate Maori Representation
in New Zealand,’’ Canadian Journal of Political Science 18:3 (1985): 551–76. The council is not the only
institution acting in the name of the Maori community. Multiple institutions have been established
to promote Maori interests, including the Maori Women’s Welfare League, the National Urban
HARYANTO, LAY, AND PURWOKO / LEGITIMACY AND PAPUA’S MAJELIS 375
12. the Papuan people, who are consolidated in the same political space and
separated from other communities, the Maori population has expanded dra-
matically: as of June 2015, in New Zealand it hhad reached 712,000 (15% of
the national population), spread through various regions.35
c
The second variable is the recruitment basis. Contrary to what is com-
monly claimed and believed among the people of Papua, the nonreligious
elements of the MRP lack historical roots there. The ‘‘adat regions’’ are
actually anthropological constructs mapped during the Dutch colonial era
to ease the introduction of the modern governance structure known as afdel-
ing (departments). Following the Round Table Conference in The Hague in
1949, at which the Netherlands recognized Indonesia’s independence, in June
1950 the Dutch colonial government budgeted for the development of
administration in Papua over a three-year period. At the time, Papua was
known as Netherlands New Guinea and led by a governor, who was ap-
pointed directly by the king of the Netherlands. Jan van Baal served as
governor between 1953 and 1958. He administratively divided Papua into six
afdeling, each led by a ‘‘resident.’’ Comparison of these afdeling and the seven
adat regions shows several similarities. However, this does not indicate that
the seven regions are concrete manifestations of effective and functional adat
organizations, especially given that for many years they received no attention.
Only recently have these regions re-emerged as part of a discourse on
mapping the economic potential of Papua. As stated by Tampubolon, the
deputy head of economics at the National Development Agency, the gov-
ernment has implemented an integrated development strategy using these
adat regions, which will eventually become Economic Development Dis-
tricts. The strategy has been used by the National Development Agency
together with the Papuan government. The head of the Papuan Regional
Development Agency, Musaad, explains that adat regions using this
approach, including Manokwari, Sorong, Raja Ampat, and Bintuni, focus
on developing their fishery, oil and gas, and tourism industries. Meanwhile,
-
Maori Authority, the Federation of Maori Authorities, and the Iwi Chairs Forum. These organiza-
tions work with the state and compete for access, while the state negotiates with them, as they
represent significant populations and resources. Their presence and advocacy of Maori interests
cannot be separated from the distribution of the population.
35. Richard S. Hill, ‘‘New Zealand Maori: The Quest for Indigenous Autonomy,’’ Ethnopolitics
15:1 (2016): 144–65; ‘‘How Is Our M¯aori Population Changing?’’ Statistics New Zealand, http://
www.stats.govt.nz/browse_for_stats/people_and_communities/maori/maori-population-article-
2015.aspx, accessed May 23, 2017.
376 ASIAN SURVEY 58:2
13. the Lapago adat region focuses on developing its coffee, fruit, tuber, pork,
and horticulture industries.36
At present, as administrative units have
become increasingly numerous and diverse in the face of administrative
division, colonial-era divisions are causing serious representativeness and
legitimacy problems.
The indigenous people of Papua are distributed across seven distinct adat
regions, spread unevenly through three areas with different geographical
conditions—mountains, lowlands, and islands—and across different regen-
cies/municipalities.37
Each area covers diverse sub-ethnic adat communities,
as noted by Suryawan: ‘‘Papua is divided into seven Papuan Customary
Councils based on seven ‘traditional regions’: Mamta (87 ethnic groups),
Saireri (31 ethnic groups), Bomberai (19 ethnic groups), Domberai (52 ethnic
groups), Ha-Anim (29 ethnic groups), La-Pago (19 ethnic groups) and Mi-
Pago (11 ethnic groups).’’38
This has had serious consequences for the legit-
imacy of the MRP and the elements shaping it—and thus for the MRP itself.
Another variable, the problem of legitimacy, is exacerbated by the fact that
the institutions with the formal right to recommend MRP candidates lack
sufficient historical roots in Papuan society; all were established relatively
recently. Formally, the recruitment of MRP candidates requires the recom-
mendation of an adat institution. As mentioned by Bolodadi, the dominant
adat institutions today are the Papua Adat Council (Dewan Adat Papua,
36. Victor Mambor, ‘‘Papua Dibangun Melalui Pendekatan Wilayah Adat’’ [Papua is developed
through adat areas approachment], Benar News, February 2, 2016, http://www.benarnews.org/
indonesian/berita/pembangunan-papua-pendekatan-adat-06022016163508.html. See also ‘‘Pemer-
intah Siapkan Strategi Pembangunan di 7 Wilayah Adat Papua’’ [Government is preparing devel-
opment strategies in seven Papuan adat areas], Kompas, June 17, 2016, http://regional.kompas.com/
read/2016/06/17/09360541/pemerintah.siapkan.strategi.pembangunan.di.7.wilayah.adat.papua.
37. The adat regions are (1) Mamta, in northeast Papua, consisting of Jayapura, Sentani, Genyem,
Depapre, Demta, Sarmi, Bonggo, and Memberamo; (2) Saereri, in North Papua/Cenderawasih Bay,
consisting of Biak Numfor, Supiori, Yapen, Waropen, and coastal Nabire; (3) Domberai, in
northwest Papua near Sorong Manokwari, consisting of Manokwari, Bintuni, Babo, Wondama,
Wasi, Sorong, Raja Ampat, Teminabuan, Inawatan, Ayamaru, Aifat, and Aitinyo; (4) Bomberai, in
western Papua, consisting of Fakfak, Kaimana, Kokonao, and coastal Mimika; (5) Ha Anim, in
southern Papua, consisting of Merauke, Digul, Muyu, Asmat, and Mandobo; (6) La Pago, in the
eastern central mountains, consisting of Bintang Mountains, Wamna, Puncak Jaya, Puncak, Nduga,
Yahukimo, Yalimo, Tolikara, and Central Memberamo; and (7) Me Pago, in the central mountains,
consisting of Intan Jaya, Paniai, Deiyai, Dogiyai, mountainous Nabire, and mountainous Mimika.
38. I Ngurah Suryawan, ‘‘Singing for Unity: Mambesak and the Making of Papuan Heritage,’’ in
Susan Legene, Bambang Purwanto, and Henk Schulte Nordholt (eds.), Sites, Bodies and Stories:
Imagining Indonesian History (Singapore: NUS Press, 2015): 199–209.
HARYANTO, LAY, AND PURWOKO / LEGITIMACY AND PAPUA’S MAJELIS 377
14. DAP), the Discussion Forum of Papuan Adat (Lembaga Musyawarah Adat
Papua), and the Institution for Papuan Society and Adat (Lembaga Masyar-
akat Adat Papua), as well as the Tribal Council (Dewan Anak Suku, DAS)
and adat chiefs called ondoafi.39
Of these, DAP has the broadest operational
scope; it is institutionalized at the provincial level. However, owing to its
‘‘closeness’’ to pro-Papuan independence forces, it has had difficulty gaining
the trust of the Indonesian authorities, particularly after symbolic special
autonomy was granted in 2005.
To be considered ‘‘worthy’’ to give recommendations, institutions must
undergo a verification process involving a special provincial/regency/munici-
pal agency that focuses on ‘‘security and intelligence’’: the Agency for National
and Political Unity. However, the ‘‘official state recognition’’ granted through
this ‘‘clearance’’ cannot address the anxieties that limit the MRP’s legitimacy.
First, current adat institutions are recent establishments of the regional gov-
ernment that lack historical roots in society. Second, in many cases, current
adat institutions are not involved in the MRP’s recruitment and working
processes.40
Third, existing processes have led to a multitude of regional adat
authorities claiming the right to MRP membership, as well as the right to
represent the indigenous peoples of Papua, an authority legally granted to the
MRP. It is not uncommon for competing claims to lead to conflict, as in the
Mee Pago and La Pago adat regions. Consequently, in the eyes of the people
of Papua, the MRP faces multi-layered questions of legitimacy.
Owing to this lack of a strong and clear basis for legitimacy, MRP processes
are fluid and vulnerable to penetration and manipulation by outside interests.
As explained by Bolodadi in an interview, the MRP should ideally foster the
cultural representation of the indigenous peoples of Papua. However, in
practice it is also (and often most prominently) an arena for the competing
political interests of legislators—party administrators, failed candidates, and
candidates whose terms have expired—as well as the governor, particularly
through his selection committee. Several current MRP members are party
administrators or former members of parliament.41
This has drawn protest
39. Interview, Thomas Bolodadi, deputy head of special autonomy for Papua and West Papua,
Ministry of Domestic Affairs, Jayapura, June 6, 2017.
40. Interview, Hengky Gogoba, head of the Imeko Discussion Forum of Papuan Adat, Sorong,
June 2, 2017.
41. Before serving as head of the Papua MRP (2011–2016), Timotius Murib was head of the
Puncak Jaya Parliament (2004–2009), representing adat interests. Costan Oktemta, previously
378 ASIAN SURVEY 58:2
15. from the ondoafi and tribal chiefs, who perceive their cultural rights as being
hijacked by members of parliament and party politicians.42
Fourth, the constituent elements of the MRP use different recruitment
mechanisms. Adat groups are based on a combination of adat regions and
regencies/municipalities, women’s groups are based on regencies/municipal-
ities, and religious groups are based on provincial affiliations. These varying
mechanisms and recruitment bases have not caused problems among the
religious groups, as their criteria (the population of each religious group at
the provincial level) and authority (the religious organizations) are clear. For
the other two constituent elements, however, this diversity has led to serious
problems. The MRP members representing women must ‘‘contest’’ roles in
the regencies/municipalities, in which 29 regencies/municipalities compete
for the 14 seats allotted for women’s representation. This has led to friction
between women and women’s groups in different regions, becoming an
incentive for consolidating women through a shared regional identity and
thereby undermining the initial concept of representing all women. More
complicated issues are faced by the adat groups, as their selection is based on
both adat regions and government administrative districts (regency/munic-
ipality). The MRP members representing adat groups are spread through the
seven adat regions, as identified above. Between the MRP’s establishment
(2004) and the formation of West Papua Province (2008), each adat region
was represented by six members. Since 2008, West Papua, which consists of
only two adat regions, has enjoyed greater representation, as it has its own
separate MRP. Meanwhile, representation in Papua Province remains
a problem, because in the five adat regions there is great competition for
seats in the MRP.
To represent an adat region at the regency/municipality level, MRP mem-
bers must undergo an administrative selection process handled by a team
-
a member of regional parliament, is now the regent of Bintang Mountains. Penitina Lani Cesia
Kogoya, deputy head of the Papua MRP (2011–2016), was a member of regional parliament for
Bintang Mountains; Mery Lantipo, member of the women’s work unit, was a member of regional
parliament for Yahukimo. Andy Khutbah, Directory MRP (Majelis Rakyat Papua) 2016 (Abepura
Jayapura: Papuan Department of Politics and Government, 2016), 39–93.
42. Bolodadi interview, Jayapura, June 6, 2017. See also Eveerth Joumilena, ‘‘Disesalkan Mantan
Pejabat Jadi Calon Tetap Anggota MRP Unsur Agama’’ [Reproachable, ex-officials became candi-
dates for MRP’s permanent member from religious elements], Tabloidjubi.com, February 15, 2011,
http://tabloidjubi.com/arch/2011/02/15/disesalkan-mantan-pejabat-jadi-calon-tetap-anggota-mrp-
unsur-agama/.
HARYANTO, LAY, AND PURWOKO / LEGITIMACY AND PAPUA’S MAJELIS 379
16. established by the regent/mayor—often, according to informants, members
of the regent/mayor’s campaign team—before being recommended to the
provincial government. Consequently, the selection process at the regency/
municipality level focuses on expanding particular individuals’ political
spheres rather than truly representing the interests of Papua’s indigenous
population. At the provincial level, potential MRP members must undergo
a series of examinations (physical and psychological health, report writing,
and interviews) before being appointed. These are administered by the
five-person gubernatorial selection team, consisting of societal leaders and
academics. At this point, the process—aside from being vulnerable to guber-
natorial penetration—faces a serious problem that has yet to be solved: the
dilemma of representation and capability, particularly as related to adat.
Generally, holders of adat authority, most of whom are poorly educated, lack
the capacity to fulfill their duties: to give consideration to the draft special
regional regulation (Peraturan Daerah Khusus, or Perdasus) proposed by the
lower house (Papua House of Representatives, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat
Papua) with the governor, consideration and approval of the plan of coop-
eration agreement made by the government with third parties. The difficulty
of finding well-educated people capable of representing adat interests is
exacerbated by younger, formally educated Papuans’ inability to join the
MRP: members must be at least 30 years of age. Owing to their lack of
education, MRP members face considerable difficulty in fulfilling their
duties, and they are often exploited by the provincial parliament, governor,
and other members of the executive branch, who use the MRP to promote
their own policies’ legitimacy.
Serious problems have also emerged as a consequence of the areas covered
by the various adat regions, including their geography (lowlands, mountains,
and islands) as well as their regencies and populations. This has led to increased
competition in mountainous regions, as well as jealousy: mountain residents
often feel they are not proportionately represented compared to those in
lowland and archipelagic ones, which has in turn affected internal tribal rela-
tions.43
The problem is exacerbated by contradictions within the adat regions
themselves. They cover more than one regency/municipality; meanwhile,
more than one adat authority represents the (sub)tribal groups found in
43. Aris Ananta, Dwi Retno Wilujeng Wahyu Utami, and Nur Budi Handayani, ‘‘Statistics on
Ethnic Diversity in the Land of Papua, Indonesia,’’ Asia and the Pacific Policy Studies 3:3 (2016): 458–74.
380 ASIAN SURVEY 58:2
17. different/several districts (sub-regency administrative units). This has further
complicated issues of representativeness and legitimacy at the societal level.
Fifth, the different allocation systems used for recruitment have led to
serious problems within the MRP itself. They have promoted strict compart-
mentalization within the institution, with each constitutional element work-
ing separately. The MRP has thus failed to make itself an institution that
represents the interests of the indigenous peoples of Papua. It has instead
acted more as a loose confederation of elements, all wrapped up in their own
worlds. Furthermore, there is a capacity gap between these constituent ele-
ments, with MRP members from religious groups more capable than those
from the other groups.
Sixth, the MRP and its experiences with asymmetrical decentralization can
be contrasted with other countries, as well as Indonesia’s often-troubled
province of Aceh, Sumatra, where decentralization was intended to provide
inclusive facilities for all elements of separatist movements.44
The MRP was
established to exclude separatist movements, particularly the Free Papua
Organization (OPM), and consolidate pro-Indonesian groups. This is clear
from Article 4 of Presidential Regulation No. 54 of 2004, which sets criteria
for MRP membership, specifically point (f), which requires candidates to
have ‘‘never been involved in treason against the Unitary Republic of Indo-
nesia.’’ Enforcement of this criterion involves a regional government institu-
tion, the Agency for National and Political Unity, although its screening
process (known as ‘‘special research’’) is not as strict as under the New Order
government. Thus, the apparently ‘‘controlling’’ selection criteria lead to
persons promoting Papuan independence being marginalized.
Seventh, as an institution carrying the burden of representation, the MRP
lacks a clear political position in the institutional politics of Papua. The Law
on Special Authority and the Government Regulation on the MRP fail to
specify its function, role, and position within Papuan governance. These
laws only specify its authority, right, and obligation to promote the funda-
mental rights of indigenous Papuans. The MRP is ineffective in the political
process because it lacks a position in the executive/legislative branch.45
The
44. Cornelis Lay, ‘‘From Bullet to Ballot: Indonesia’s Asymmetrical Decentralization Policy:
Case Studies of Nanggroe Darussalam and Papua,’’ paper presented at the 10th International
Convention of Asia Scholars, Chiang Mai, Thailand, July 20–23, 2017.
45. Article 5, paragraph 1, states that the Regional Government of Papua Province consists of the
Papua Parliament as legislative body and the provincial government as executive body.
HARYANTO, LAY, AND PURWOKO / LEGITIMACY AND PAPUA’S MAJELIS 381
18. MRP is positioned as an ‘‘indigenous upper house’’ that represents the
culture of indigenous Papuan people, but it fails to follow the logic of a
bicameral system.46
Initially, the MRP may appear to enjoy significant institutional power,
given its function. How could it not? Article 20, paragraph (1) of Law No. 21
of 2001 emphasizes that the MRP functions to advise and approve potential
governors and deputy governors, as well as candidates for the Papuan
delegates to the People’s Consultative Assembly—the highest decision-
making body in Indonesia—selected by the Papuan parliament. This
situation changed less than a year after the MRP was established. Beginning
in 2005, the power to select governors and deputy governors was no longer
held by the Papuan parliament; instead, governors were elected directly by
the populace. Meanwhile, the ‘‘regional delegation’’ to the People’s Consul-
tative Assembly was eliminated even before the MRP was formally estab-
lished; the third amendment to the Indonesian constitution, in 2002,
eliminated the two elements that formed the assembly: regional and orga-
nizational delegations. As a result, the function and authority of the MRP
was drastically reduced. It can only provide guidance to the governor and
deputy governor and approve regional bylaws. And even these powers,
according to our sources, are purely pro forma.47
In reality, the MRP is
readily ignored during all political processes.
The MRP is also intended to provide recommendations, considerations,
and approval of agreements between the national/provincial government and
third parties, accords that are implemented in Papua Province to protect the
rights of indigenous Papuans. However, this has never been realized in
practice. The relationship between the MRP and national political authorities
is informal and incidental, realized through mechanisms such as audiences
with officials or focus-group discussions. Public audiences are incidental, as
stated by Jaleswari Pramodhawardhani, the fifth deputy of the Presidential
Office of Indonesia, who is responsible for security issues (including in
Papua); she emphasizes that there are no formal mechanisms for this.48
46. Richard Chauvel, ‘‘Electoral Politics and Democratic Freedoms in Papua,’’ in Edward
Aspinal and Marcus Mietner (eds.), Problems of Democratisation in Indonesia: Elections, Institutions
and Society (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2008): 310.
47. Interview, Wolas, member of West Papua MRP (2011–2016), Sorong, May 16, 2017; inter-
view, Joram Wambrauw, member of Papua MRP (2011–2016), Jayapura, June 6, 2017.
48. Interview, Jakarta, June 9, 2017.
382 ASIAN SURVEY 58:2
19. Furthermore, MRP members frequently complain that audiences are gener-
ally limited to bridging communication gaps between central government
ministries/institutions (i.e. political authorities in the capital) and the MRP.
Ultimately, as stated by Bolodadi, ‘‘in giving its considerations and
approval of regional bylaws, the MRP is nothing but a rubber stamp.’’ Thus,
as stated by Willem Wandik, the regent of Puncak, its decisions ‘‘are ignored
by the government.’’49
Meanwhile, the public perceives the MRP as an
institution that has been co-opted by the regional executive branch, thereby
losing its capacity to criticize government policies and any semblance of
public trust.50
Owing to the lack of significant involvement of adat leaders
in its recruitment process and its work, as stated by Gogoba, ‘‘The MRP has
no command of adat issues.’’51
The MRP functions to draw attention to and convey the aspirations and
complaints of adat, religious, and women’s groups, as well as those of the
general public that involve the rights of indigenous Papuans. It also facilitates
the resolution of complaints, and advises the governor, Papuan parliament,
and regency/municipality parliaments regarding the rights of indigenous Pa-
puans. However, as at the national level, at the provincial and regency/munic-
ipality level it has no forum to improve its effectiveness in carrying out its
duties. Interviews with Father Hofni Simbiak and Joram Wambrau, members
of Papua MRP 2011–16, indicate that the MRP has recommended changes to
several regional bylaws—related to finance, adat, religion, and parliamentary
elections—as well as population control (particularly migration), aid for reli-
gious and migrant workers, and land control.52
However, these recommenda-
tions were not heeded by the executive or legislative branches. Rather, the
MRP has been viewed as ‘‘unable to understand the problem,’’ and thus the
government considers it ‘‘pointless to involve the MRP.’’
The situation is exacerbated by the social expectation that the MRP would
execute and enforce policy. Because of its failure to do this, it has been
branded ‘‘incapable of helping resolve concrete problems,’’53
as shown, for
49. Interview, Jayapura, June 7, 2017.
50. Suroso, former head of the Regional Development Agency for South Sorong and now part of
the regent’s staff, interviewed by the first author, May 23, 2017.
51. Interview, Sorong, May 25, 2017.
52. Father Hofni Simbiak interview, November 10, 2017; Wambrauw interview, November
10, 2017.
53. Suroso interview, Sorong, May 23, 2017; Agustinus Makamur interview, Sorong, May 26, 2017.
HARYANTO, LAY, AND PURWOKO / LEGITIMACY AND PAPUA’S MAJELIS 383
20. example, in its failure to resolve land disputes in South Sorong Regency.
This, together with its limited budget and dependence on outside funds,54
has made the institution incapable of fulfilling its representational duties. It
has no legal channels into formal policymaking bodies at the national or local
level, and is thus unable to convey the aspirations and concerns of the
indigenous Papuan people. It is also isolated from decision-making processes
in the local government.
Owing to its limited capacity, the MRP spends much of its energy pro-
moting its institutional interests—or even the interests of its individual
members. Since its establishment, much of the MRP’s time has been spent
debating the extension of members’ terms,55
as well as the facilities used by
members. Much of its energy has been spent calling for an increase in the
number of parliamentary seats available through appointment. The MRP has
used Articles 6 and 28, paragraph (3), of Law No. 21 of 2001, which stipulates
the possibility of appointing (rather than electing) indigenous people of
Papua as members of parliament. Recently, this has gained the support of
other groups, who consider it an important instrument for ensuring the
continued representation of indigenous peoples in increased heterogeneity
in parliament.56
Recognizing the composition of the regency/ municipality-
level parliaments in coastal areas, which are increasingly dominated by mi-
grants,57
these groups fear that indigenous peoples will become marginalized
in the Papuan provincial parliament. This can be attributed to the changing
demographic composition of Papua, with migrants increasingly involved in
party management and nominating the candidates who might benefit them
54. Interviews with Wolas, Sorong, May 16, 2017, and Simbiak, MRP member representing
religious interests, Jayapura, June 8, 2017. An interview with Thomas Bolodadi indicates that the
determination of financial allocations and management within the MRP are handled by the secre-
tariat, whose staff are under gubernatorial control.
55. Interviews with Bolodadi, Jakarta, April 21, 2017, and Budi Arman, Ministry of Domestic
Affairs staff member responsible for special autonomy in Papua, Jayapura, June 6, 2017, emphasize
that the Ministry of Domestic Affairs has twice extended the period served by MRP members in
Papua and West Papua. They recently dismissed existing MRP members to force elections after more
than a year’s delay.
56. Wolas interview, Sorong, May 17, 2017.
57. This can be seen in the experiences of Kerom Regency: of the 20 members in the regional
parliament in 2011, only 6 were indigenous Papuan. Presently, only three of Kerom’s members of
regional parliament are indigenous Papuans. Yarid, ‘‘95 Persen Anggota DPRD Keerom, Non-
Papua’’ [95 percent of parliament members of Keerom are non-Papuans], Tabloidjubi.com, May 9,
2011, http://tabloidjubi.com/arch/2011/05/09/95-persen-anggota-dprd-keerom-non-papua/.
384 ASIAN SURVEY 58:2
21. most. This is why the MRP has involved itself in seeking additional parlia-
mentary appointments,58
despite such advocacy not being part of its man-
date. On the surface, increasing the number of parliamentary appointments is
intended to improve indigenous representation in local parliaments (Papua
and West Papua). Unspoken is the MRP members’ subjective motive of
minimizing competition among themselves, as increasing the number of
parliamentary seats will likewise increase the number of available MRP seats
(as in West Papua), because MRP membership must be two-thirds that of the
Papuan parliament. Currently, appointed members of parliament hold 11
seats in the Papuan parliament and 9 in the West Papuan parliament—
a quarter of all available parliamentary seats (45 in Papua and 35 in West
Papua), per Article 23, paragraph (1) of Law No. 10 of 2008. The implication
is clear: the MRP has increasingly been stigmatized as a self-serving institu-
tion far removed from its initial conception as a valid representative of
indigenous Papuan peoples. The MRP has also received sharp criticism, and
some have demanded its dissolution.59
REPRESENTATIVENESS AND LEGITIMACY: UNSOLVED PUZZLES
The MRP is part of an asymmetrical-decentralization scheme intended to
promote the interests of indigenous Papuans. But the seeds of the MRP’s
failure were sown beginning with its establishment. More specifically, the
MRP’s establishment, design, working mechanisms, and relations with
formal decision-making institutions have created problems of representa-
tiveness and legitimacy. This has been exacerbated by the MRP’s lack of any
historical claim or credibility in its representation of the indigenous peoples
of Papua, as well as by the mutual lack of trust between political authorities
in Jakarta and some of the people of Papua. The MRP’s complicated
recruitment basis and processes, as well as its institutional design, which
excludes pro-independence forces, have also contributed to its institutional
58. The MRP proposes members of regional parliament based on a list of candidates submitted by
adat institutions. Another controversy has thus emerged: mountainous regions have demanded more
parliamentary seats in recognition of their numerous adat regions, which are dispersed among dif-
ferent regencies, leading them to be underrepresented.
59. Arie Ruhyanto, ‘‘The Perils of Prosperity Approach in Papua,’’ Peace Review 28:4 (2016):
490–98.
HARYANTO, LAY, AND PURWOKO / LEGITIMACY AND PAPUA’S MAJELIS 385
22. failure. As mentioned by Gogoba, it has been perceived as an ‘‘Indonesian-
made puppet’’ without the moral authority to represent the indigenous
peoples of Papua.
Consequently, rather than being viewed as the valid representative of
indigenous Papuan peoples, the MRP appears to lack roots or reach. It is
instead understood as an extension of regional executive power, or even as an
extension of the power of the governor, regents, or mayors. Furthermore, the
MRP has become an alternative political arena for party politicians who have
run unsuccessfully for office. Thus, it has faced extraordinary difficulties in
carrying out its duties of interest aggregation and articulation, policy advo-
cacy, and facilitation of reciprocal information exchange between adat com-
munities and policymakers.
386 ASIAN SURVEY 58:2