This document provides a comparative analysis of the national capabilities of the US/Allies and Emerging Powers. It examines several indices of national power, including geographic location, population, defense capabilities, economic/financial capabilities, and influence of national currencies. While previous studies found that the US/Allies maintained an advantage in military and technology, this document argues that the Emerging Powers' large populations and growing financial influence through institutions like BRICS and SCO pose a challenge to US/Allies dominance. It recommends including national currency as a power index and redirecting defense spending toward development to maintain influence.
This document provides an analysis of the intensifying power competition between the US and China in the context of their respective leadership styles under the Trump and Xi administrations. It argues that 1) Trump and Xi represent forces of change in their countries to satisfy domestic demands, 2) the national interests of the US and China are increasingly irreconcilable, fueling competition, and 3) China is expanding its international influence by filling leadership vacuums left by the strategic retreat of the US under Trump's unilateral leadership. The analysis examines the divergent visions and approaches of the two administrations and how they are contributing to escalating tensions despite both countries' focus on internal priorities.
This document summarizes a working paper that examines how presidents distribute federal funds for political purposes. It discusses theories around "presidential particularism," where presidents target certain groups of voters or constituencies to achieve political objectives like reelection. The paper aims to determine which objectives (reelection, helping copartisan representatives, influencing legislation) presidents target funds toward, and which voter groups (core supporters, swing voters, moderate opponents) they target to achieve these objectives. Using data on federal project grants from 2009-2010, the paper finds evidence that presidents target funds toward core supporters in their and their party's districts to influence elections, but not toward moderate legislators to influence legislation votes. It also finds some executive agencies are more politically motivated than others in
This document provides a summary of key conclusions from chapters in a book analyzing national security threats to the United States based on President Obama's final National Security Strategy. It finds that the top threats are: 1) state actors like Russia, North Korea, and Iran that pursue nuclear weapons and military aggression; 2) the rising economic and military power of China; and 3) non-state actors like al-Qaeda and ISIS that use social media and cyber capabilities to finance and carry out terrorist attacks across wide geographic areas. It recommends that the US strengthen cyber infrastructure and monitoring, continue military assistance programs, and use diplomatic and economic tools to address these challenges.
https://www.delhipolicygroup.org/publication/policy-reports/dj-vu-in-myanmar.html - Over the past two months, Myanmar has plunged into a political crisis. Myanmar’s tentative political transition towards democracy, which started in 2010 and gained momentum after the 2015 elections, has been reversed. The military (Tatmadaw) has staged a coup d’état and arrested democratically elected leaders, including President Win Myint and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Rethink the politics of development in Africa? how the political settlement s...Dr Lendy Spires
This document analyzes how the distribution of political power within ruling coalitions in Ghana shaped the allocation of resources to the education sector from 1993 to 2008. It finds that under both the NDC and NPP governments, regions with more powerful factions within the ruling coalition received more education spending per capita compared to need. A political settlements approach focusing on how power is distributed within ruling coalitions provides insights into how politics influences development outcomes in Africa.
GODEFROIDT AMELIE - THESIS - The structure and impact of citizenshipAmélie Godefroidt
This thesis aims to analyze the structure and impact of citizenship in Ghana by examining conceptions of citizenship and levels of political trust among university students. It seeks to address gaps in the literature regarding the dimensionality of citizenship in a non-Western context and the determinants of political trust. Specifically, it will use survey data to 1) explore the factor structure of citizenship items to determine if they load onto civic, ethnic and/or cultural factors, and 2) develop a multivariate model of political trust to analyze the impact of citizenship while controlling for other potential influences. The results aim to contribute new knowledge about citizenship and political trust in an African country.
Recent empirical evidence suggests that Chinese development finance may be particularly prone to elite capture and patronage spending. If aid ends up in the pockets of political elites and their ethno-regional networks, this may exacerbate grievances based in horizontal inequalities. Against this background, the present study investigates whether the implementation of Chinese development projects fuels local ethnic identities. A new geo-referenced dataset on the subnational allocation of Chinese development finance projects to Africa over the 2000-2014 period is geographically matched with survey data for 90,626 respondents from 18 African countries. The identification strategy consists in comparing the ethnic identities of individuals who live near a site where a Chinese project was implemented at the time of the interview, to those of individuals living near a site where a Chinese project will appear in the future, thus controlling for unobservable time- invariant characteristics that may influence the selection of project sites. While suggesting substantial country variation, the empirical results indeed suggest that, on average, living near an ongoing Chinese project fuels ethnic identities. The paper considers two mechanisms possibly underlying this result. First, competition for the inflow of resources that aid constitutes could mobilize ethnic identities across the board. Second, perceptions of ethnically biased aid may fuel ethnic identities in groups perceiving themselves as disadvantaged. Two observations speak in favour of the latter mechanism. First, the estimated effect is not uniform across groups, but driven by people who belong to the out-group. Second, there is no indication of an equivalent pattern when considering development projects of other donors.
This document analyzes survey data from over 40 developing countries to understand determinants of radicalism, support for violence, and participation in anti-regime actions. It finds that individuals who feel politically and economically marginalized are more likely to harbor extremist views but less likely to join collective political movements. This potentially explains why marginalized groups are difficult to mobilize in nation-wide movements, despite their attitudes. It also finds that arenas for active political participation are more likely dominated by upper-middle income groups committed to preserving the status quo. Suppressing these forms of participation may push these groups towards more radical preferences. The findings suggest the poor may be caught in a cycle of increasing self-exclusion and marginalization.
This document provides an analysis of the intensifying power competition between the US and China in the context of their respective leadership styles under the Trump and Xi administrations. It argues that 1) Trump and Xi represent forces of change in their countries to satisfy domestic demands, 2) the national interests of the US and China are increasingly irreconcilable, fueling competition, and 3) China is expanding its international influence by filling leadership vacuums left by the strategic retreat of the US under Trump's unilateral leadership. The analysis examines the divergent visions and approaches of the two administrations and how they are contributing to escalating tensions despite both countries' focus on internal priorities.
This document summarizes a working paper that examines how presidents distribute federal funds for political purposes. It discusses theories around "presidential particularism," where presidents target certain groups of voters or constituencies to achieve political objectives like reelection. The paper aims to determine which objectives (reelection, helping copartisan representatives, influencing legislation) presidents target funds toward, and which voter groups (core supporters, swing voters, moderate opponents) they target to achieve these objectives. Using data on federal project grants from 2009-2010, the paper finds evidence that presidents target funds toward core supporters in their and their party's districts to influence elections, but not toward moderate legislators to influence legislation votes. It also finds some executive agencies are more politically motivated than others in
This document provides a summary of key conclusions from chapters in a book analyzing national security threats to the United States based on President Obama's final National Security Strategy. It finds that the top threats are: 1) state actors like Russia, North Korea, and Iran that pursue nuclear weapons and military aggression; 2) the rising economic and military power of China; and 3) non-state actors like al-Qaeda and ISIS that use social media and cyber capabilities to finance and carry out terrorist attacks across wide geographic areas. It recommends that the US strengthen cyber infrastructure and monitoring, continue military assistance programs, and use diplomatic and economic tools to address these challenges.
https://www.delhipolicygroup.org/publication/policy-reports/dj-vu-in-myanmar.html - Over the past two months, Myanmar has plunged into a political crisis. Myanmar’s tentative political transition towards democracy, which started in 2010 and gained momentum after the 2015 elections, has been reversed. The military (Tatmadaw) has staged a coup d’état and arrested democratically elected leaders, including President Win Myint and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Rethink the politics of development in Africa? how the political settlement s...Dr Lendy Spires
This document analyzes how the distribution of political power within ruling coalitions in Ghana shaped the allocation of resources to the education sector from 1993 to 2008. It finds that under both the NDC and NPP governments, regions with more powerful factions within the ruling coalition received more education spending per capita compared to need. A political settlements approach focusing on how power is distributed within ruling coalitions provides insights into how politics influences development outcomes in Africa.
GODEFROIDT AMELIE - THESIS - The structure and impact of citizenshipAmélie Godefroidt
This thesis aims to analyze the structure and impact of citizenship in Ghana by examining conceptions of citizenship and levels of political trust among university students. It seeks to address gaps in the literature regarding the dimensionality of citizenship in a non-Western context and the determinants of political trust. Specifically, it will use survey data to 1) explore the factor structure of citizenship items to determine if they load onto civic, ethnic and/or cultural factors, and 2) develop a multivariate model of political trust to analyze the impact of citizenship while controlling for other potential influences. The results aim to contribute new knowledge about citizenship and political trust in an African country.
Recent empirical evidence suggests that Chinese development finance may be particularly prone to elite capture and patronage spending. If aid ends up in the pockets of political elites and their ethno-regional networks, this may exacerbate grievances based in horizontal inequalities. Against this background, the present study investigates whether the implementation of Chinese development projects fuels local ethnic identities. A new geo-referenced dataset on the subnational allocation of Chinese development finance projects to Africa over the 2000-2014 period is geographically matched with survey data for 90,626 respondents from 18 African countries. The identification strategy consists in comparing the ethnic identities of individuals who live near a site where a Chinese project was implemented at the time of the interview, to those of individuals living near a site where a Chinese project will appear in the future, thus controlling for unobservable time- invariant characteristics that may influence the selection of project sites. While suggesting substantial country variation, the empirical results indeed suggest that, on average, living near an ongoing Chinese project fuels ethnic identities. The paper considers two mechanisms possibly underlying this result. First, competition for the inflow of resources that aid constitutes could mobilize ethnic identities across the board. Second, perceptions of ethnically biased aid may fuel ethnic identities in groups perceiving themselves as disadvantaged. Two observations speak in favour of the latter mechanism. First, the estimated effect is not uniform across groups, but driven by people who belong to the out-group. Second, there is no indication of an equivalent pattern when considering development projects of other donors.
This document analyzes survey data from over 40 developing countries to understand determinants of radicalism, support for violence, and participation in anti-regime actions. It finds that individuals who feel politically and economically marginalized are more likely to harbor extremist views but less likely to join collective political movements. This potentially explains why marginalized groups are difficult to mobilize in nation-wide movements, despite their attitudes. It also finds that arenas for active political participation are more likely dominated by upper-middle income groups committed to preserving the status quo. Suppressing these forms of participation may push these groups towards more radical preferences. The findings suggest the poor may be caught in a cycle of increasing self-exclusion and marginalization.
CFR Report: The Future of Special Operations, by Linda RobinsonDaniel Ross
"U.S. special operations forces are doing more things in more places than ever before. They are now active in some seventy countries and, since 2001, have seen their combined budget nearly quintuple—a trend that seems likely to continue. As the United States seeks ways to tackle a range of security threats worldwide, shore up the resilience of its friends and allies against terrorist and criminal networks, and minimize need for large-scale military interventions, the importance of special operations forces will grow."
Richard N. Haass
President, Council on Foreign Relations
April 2013
This document summarizes a research paper that examines the economic development effects of coups. It finds that coups overthrowing democratic governments have distinctly negative effects on economic growth, lowering GDP per capita by 1-1.3% per year over a decade. By contrast, coups in autocratic countries show smaller and imprecise positive effects. These results are robust across different empirical methods and not explained by alternative hypotheses. Additionally, coups reversing economic reforms, increasing debt, and reducing social spending, suggesting a shift in priorities away from the public.
The document summarizes the key findings and methodology of the Hamilton 68 dashboard, which tracks Russian propaganda and disinformation efforts on Twitter. Specifically:
- Hamilton 68 monitors Russian influence operations by tracking coordination with Russian media outlets, pro-Russian accounts, and automated bot/cyborg accounts.
- The goal is to help people identify Russian messaging themes and active disinformation campaigns in order to reduce their effectiveness and deter future interference.
- A sample analysis found over 25% of highly shared stories had an anti-American theme, often blaming the "deep state" over Trump for tensions with Russia. Additional common themes defended Trump, opposed the GOP establishment, and attacked the Democratic party.
Russian cyber offense strategy development Yuri Livshitz
This document provides an overview of Russian cyber offense strategy development and capabilities building. It discusses key factors that motivated Russia's selection of cyber offense as a vital tool, including weaknesses in the military after the Soviet Union's dissolution. It outlines General Gerasimov's theory of "hybrid warfare" which emphasizes non-military means for achieving goals and influenced Russia's approach. The document also examines Russia's efforts to build unified cyber offensive networks and cooperate internationally, as well as strategies for resilience in response to potential Western retaliation. Overall, it analyzes the evolution of Russia's cyber capabilities and strategy from both an academic and strategic perspective.
Journal of Strategic Security cfp summer 2016Jeremy Tamsett
Call for Papers: The Strategic Security of Ephemeral Global Identities
in the Journal of Strategic Security by March 15: submit online at: http://scholarcommons.usf.edu
When are international organisations effective in international politicsAmougou Aristide Agbor
International organizations can be effective when their leadership is able to:
1) Consolidate the trust of member states by sustaining political commitment to shared values and curtailing the "Frankenstein syndrome" where organizations act against state interests.
2) Secure sufficient resources from member states by building efficient agency relationships and avoiding mission creep beyond their intended mandates.
3) Rely on credible policy persuasion given their limited enforcement powers compared to states.
Ged Mirfin is a 51-year-old Conservative councilor who has served on Ribble Valley Borough Council since 2011. He has extensive committee experience and currently serves in leadership roles for the Ribble Valley Conservative Association. Mirfin has campaign experience managing online campaigns in the Hyndburn constituency. He has published several papers on topics related to politics, including on political arrogance, inertia, and authenticity. Mirfin's work has received media attention and some of his papers are among the most widely viewed on their topics.
Donors, Development Agencies and the use of Political Economic Analysis: Gett...Dr Lendy Spires
This document discusses the emergence and evolution of Political Economic Analysis (PEA) tools used by development agencies. It outlines how agencies have historically conducted informal political analyses but are now more systematically using PEA approaches. The good governance agenda of the 1990s influenced early PEAs, which examined politics through the lens of increasing accountability, transparency and rules-based institutions. However, PEA faces limitations due to agencies' political constraints and the difficulty of engaging fully with the politics of the contexts in which they work. More research is still needed on the impact of PEA on development strategies and outcomes.
The document summarizes lessons learned from efforts to support democracy in Afghanistan and Iraq over the past decade. It discusses the challenges of nation-building, state-building, demobilizing militias, and economic development that have accompanied democracy promotion. Key lessons highlighted include the importance of political agreements among groups in the post-conflict period, establishing stable constitutional and governmental institutions, developing an effective electoral system and political parties, and fostering leaders committed to national rather than sectarian interests.
This policy brief examines the timing of Turkey’s authoritarian turn using raw data measuring freedoms from the Freedom House (FH). It shows that Turkey’s authoritarian turn under the ruling AKP is not a recent phenomenon. Instead, the country’s institutional erosion – especially in terms of freedoms of expression and political pluralism – in fact began much earlier, and the losses in the earlier periods so far tend to dwarf those occurring later.
This document is a research proposal that will examine how the concept of national sovereignty is evolving in the face of increased globalization and multilateral cooperation. Sovereignty, which forms the basis of citizenship and identity, is being challenged by new international laws, organizations, and the ability of individuals to circumvent borders. While sovereignty is recognized as changing, there is little empirical data to show how this dynamic evolution may impact global governance structures. The proposed research aims to help understand how sovereignty is adapting without intentional guidance and what this means for international relations theory and institutions.
1.. Islamic Rule and the Emancipation of the Poor and Pious
I estimate the impact of Islamic rule on secular education and labor market outcomes with a new and unique dataset of Turkish municipalities. Using a regression discontinuity design, I compare elections where an Islamic party barely won or lost municipal mayor seats. The results show that Islamic rule has had a large positive effect on education, predominantly for women. This impact is not only larger when the opposing candidate is from a secular left-wing, instead of a right-wing party; it is also larger in poorer and more pious areas. The participation result extends to the labor market, with fewer women classified as housewives, a larger share of employed women receiving wages, and a shift in female employment towards higher-paying sectors. Part of the increased participation, especially in education, may come through investment from religious foundations, by providing facilities more tailored toward religious conservatives. Altogether, my findings stand in contrast to the stylized view that more Islamic in‡uence is invariably associated with adverse development outcomes, especially for women. One interpretation is that limits on religious expression, such as the headscarf ban in public institutions, raise barriers to entry for the poor and pious. In such environments, Islamic movements may have an advantage over secular alternatives.
2. Islam and Long-Run Development
I show new evidence on the long-run impact of Islam on economic development. Using the proximity to Mecca as an instrument for the Muslim share of a country's population, while holding geographic factors fixed, I show that Islam has had a negative long-run impact on income per capita. This result is robust to a host of geographic, demographic and historical factors, and the impact magnitude is around three times that of basic cross-sectional estimates. I also show evidence of the impact of Islam on religious influence in legal institutions and women's rights, two outcomes seen as closely associated with the presence of Islam. A larger Islamic influence has led to a larger religious influence in legal institutions and lower female participation in public institutions. But it has also had a positive impact on several measures of female health outcomes relative to men. These results stand in contrast to the view that Islam has invariably adverse consequences for all forms of women's living standards, and instead emphasizes the link between lower incomes and lower female participation in public institutions.
3. The Rise of China and the Natural Resource Curse in Africa
We produce a new empirical strategy to estimate the causal impact of selling oil to China on economic and political development, using an instrumental variables design based on China's economic rise and consequent demand for oil in interaction with the pre-existence of oil in Sub-Saharan Africa.
This document is a dissertation that examines the relationship between horizontal inequalities and nationalist violence using African Americans in the United States as a case study. It argues that blaming Black nationalist groups for recent violence is incorrect, and that systemic horizontal inequalities are the true cause. The dissertation will analyze economic, political, social, and cultural data on conditions facing Black Americans to demonstrate these inequalities. It aims to directly link horizontal inequalities to the emergence of nationalism and violence, showing that a lack of development and strong racial inequalities have become security issues in the US.
This dissertation examines whether refugee influxes into fragile democracies in Sub-Saharan Africa increase levels of xenophobia. It analyzes South Africa, Kenya, and Uganda as case studies. The literature review discusses research on the economic and social impacts of refugees on host communities and links between refugee presence and xenophobic behavior. The methodology section outlines a qualitative comparative case study approach. The structure previews chapters on refugee terms/trends in SSA, links between xenophobia/fragile states, economic impacts of refugees, roles of regional economic unions, and responses in the three case study countries.
Cyber-nationalism and China’s Foreign Policy in A New Era: An Empirical Study...Luna Zeng
In 2016-17, waves of nationalist sentiment raised in the Chinese online sphere as the South China Sea Arbitration released its award and the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system has been deployed. The non-traditional targets of criticism, the increasingly assertive foreign policy, and the renewed domestic propaganda strategy result in features that did not exist in the previous popular nationalism in China. This paper studies the online nationalist discourse of these two cases and how it was shaped by China’s foreign strategy, the specific policy reactions to the Arbitration and the THAAD, and the narrative of state media, and argues that the popular nationalism and the confrontational Chinese foreign policy has converged with and mutually reinforced each other. The findings suggest that, on the one hand, the online discourse is characterized by dispersed focuses on specific dimensions of Chinese foreign policy, including the controversial perceptions on international norms, economic tools in diplomacy and other strategies adopted by the Chinese government. On the other hand, with the assistance of the active and responsive state media, the official narratives have been internalized through netizen’s internal interpretation, discussion, and justification of the foreign policy. Despite the lack of transparency in the foreign policy decision-making in China, these features still imply less pressure that Chinese government faces to respond to popular nationalist demand domestically while simultaneously pursuing national interests in the international arena, as these two demands are no longer antitheses to each other.
POLS 4701 - Dylan Jenks Political Science Senior CapstoneDylan Jenks
This paper investigates the role of social and economic globalization on international relations between the United States and China using three case studies from the 1950s to present. The author's hypothesis is that increasing globalization weakens nation-states' control over their populations, reducing confrontations as domestic politics constrain aggressive foreign policies. However, a recent rise in Chinese nationalism challenges this. The paper analyzes how US-China relations and the influence of their populations have changed over time through literature review and case study analysis.
This study attempts to examine the main theories and theorists of geopolitical imagination, arguing for an intrinsic relationship between traditional geopolitics and the development of international relations, both in theory and in practice. Not only have political geographers been made aware of civil rights unrest and other social conflicts, but they have become interested in public policy issues through their work in urban geography. The fast-paced suburb and the associated need to locate new highways, bridges, and desirable facilities such as schools, supermarkets, and hospitals on the one hand, and harmful facilities such as landfills and polluting industries on the other, have brought to the fore on location conflicts and issues of social and racial justice.
NESARA GESARA Global Current Reset - Draining the Swamp (Free book)The Free School
This books is about NESARA GESARA global currency reset.
It is based around the book Draining the Swamp by Harvey Francis Barnard. It also looks at drain the swamp political rhetoric by Donald Trump.
The National Economic Stabilization and Recovery Act
National Economic Security and Reformation Act
National Economic Security and Recovery Act
Social Remittances: an alternative approach to development cooperationGeoCommunity
Jana Hasalová: Social Remittances:an alternative approach to development cooperation (paper), Študentská vedecká konferencia Prírodovedeckej fakulty Univerzity Komenského v Bratislave,
27th April 2011
The document discusses South Korea's use of soft power through cultural exports like K-pop and TV dramas known as the Korean Wave. It analyzes how the Korean government and corporations strategically promote Korean culture globally to improve the country's image and reputation internationally. The cultural products attract foreign tourists, students, and help brand Korea as modern and innovative. While boosting economic and cultural influence abroad, the policies also aim to establish South Korea as an influential middle power on the international stage through cultural diplomacy and soft power.
This document discusses different perspectives on the concept of power in international relations. It begins by defining power as a state's ability to influence or control other states. It then outlines two main traditions for analyzing power: the national power approach, which equates power with material resources, and the relational power approach, which sees power as the ability to influence another's behavior. The document also discusses various theorists' perspectives on power, including Joseph Nye's concepts of hard, soft, and smart power, and rules for analyzing power put forth by William Wohlforth.
CFR Report: The Future of Special Operations, by Linda RobinsonDaniel Ross
"U.S. special operations forces are doing more things in more places than ever before. They are now active in some seventy countries and, since 2001, have seen their combined budget nearly quintuple—a trend that seems likely to continue. As the United States seeks ways to tackle a range of security threats worldwide, shore up the resilience of its friends and allies against terrorist and criminal networks, and minimize need for large-scale military interventions, the importance of special operations forces will grow."
Richard N. Haass
President, Council on Foreign Relations
April 2013
This document summarizes a research paper that examines the economic development effects of coups. It finds that coups overthrowing democratic governments have distinctly negative effects on economic growth, lowering GDP per capita by 1-1.3% per year over a decade. By contrast, coups in autocratic countries show smaller and imprecise positive effects. These results are robust across different empirical methods and not explained by alternative hypotheses. Additionally, coups reversing economic reforms, increasing debt, and reducing social spending, suggesting a shift in priorities away from the public.
The document summarizes the key findings and methodology of the Hamilton 68 dashboard, which tracks Russian propaganda and disinformation efforts on Twitter. Specifically:
- Hamilton 68 monitors Russian influence operations by tracking coordination with Russian media outlets, pro-Russian accounts, and automated bot/cyborg accounts.
- The goal is to help people identify Russian messaging themes and active disinformation campaigns in order to reduce their effectiveness and deter future interference.
- A sample analysis found over 25% of highly shared stories had an anti-American theme, often blaming the "deep state" over Trump for tensions with Russia. Additional common themes defended Trump, opposed the GOP establishment, and attacked the Democratic party.
Russian cyber offense strategy development Yuri Livshitz
This document provides an overview of Russian cyber offense strategy development and capabilities building. It discusses key factors that motivated Russia's selection of cyber offense as a vital tool, including weaknesses in the military after the Soviet Union's dissolution. It outlines General Gerasimov's theory of "hybrid warfare" which emphasizes non-military means for achieving goals and influenced Russia's approach. The document also examines Russia's efforts to build unified cyber offensive networks and cooperate internationally, as well as strategies for resilience in response to potential Western retaliation. Overall, it analyzes the evolution of Russia's cyber capabilities and strategy from both an academic and strategic perspective.
Journal of Strategic Security cfp summer 2016Jeremy Tamsett
Call for Papers: The Strategic Security of Ephemeral Global Identities
in the Journal of Strategic Security by March 15: submit online at: http://scholarcommons.usf.edu
When are international organisations effective in international politicsAmougou Aristide Agbor
International organizations can be effective when their leadership is able to:
1) Consolidate the trust of member states by sustaining political commitment to shared values and curtailing the "Frankenstein syndrome" where organizations act against state interests.
2) Secure sufficient resources from member states by building efficient agency relationships and avoiding mission creep beyond their intended mandates.
3) Rely on credible policy persuasion given their limited enforcement powers compared to states.
Ged Mirfin is a 51-year-old Conservative councilor who has served on Ribble Valley Borough Council since 2011. He has extensive committee experience and currently serves in leadership roles for the Ribble Valley Conservative Association. Mirfin has campaign experience managing online campaigns in the Hyndburn constituency. He has published several papers on topics related to politics, including on political arrogance, inertia, and authenticity. Mirfin's work has received media attention and some of his papers are among the most widely viewed on their topics.
Donors, Development Agencies and the use of Political Economic Analysis: Gett...Dr Lendy Spires
This document discusses the emergence and evolution of Political Economic Analysis (PEA) tools used by development agencies. It outlines how agencies have historically conducted informal political analyses but are now more systematically using PEA approaches. The good governance agenda of the 1990s influenced early PEAs, which examined politics through the lens of increasing accountability, transparency and rules-based institutions. However, PEA faces limitations due to agencies' political constraints and the difficulty of engaging fully with the politics of the contexts in which they work. More research is still needed on the impact of PEA on development strategies and outcomes.
The document summarizes lessons learned from efforts to support democracy in Afghanistan and Iraq over the past decade. It discusses the challenges of nation-building, state-building, demobilizing militias, and economic development that have accompanied democracy promotion. Key lessons highlighted include the importance of political agreements among groups in the post-conflict period, establishing stable constitutional and governmental institutions, developing an effective electoral system and political parties, and fostering leaders committed to national rather than sectarian interests.
This policy brief examines the timing of Turkey’s authoritarian turn using raw data measuring freedoms from the Freedom House (FH). It shows that Turkey’s authoritarian turn under the ruling AKP is not a recent phenomenon. Instead, the country’s institutional erosion – especially in terms of freedoms of expression and political pluralism – in fact began much earlier, and the losses in the earlier periods so far tend to dwarf those occurring later.
This document is a research proposal that will examine how the concept of national sovereignty is evolving in the face of increased globalization and multilateral cooperation. Sovereignty, which forms the basis of citizenship and identity, is being challenged by new international laws, organizations, and the ability of individuals to circumvent borders. While sovereignty is recognized as changing, there is little empirical data to show how this dynamic evolution may impact global governance structures. The proposed research aims to help understand how sovereignty is adapting without intentional guidance and what this means for international relations theory and institutions.
1.. Islamic Rule and the Emancipation of the Poor and Pious
I estimate the impact of Islamic rule on secular education and labor market outcomes with a new and unique dataset of Turkish municipalities. Using a regression discontinuity design, I compare elections where an Islamic party barely won or lost municipal mayor seats. The results show that Islamic rule has had a large positive effect on education, predominantly for women. This impact is not only larger when the opposing candidate is from a secular left-wing, instead of a right-wing party; it is also larger in poorer and more pious areas. The participation result extends to the labor market, with fewer women classified as housewives, a larger share of employed women receiving wages, and a shift in female employment towards higher-paying sectors. Part of the increased participation, especially in education, may come through investment from religious foundations, by providing facilities more tailored toward religious conservatives. Altogether, my findings stand in contrast to the stylized view that more Islamic in‡uence is invariably associated with adverse development outcomes, especially for women. One interpretation is that limits on religious expression, such as the headscarf ban in public institutions, raise barriers to entry for the poor and pious. In such environments, Islamic movements may have an advantage over secular alternatives.
2. Islam and Long-Run Development
I show new evidence on the long-run impact of Islam on economic development. Using the proximity to Mecca as an instrument for the Muslim share of a country's population, while holding geographic factors fixed, I show that Islam has had a negative long-run impact on income per capita. This result is robust to a host of geographic, demographic and historical factors, and the impact magnitude is around three times that of basic cross-sectional estimates. I also show evidence of the impact of Islam on religious influence in legal institutions and women's rights, two outcomes seen as closely associated with the presence of Islam. A larger Islamic influence has led to a larger religious influence in legal institutions and lower female participation in public institutions. But it has also had a positive impact on several measures of female health outcomes relative to men. These results stand in contrast to the view that Islam has invariably adverse consequences for all forms of women's living standards, and instead emphasizes the link between lower incomes and lower female participation in public institutions.
3. The Rise of China and the Natural Resource Curse in Africa
We produce a new empirical strategy to estimate the causal impact of selling oil to China on economic and political development, using an instrumental variables design based on China's economic rise and consequent demand for oil in interaction with the pre-existence of oil in Sub-Saharan Africa.
This document is a dissertation that examines the relationship between horizontal inequalities and nationalist violence using African Americans in the United States as a case study. It argues that blaming Black nationalist groups for recent violence is incorrect, and that systemic horizontal inequalities are the true cause. The dissertation will analyze economic, political, social, and cultural data on conditions facing Black Americans to demonstrate these inequalities. It aims to directly link horizontal inequalities to the emergence of nationalism and violence, showing that a lack of development and strong racial inequalities have become security issues in the US.
This dissertation examines whether refugee influxes into fragile democracies in Sub-Saharan Africa increase levels of xenophobia. It analyzes South Africa, Kenya, and Uganda as case studies. The literature review discusses research on the economic and social impacts of refugees on host communities and links between refugee presence and xenophobic behavior. The methodology section outlines a qualitative comparative case study approach. The structure previews chapters on refugee terms/trends in SSA, links between xenophobia/fragile states, economic impacts of refugees, roles of regional economic unions, and responses in the three case study countries.
Cyber-nationalism and China’s Foreign Policy in A New Era: An Empirical Study...Luna Zeng
In 2016-17, waves of nationalist sentiment raised in the Chinese online sphere as the South China Sea Arbitration released its award and the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system has been deployed. The non-traditional targets of criticism, the increasingly assertive foreign policy, and the renewed domestic propaganda strategy result in features that did not exist in the previous popular nationalism in China. This paper studies the online nationalist discourse of these two cases and how it was shaped by China’s foreign strategy, the specific policy reactions to the Arbitration and the THAAD, and the narrative of state media, and argues that the popular nationalism and the confrontational Chinese foreign policy has converged with and mutually reinforced each other. The findings suggest that, on the one hand, the online discourse is characterized by dispersed focuses on specific dimensions of Chinese foreign policy, including the controversial perceptions on international norms, economic tools in diplomacy and other strategies adopted by the Chinese government. On the other hand, with the assistance of the active and responsive state media, the official narratives have been internalized through netizen’s internal interpretation, discussion, and justification of the foreign policy. Despite the lack of transparency in the foreign policy decision-making in China, these features still imply less pressure that Chinese government faces to respond to popular nationalist demand domestically while simultaneously pursuing national interests in the international arena, as these two demands are no longer antitheses to each other.
POLS 4701 - Dylan Jenks Political Science Senior CapstoneDylan Jenks
This paper investigates the role of social and economic globalization on international relations between the United States and China using three case studies from the 1950s to present. The author's hypothesis is that increasing globalization weakens nation-states' control over their populations, reducing confrontations as domestic politics constrain aggressive foreign policies. However, a recent rise in Chinese nationalism challenges this. The paper analyzes how US-China relations and the influence of their populations have changed over time through literature review and case study analysis.
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The US/Allies and the Emerging Powers: A Comparative Analysis of National Capabilities
1. International Journal of Sciences:
Basic and Applied Research
(IJSBAR)
ISSN 2307-4531
(Print & Online)
http://gssrr.org/index.php?journal=JournalOfBasicAndApplied
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
186
The Us/allies and the Emerging Powers: A Comparative
Study of National Capabilities
Iharagbon Chukwuyem*
Department of Political and Administrative Studies University of Port Harcourt, Port Harcourt, Post Code:
500001 Rivers State, Nigeria, Phone No: 07035399034
Email: chukwuyemiharagbon@gmail.com
Email: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9088-4791
Abstract
The study comparatively analyzed the capabilities of the US/Allies and the Emerging Powers with the aim of
identifying the most advantageous group and the variable that guarantees long lasting influence among nations.
It adopted the Realist theory as framework and employed the content analysis design based on secondary data
obtained by unobtrusive means and analyzed by descriptive and simple percentage statistical tables and chart for
qualitative and quantitative data. The study uncovered that the use of traditional elements of states power as
measuring instrument reified military capabilities above all other indices; failed to capture the place of national
currencies in the determination of states influence. The study argues that the indices of states power are relative,
as such none should claim absolution and if any should assume absolution, the finance or wealth of the nation
stands a better chance since it interact on a more consistent basis with all other indices of national power to
influence. The study concludes that though the US/Allies still maintain an edge over the Emerging Powers in
military and technological innovation, the alliance of the most populous countries with enough financial clout is
a big challenge. The study recommends that national currency be added as an index of states power; the
US/Allies should redirect their investment on defense to the development of the least developed areas of the
earth to garner more influence; the Emerging Powers should devout their financial clout towards economic
development rather than pursue parity in military terms with the US/Allies to ensure a stable global society
devoid of arm race and its attendant consequences.
Keywords: Power; National Capabilities; US/Allies; Emerging Powers; National Currency.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
* Corresponding author.
2. International Journal of Sciences: Basic and Applied Research (IJSBAR) (2018) Volume 37, No 3, pp 186-204
187
1.Introduction
During the Cold War analysts and policy experts in Washington warned that China’s alliance with Soviet Union
could threaten America’s preeminent position in global leadership; as such the United States did all within her
reach to ensure that China and the former Soviet Union did not foist any close military collaboration. Following
the end of the cold war and the dismemberment of Soviet Union/Warsaw Pact, America emerged as the sole
super power; prompting Francis Fukuyama to write an article entitled The End of History and the Last Man’’[1].
Thenceforth, all efforts at comparing the capabilities of rival nations have been centered on the United States
and China with less attention paid to the possibility of an alliance between a resurgent Russia, a more assertive
China and other emerging nations. And most of such comparative studies acknowledge the economic ascension
of China but concluded that such economic rise cannot challenge the preeminent position of the US in global
leadership in fundamental ways [2].
However, the global economic crisis of 2007 -2009 opened up a new vista in the projection of states power and
influence as it has brought hitherto unwilling nations into closer collaboration with one another in both
economic and military terms. In the first place China and Russia signed a pact forming the Shanghai
Cooperation Organization SCO in 2001 and in 2009 masterminded the formation of a new organization called
the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa); the New Development Bank/Contingency Reserve
Arrangement thereby creating a new military and economic balance bringing to reality the worst American
fears- China and Russian alliance [3,4].
The problem therefore is to comparatively analyze the capabilities of the US/Allies and the Emerging Powers in
a bid to identifying the strength and weaknesses of the contending nations and the variables that wields the most
tremendous influence among the peoples of the world. Though it has been argued that the emerging powers
cannot possibly form a cohesive alliance against the US/Allies considering the frequent border clashes between
China and India [4]; but since they have been able to create fora through the BRICS and Shanghai Cooperation
Organization where they can interact on a frequent and consistent basis; embarked upon initiatives and the
productions of smart weapons such as Air Defense Identification Zone ADIZ and the Anti-Access Area Denial
A2/AD that aimed at limiting US/Allies influence and the fact that they have been consistent with common
opinion against US/Allies unilateralism and their quest for a multipolar world order in the management of the
international system is indicative of the challenge they pose to US/Allies preeminent global position [5,6].
Accordingly, this study sees those institutions and initiatives as grand design by Emerging Powers especially
China and Russia to limit the influence of US/Allies in the system. The amalgamation of India, South Africa and
Brazil is to guarantee China and Russia a global reach. Such a convergence have prompted the need for a
comparative analysis of the capabilities of the group under study in a bid to identifying the most advantageous
group and the variable that guarantees more enduring influence among nations. The questions therefore are what
is the concept of national power and its identifiable indices? How can such indices be compared among the
nations under study to determine groups at advantage in national capabilities? And which of these indices wields
the greatest influence among people and nations of the world? The above questions shall be addressed through
the historical content analysis approach based on secondary sources of data sourced by unobtrusive means.
3. International Journal of Sciences: Basic and Applied Research (IJSBAR) (2018) Volume 37, No 3, pp 186-204
188
Though the above approach is limited to recorded information, failed to interrogate the processes that brought
about the recorded information and that the problem of bias is always evident in the choice of document to be
analyzed, the fact that the process is unobtrusive and emphasized on the validity of credible multiple sources
made it the choicest approach for the study. Having said that, the starting point for this endeavor shall be the
clarification of the concept of National power.
1.1 National Power
There is no consensus among scholars of political science and international relations regarding a generally
accepted definition of the concept of national power; nevertheless, Realism as a theory and its adherents stresses
the overwhelming importance of material capabilities expressed militarily in the determination of national
power [7,8]. Therefore, concepts as capability, ability. influence and control are ever present in most definitions
of power and manifests in Morgenthau’s’ definition of power as ‘man’s control over the minds and actions of
other men… political power as a psychological relationship between those who exercise it and those over whom
it is exercised’[9]. For this study therefore, national power is conceived as the capabilities/potentials at the
disposal of any state and the ability of such a state to influence or control other members of the international
community to act against their will in favor of the nation that possess such capabilities.
The above definition suggests that power could be dormant or active; it is dormant if the nation that possesses it
cannot turn it into influence and power becomes active when the nation that possesses it influences others by it.
Power can compel obedience or induce willing obedience: it compels obedience if it relate to military force
while it induces willing obedience if it has to do with economic or financial influence on others. But this study
argues that economic or financial power has the greatest and long lasting influence on both men and nations.
The question on the visible indices of states’ power and how they can be compared among the contending
nations is better addressed in the following sections as it comparatively analyze how such indices work to
increase or limit the influence of the US/Allies and the Emerging Powers.
1.2 The Indices of National Power
The indices of national power has well been articulated by Morgenthau to include geographical location,
population, military might, economic capacity, political culture, quality of diplomacy, quality of leadership and
national morale[10]. While the above almost entirely captured the essence of national power, it is more
concerned with what has been termed ‘hard power’ with less regard to other indices with which states can
influence their counterparts. Consequent upon such identified gap, Nye has been able to point out the
importance of other milder elements in what he termed ‘soft power’ in the determination of state influence.
Some of such indices emanates from a ‘nations culture, political values, and foreign policies, spread by liberal
institutions like the universities, churches, companies, foundations etc. that a state promotes’. He argued further
that economic ware withal and even the military can be a source of soft power especially when it touches
‘military-military cooperation/ training program and military distribution of humanitarian aid in complex
emergencies such as natural disaster’ [11,12].
4. International Journal of Sciences: Basic and Applied Research (IJSBAR) (2018) Volume 37, No 3, pp 186-204
189
While all these add to the ability of a state to control others, it fall short of according national currency a place
as an index of power. The growing influence of national currency as an index of state power has prompted The
Economist to describe the US dollars as ‘the pillar of American soft power’[13]; thereby underscoring its
importance in the measurement of state’s power. Consequent upon the above, the power of the states under
study and the influence they wield on others will better be appreciated with a comparative analysis of the above
listed variables.
1.3 The Capabilities of the US/Allies and the Emerging Powers in Comparative Term
Attempts by Brookes & Wholforth to comparatively analyze the capabilities of US/Allies and the Emerging
Powers through such indices as military capacity, economic ware withal, and technological capacity as
measuring instrument though acknowledged the potentials of the Emerging Powers especially China, but
concluded that China’s capabilities face major challenges such as low technological level, a bigger US/Allies
military advantage, harder transition from economic capability to military power and from a great power to a
super power. Consequently, they concluded that the US/Allies will remain dominant in the foreseeable future
[14]. Since the above measure relied only on a few variables, this article argues that certain determinants like
geostrategic location, population, and the character of national currencies were left uncovered and the need for a
broader measure taking into account the uncovered variables with geostrategic location as a starting point.
1.4 Geostrategic Location
In the first place the location of states on a given geographical landmass confers certain advantages or
disadvantages in terms of raw materials/natural resource availability and access to the sea [15]. If a state is
landlocked such a state can hardly make independent foreign policies choice without consulting the state that
permits her access to the sea. But a coastal state has more freedom of choice on foreign policy issues. The above
could explain why Morgenthau, noted that “geography is the most stable factor upon which the power of state
depends” [16]. The question therefore is how well are the US/Allies located compared to the Emerging Powers?
The answer to the above question is addressed in the analysis section. Nevertheless, as important as the
geostrategic location, it must take human ingenuity to exploit her resources to one’s advantage and such human
ingenuity can only be located in the demography or population of a given nation. As such the study’s attention
will be focused on the population element of the power of a state in the subsequent section..
1.5 The Population of the US/Allies and the Emerging Powers Compared
Population as an element of state power, could be viewed from the quantitative, qualitative and leadership angle.
Quantitatively, it refers to the volume of human capital available to a nation. The higher the volume of human
capital, the cheaper the labour at the nation’s disposal; the cheaper the labour, the more foreign firms are willing
to establish industries in such a location. Moreover, the larger the population the larger the market; the larger the
market the higher the turnover of goods and services; and ultimately the higher the revenue accruable to the
nation having such population. Consequently, it is imperative to present a comparative figure of the US/Allies
and the BRICS with a view to unearthing its impact on their power capabilities.
5. International Journal of Sciences: Basic and Applied Research (IJSBAR) (2018) Volume 37, No 3, pp 186-204
190
In qualitative terms, the key words to understanding the quality of a countries demographic distribution are
“input and output” [17]. By input, we stress the material investment in human capital and infrastructural
development. Such investment is often targeted towards “education, skills acquisition, tacit knowledge and
health of the populace” [18]. Whereas the resources devoted to developing the quality of human capital and
innovation in technology is one aspect of the input, the other aspect is the skill level of those who use the
resources for innovation [19]. Such quality is better appreciated in what is termed Research and Development
(R&D) as it indicate the volume of resources a nation devout to the development of its human capital/
1.6 US/Allies and the Emerging Powers Defense Capabilities Compared
When comparing defense capabilities, attention have traditionally been place on defense expenditures which
give insight to the preference of nations in terms of military preparedness. But Brookes & Wohlforth, contended
that, “studies relying on this approach… failed to address an important objection: that military expense is a
matter of choice and it may be misleading to use such number to capture something that is a limitation on
choice. Therefore, they contend that military capabilities should be measured in terms of the “flow and the
stock” [20]. While the above represent an approach to arrive at a more objective result, the study contends that
they placed undue deference on the stock as against the flow forgetting that the flow actually created the stock
over time. Consequently this study shall take a comparative analysis of the flow and the stock in the analysis
section.
1.7 Economic/Financial Capabilities of the US/Allies and the BRICS
It has been argued that economic/financial capabilities measured in Gross Domestic Product (GDP) do not
reflect the true wealth and power of a nation. Reasons adduced to the above being that “converting economic
output into military power and technological capacity is a complex and time consuming process; such measure
is developed in and for era of mass production; it fails to capture the significance of information, sustainability
and economic globalization; it also undercut the growth of data driven activities and that national account does
not meaningfully assess power in global political economy [21, 22, 23,24].
Though the above objections contain some merits, this study contends that the use of GDP as a measure of state
power cannot easily be discountenanced because of the aphorism that says ‘the journey of a thousand miles
starts with the first step’. Before the “Rise of the Rest” [25], it has been the custom to use such measure and it
accounted for one of the reasons the US/Allies were seen as the dominant states in the system; now that other
states are gaining clout through the same measure the standard should be sustained. Consequently, the economic
/financial capabilities of the US/Allies and the BRICS shall be comparatively analyzed.
The place of economic or what the study prefers to call financial capabilities of a nation in the measurement of
states power cannot be overemphasized because economic growth produces political confidence which enable
statesmen to undertake adventurous and independent foreign policy initiatives. For instance China/Russia
A2/AD, ADIZ, NDB, CRA, AIIB and the OBOR initiatives demonstrate how financial capabilities can enhance
confidence building [26]. Had China not grown in wealth, she could not have got the confidence to embark upon
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such bold policy initiatives that run counter to the interest of the US/Allies. The above could explain why
Kennedy stated that “wealth is usually needed to underpin military power” [27]. In other words it takes great
wealth to build formidable military especially in the era of advance technological innovations. The industrial
capacity that is needed for modern productions must be built by huge financial outlay, lack of which could mean
either no capacity or projects abandoned. For instance an attempt by the Russian Federation to build a nuclear
powered air craft carrier in the 1990s was abandoned due to the uneconomic nature of the project. In other
words the lack of financial resources constrained Russia in an attempt to develop such technology that could
have placed her at par with the US as the only countries that have nuclear powered air craft carrier. And since
the US alone could afford it, it remained top in that category of armament and many others.
Moreover, the technological expertise that is needed to arrive at such high-tech equipment for modern warfare
must be acquired through training and retraining which can only be assured by huge financial outlay in Research
and Development (R&D). Consequently, the US/Allies remain on top in terms of innovation and inventions in
both civil and military circles spending to the tune of ‘$894.94 billion in 2016’ [28]. The outcome of such huge
expense in research and development could be seen in the number of operational satellites, nuclear powered sub-
marine and air craft carriers under the control of the US/ Allies.
Added is that it takes great wealth to supply modern forces in peace time and war time. It is on record that the
US/Allies controls a total of ‘15,151 serviceable ports besides refueling stations around the world’ [29]; it is also
on record that the US/Allies have command structures in all the continents of the world. All these infrastructures
and men operating them are daily supplied with food, water, oil and gas, computers, telephones and other
communication gadgets. The above can only be sustained by huge financial resources at ones disposal.
Consequent upon the above, the financial capability of the nations under study must be given a pride of space in
the consideration of the power of the nations; therefore, a comparative analysis of the finances of the US/Allies
and the Emerging Powers is of necessity.
1.8 The US/Allies and BRICS National Currencies Compared
Though much stress has been laid on the impact of geostrategic location, population, education/Research and
Development, political leadership, military capability and economic ware withal calculated in GDP on the
powers of a state; not much has been said regarding the international character of the national currencies as it
affects the power of a state. This study make bold attempt to argue the case for national currencies as an index
of state power considering the influence currencies wield on citizens and nations of the world. To better
understand the place of the national currencies in the determination of the power of states, it is therefore
imperative to make a comparative analysis of the national currencies of the nations under study, refer to analysis
section.
Though the study acknowledge the role of a nation’s military in the determination of the powers of states as
argued by realist scholars, but it contends that the indices of states power are relative. By relativity, we mean
that the elements of states power interact with one another to produce the needed influence. So to reify one
especially military capability in the measurement of states power renders other indices of states power
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inconsequential. The study contends further that if there is any index of state power that should be reified or
that could attempt to lay claim to absolution in the measurement of state powers, the financial standing or wealth
of the nations and the international character of the nation’s currency stands a better chance. Reasons being that
the finance of a state is the variable that interacts on a more consistent basis with all other indices of power to
produce influence.
The question therefore is how much influence has the US/Allies been able to garner through their military
exercise of power? The study’s answer to the above question is from empirical observations; it noted that
whenever America and Allies call upon the military might to exact influence on the world, they always ended up
distancing themselves more from the world [30,31]. The Vietnam War, the Iraq war, the Balkan Crisis, the
Libyan invasion etc. are instances to note. Rather than make America more influential, it made her less
influential. But any time America call upon her financial prowess to influence the world, it endeared her more to
the world, the Marshal Aid Plan, America’s response to the 1990 Mexico financial crisis and those of the South
East Asia and president Bush Jr. One dollar policy during the Iraqi war tended to legitimize the war. [32,33,34]
In the same vein as China/Russia use their military power to occupy the Spratly Island and the Crimea
respectively they became more distanced from their regional neighbours. But the OBOR and AIIB initiatives
which even American allies have bought into has endeared China to the world, thereby proving that financial
prowess is the elixir that guarantee global influence. As both sides contend for influence in the system it will
produce implications that could alter the entire system in a significant way.
3.Data Presentation and Analysis
The data for this article were secondary documents from global think tanks, they includes the Industrial
Research Institute’s 2016 Global R&D Funding Forecast: A Supplement to R&D Magazine Winter 2016;
Stockholm International Peace Research Institute’s Fact Sheet: Trends in Nuclear Forces 2016 and Trends in
World Military Expenditure 2017; World Bank Data 2016 Total Reserves (Includes Gold, Current US$); World
Economic Forum Document by James Harold 2013 titled Which Country Will Dominate the World Economy?;
and Global Fire Power’s World Military Ranking 2016. Added are defense strategies of leading nations such as
US Department of Defense military Strategy 2012 and 2015, the US Department of the Treasury report to
Congress 2016 and Russia’s Presidential Decree: military Strategy 2015 The said document were written
between 2012 and 2017; and were targeted to the nations under study and the global community for research
and policy prescriptions.
The above documents were written by staff members of the global think tanks, experts in the field of
international relations and professionals serving under the defense ministries and departments of the nations
under study and since these have been in the fore front of collating and analyzing global data and the fact that
the defense ministries have been responsible for the nation’s security strategy the study had no reason to doubt
the authenticity of the document.
3.1 Data Analysis
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Whereas question one in relation to the definition of the concept of national power has been treated in the
introductory section we had no reason to repeat it at this stage as such our analysis shall focus on question Two
and Three. Such analysis were done on the basis of the nature of the data in question, data that are quantitative
were presented in statistical tables and pie charts while the qualitative data were analyzed based on the content
of the documents in relation to the study.
Question Two (2): How can such indices be compared among the nations under study to determine the groups at
advantage in defense capabilities?
The tables and charts below give insights into the analysis of the above question
Table 1: Comparing the National Capabilities of the US/Allies and Emerging Powers
COUNTRIES % OF
LAND
AREA PER
COUNTRY
2017
CRUDE OIL
PPRDUTION
(BARREL)
2016
% OF
WORLD
POPULATION
2016
% OF
R&D PER
COUNTRY
2016
% OF
GLOBAL
GDP
EXTERNAL
DEBT/COUNTRY
In US $
EXTERNAL
RESERVE
IN US $
% OF GLOBAL
ACCEPTABILITY
OF NATIONAL
CURRENCIES
UNITED
STATES
6.1 8,653,000 b/d 4.34 3.4 24 17.910 t 405,942.34 b 80
GERMANY 0.234 48,830 b/d 1.10 2.89 3.45 5.326 t 184,031.31 b 37
UNITED
KINGDOM
0.162 787,200 b/d 0.87 1.7 2.39 8.126 t 134,931.83 b 12
JAPAN 0.245 4,666 b/d 1.7 3.58 6.65 3.240 t 1,216,518.74 t 21.6
FRANCE 0.368 15,340 b/d 0.9 2.26 2.36 5.360 t 145,866.05 b -
US/ALLIES 7.11 % 9,509,036 b/d 8.91 % 14.82 % 38.85 % 39.962 t 2,087,290.27 t 150.6 %
CHINA 6.3 4,189,000 b/d 18.5 2.05 15 983.5 b 3,097,658.40 t 4.0
RUSSIA 11.0 10,110,000
b/d
1.96 1.19 3.3 54.8 b 377,052.19 b 1.0
INDIA 2.0 767,600 b/d 17.5 0.76 6.8 507.0 b 361,694.2 b 1.1
BRAZI 5.6 2,255,000 b/d 2.77 1.16 3.0 544.1 b 364,984.03 b 1.0
SOUTH
AFRICA
0.814 3,000 b/d 0.7 0.87 0.1 129.7 b 47,180.12 b 1.0
EMERGING
POWERS
25.714 % 19,324,600
b/d
41.43 % 6.03 % 28.2 % 2.669 t 4,248,568.94 t 8.1%
SOURCES: Global Fire Power (2016) Oil Production by Countries; World Bank Data 2016 Total Reserves
(Includes Gold, Current US$);Industrial Research Institute (IRI), Research-Technology Management (RTM) &
R&D Magazine 2016 Global Research and Development Funding Forecast, Swift Data 2011 Release of ICC
Global Trade and Finance survey.[35, 36, 37, 38]
The above table is better clarified with the following charts which show the standing of US/Allies and the
Emerging powers on the indices of states’ capabilities.
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Figure 1: Global percentage of Land Area occupied by US/Allies and the Emerging Powers
The figure above reveal that the Emerging Powers are at advantage in terms of percentage of land area under
their jurisdiction.
Apart from having the largest land area, such landmass is also well endowed with energy source such as crude
oil; as the figures indicated that while the US/Allies can only boast of 9,509,026 barrel of crude oil per day. The
Emerging Powers produces 19,324,600 barrels per day giving them advantage over the US/Allies in terms of
energy supply.
Figure 2: Comparison of the percentage of world population as an index of power between US/Allies and
Emerging Powers
On the percentage of world population between the US/Allies and the Emerging Powers as an index of power,
the figure shows that the Emerging Powers lead quantitatively with 41.43 percent as against 8.91 percent of the
US/Allies in that element of states’ power. However, on the quality of investment on each group’s human
capital in what is termed Research and Development, the aggregate of US/Allies figure put at 14.82 percent is
higher than those of the Emerging Powers at 6.03 percent. This implies that the US/Allies leads in terms of the
7.11
25.714
67.76
Scale
US/Allies Emerging Powers others
8.91%
41.43%
49.66%
0
Scales
US/Allies Emerging Powers Others
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quality of manpower.In comparing the GDP of the US/Allies and the Emerging Powers table 1 indicated that the
US/Allies controls higher percentage of global GDP compared to the Emerging Powers. For clarity, such figures
are presented in the chart below.
Figure 3: The GDP of the US/Allies and the Emerging Powers Compared
Although the US/Allies leads in economic productivity, table 1 attested to the fact that their external debt burden
put at $39.962 trillion far exceed those of the Emerging Powers at $2.669 trillion. The low external debt burden
of the Emerging powers has great bearing on their foreign exchange reserve which is put at $4,248,568.94
trillion as against the US/Allies at $2,087,290.27 trillion. However, in comparing the global acceptability of the
national currencies of the groups under study table 1 revealed that the currencies of the US/Allies is more
globally accepted than those of the Emerging Powers. Consequently, the US/Allies has been able to project
power by influencing the entire world with their national currencies. For clarity, the same is represented in the
chart below:-
Figure 4: Comparing Global Acceptability of the national Currencies of the US/Allies and the Emerging
Powers
Note that 200 percent scale is used for data on national currencies because arriving at exchange rate differential
is a two-way traffic since two currencies must interact to arrive at such a differentials.
Table 2: The Flow and Stock of Defense Capabilities of the US/Allies and Emerging Powers.
38.85%
28.20%
32.95%
0
Scales
US/Allies Emerging Powers Others
150.60%
8.10%
41.30%
0Scale
US/Allies Emerging Powers Others
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COUNTRIES % OF DEFENSE
EXPENDICTURE
2016
STOCKPILE OF
MILITARY
WARES/AIR
POWER
STOCKPILE OF
MILITARY
WARES/NAVAL
POWER
STOCKPILE OF
NUCLEAR WAR
HEADS/
COUNTRY
OPERATIONAL
SATELITE PER
OUNTRY
UNITED
STATES
36 3,762 415 7000 568
GERMANY 2.4 698 81 - 49
UNITED
KINGDOM
3.3 856 76 215 42
JAPAN 2.4 1,594 131 - 56
FRANCE 3.0 1,305 118 300 63
US/ALLIES 47.1 % 18,215 731 7515 778
CHINA 13.0 2955 714 260 177
RUSSIA 4.0 3794 352 7290 133
INDIA 3.1 2,102 295 120 78
BRAZI 1.5 697 110 - 16
SOUTH
AFRICA
NA 231 30 - 4
EMERGING
POWERS
21.6 % 8,779 1501 7670 408
SOURCES: Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (2017) Trends in Military Spending; Stockholm
International Peace Research Institute (2016) Trends in World’s Nuclear Forces 2016; Global Firepower (2016)
World’s Military Ranking; World atlas (2017) Countries with The Most Operational Satellites in Orbit [39],
[4o] [41]
Furthermore, aggregate figure on the flow of investment into the defense sector of the groups under study is
clarified on the chart below and it shows that the US/Allies spends more on the defense sector than the
Emerging Powers.
Figure 5: Comparison of the Percentage of Military Expenditure between the US/Allies and the Emerging
Powers in 2016
The figure above is reinforced by their aerial capabilities which aggregated to 18,215 against the Emerging
Powers total of 8,779. But on the stockpile of naval capabilities the Emerging Powers maintains an edge over
the US/Allies. While they control a total of 1501 naval fleet, the US/Allies controls 731 aggregate. But data
from Global Firepower (2017) indicated that the US/Allies have a higher number of aircraft carrier put at 29
47.10%
21.60%
31.30%
0Scales
US/Allies Emerging Powers Others
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against the Emerging Powers 5 aircraft carrier, though they have larger number of fleet. The US while
acknowledging the strides that China has made in its military modernization drive noted in the Department of
Defense 2015 Security strategy that,
China sees a need for the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) to be able to support China’s “new historic
missions” and operational tasks outside the first island chain with multi-mission, long-range, sustainable naval
platforms equipped with robust self-defense capabilities. Although quantity is only one component of overall
capability, from 2013 to 2014, China launched more naval vessels than any other country. The PLAN now
possesses the largest number of vessels in Asia, with more than 300 surface ships, submarines, amphibious
ships, and patrol craft. (par. 7)[42].
More also, on the stockpile of nuclear warheads the aggregate for the Emerging Powers put at 7670 is higher
than those of US/Allies at 7515 and Russia is continuing efforts at “strengthening the country's defense (par 30).
However, out of the 7690 held by the Emerging powers only about 1790 owned by Russia are deployed while
those held by China and India are not yet deployed and according to Stockholm International Peace Research
Institute (2016),
the USA maintained a stockpile of approximately 4500 operational nuclear warheads. This included
approximately 1930 deployed nuclear warheads, consisting of roughly 1750 strategic and 180 non-strategic
(tactical) warheads (P 2) [43].
In addition, on the comparison of operational satellite per country table 2 above reveal that the US/Allies
operate the highest number of satellite which is put at 778 against 408 operated by the Emerging Powers, this
has also added to the advantage of the US/Allies. Consequently, Chinese Military Strategy noted that increase
in defense capability ‘posed new and severe challenges to China's military security’ (par 10) [44].
Question (3): which of these indices wields the greatest influence among people and nations of the world?
The documents analyzed showed great concern for the role of finance and institutions in the global influence of
nations. James a Professor of History and International Affairs, Princeton University while writing for World
Economic Forum commented on the role of global finance and financial institutions in the entrenchment of
US/Allies global leadership noting that at the 1944 Breton Woods conference the US crafted the post World
War II international monetary and financial order. …today America’s leadership in global trade and financial
and monetary governance rest on inter-related strength. The US provides the world key international currency,
serves as the linchpin of global demand, establishes trends in financial regulation and has a central bank that acts
as the de-facto lender of last resort (James for World Economic Forum paragraph 6-7) [45].
He noted further that the US dollar is a force that have enhanced US global leadership, stressing that
…the US remains the undisputed leader in global finance. Indeed, American financial markets boast
unparalleled depth, liquidity, and safety, making them magnets for global capital, especially in times of financial
distress. This “pulling power,” central to US financial dominance, underpins the dollar’s global role, as investors
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in search of safe, liquid assets pour money into US Treasury securities (Par 13) [46].
Consequent upon the above, the US has over the years ensured that her dominance in global leadership remain
entrenched through the instrumentality of IMF/World Bank by ensuring that these institutions serve US national
economic objective. This view is evident in the Secretary of the Treasury Department Report to the Congress
(2016), it stated that section 1705 (a) of International Financial Institutions Act (IFC ACT) 22U.S.C& 262 r-
4(a), requires the Secretary of the Treasury to submit a report on the progress made by (a) the US Executive
Director (USED) in influencing the IMF to adopt various policies and reforms…in addition Treasury’s office of
International Monetary policy and office of the United States Executive Director of IMF (OUSED)
communicate with internal treasury offices and other US agencies as appropriate to increase awareness about
legislative mandates and identify opportunities to influence the IMF decisions in line with broader US
international economic policy objectives (p 2 paragraph 2&4) [47].
Such policy instruments to influence the world through the IMF/World Bank is evident in US advocated
conditionality attached to IMF/World Bank grants. As such countries that must access IMF/World Bank grants
are expected to deregulate, liberalize and privatize publicly owned businesses. In other words such countries
should adopt the Structural Adjustment Program otherwise called the ‘Washington Consensus’. This explains
why the report of the Treasury Department to the US Congress noted further that, the OUSED plays a strong
oversight role in encouraging the IMF management to approve new programs or request for disbursement only
after the requesting country has accomplished the required policy actions. If a country fails to meet its
commitments the program may be put on hold- and the disbursements cease until the government has taken
action to put the program back on track (pp. 15-16) [48].
The use of IMF/World Bank to influence other countries economic policies by the US/Allies has prompted the
Emerging powers to question the domineering influence of the US/Allies at these institutions. First, Russia in its
Presidential Decree 2015 was concerned that,
the growing influence of political factors on economic processes and an attempt to use separate states’ economic
methods and tool of financial, trade, investment and technology policies to address its geopolitical problems
weakens the stability of the system of international economic relations… Increased interest in the use regional
currencies (par 24& 25) [49].
3.2 Findings and Discussion
1. The study found that the military balance is not so disproportionate, while the Emerging Powers are at
advantage quantitatively, the US/Allies maintains an edge in qualitative terms and delivery systems.
2. The study’s findings support the assertion that global finance as a pillar of world politics wields more
influence than military capability; a source of US/Allies global dominance and a catalyst for the
struggle for global leadership by the Emerging Powers.
3. The US/Allies has the lowest external reserve and the highest stock of debt burden yet it has not
negatively affected the value of their national currencies, economic development and power
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projections.
4. National currency is assuming a position of importance in the determination of national power as it has
become a new front for national competition.
3.3 Discussion of Findings
The documents analyzed revealed that in comparison of the defense capabilities of the US/Allies and the
Emerging Powers, the balance is not so disproportionate. For instance it acknowledged that while the Emerging
Powers are at advantage numerically or quantitatively in land area/derivative (crude oil), demography or
manpower, external reserve, naval capability and stockpile of nuclear warheads; the US/Allies lead in GDP,
defense expenditure, R&D, national currencies, aerial defense infrastructure, the number of deployed nuclear
warheads and in qualitative terms especially in military delivery systems.
Moreover, Britain and France, Allies of the US has 120 and 280 deployed nuclear warheads respectively; if
these are added to those of the US, you discover that the US/Allies controls a total of 2330 deployed nuclear
warheads higher than the 1790 deployed by Russia and the Emerging Powers thereby giving them advantage
over the Emerging Powers in strategic terms [50].
Second, through the dominance of global finance and financial institutions the US/Allies have been able to
entrench their global leadership in world politics. On the other hand the Emerging Powers have been able to
show great influence in the world due to their growing financial clout. This reinforce the view that financial
capability wields more influence than military capability. It noted that whenever America and allies call upon
their military might to exact influence on the world, they always ended up distancing themselves more from the
world. The Vietnam War, the Iraq war, the Balkan Crisis, the Libyan invasion etc. are instances to note. Rather
than make America more influential, it made her less influential. But any time America call upon her financial
prowess to influence the world, it endeared her more to the world, the Marshal Aid Plan, America’s response to
the 1990 Mexico financial crisis and those of the South East Asia and President Bush Jr. call on Americans to
donate One dollar each to Iraqi children during the Iraqi war tended to legitimize the war. In the same vein as
China/Russia use their military power to occupy the Spratly Island and Crimea respectively they became more
distanced from their regional neighbours. But the OBOR and AIIB initiatives has endeared China to the world
thereby proving that financial prowess is the elixir that guarantee global influence.
Besides, the analysis also highlighted the fact that national currency has become an index of national power that
should be giving its due consideration. This has become so important considering the fact that though the
US/Allies maintain the highest debt burden and the lowest stock of external reserve, they still remain dominance
due to the fact that their currencies are the dominant currencies, revealing that the currencies of the US/Allies
are more globally accepted and widely in use in multiple countries whereas the Emerging Powers currencies are
not so much in use. Added is that commodity products such as Gold, Silver, Uranium, Diamond, Crude Oil etc.
are priced in dollars. The influence the US Dollar wields on the global stage has warranted the term dollar-
mania- a term that described the frenzy with which individuals, corporate bodies and governments acquire, store
and invest in dollar related instruments. Prompting the emerging powers to push for the issuance of the Green
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Bond in the Chinese Reminbi if only to limit the rate at which capital move in the direction of the US/Allies.
To further deepen the international character of the Yuan, the Chinese has entered into swap line agreement with
more than 35 countries including Nigeria, Egypt and a host of others. Worthy of note is that China and Russia
are initiating policies to distance themselves from the dollars, thereby initiating a currency war between
US/Allies and the Emerging Powers and projecting their national currencies to be more internationally accepted.
For instance China and Russia are selling off their treasury bonds hitherto in dollars and procuring bullions of
gold. China has also initiated a policy to price crude oil in Yuan/Reminbi prompting many to conclude that
China is poised to dethrone the dollar as the global payment system. These are made possible by their growing
economic capabilities, no wonder Waltz noted that ‘great power status cannot be maintained without economic
capabilities.’ [51].
Based on the above, it is clear that though the US/Allies leads in defense capabilities, but the growth of the
Emerging Powers especially China and Russia in finance and quantitative military terms is tending to erode
US/Allies lead prompting an emergence of a new arm race that exacerbates the realist concept of security
dilemma.
4.Conclusion/ Recommendations
The study concludes that national power relates to the influence its capabilities can wield on others in the
system, noting that such capabilities could be ‘hard’ or ‘soft’. While the study acknowledge the role of a
nation’s military, geostrategic location, population and the economy in the determination of the powers of states,
it contends that the indices of states power are relative. So, to reify one especially military capability in the
measurement of states power render others inconsequential. The study concludes that the financial standing or
wealth of the nation guarantees a more lasting influence. The reason being that, the finance of a state is the
variable that interacts on a more consistent basis with all other indices of power to produce influence. And the
influence it produces last longer than the influence military power can produce since it produces willing
obedience.
The researcher deduced that competition for global leadership is recurrent and that global finance is a spring
board for such struggle. Though the US/Allies has the largest stock of debt burden, prompting the term Highly
Indebted Rich Countries (HIRC) yet they maintain dominance due to the network of global financial investment
instruments and dominant currencies that starch fund away from the emerging and developing economies to
where fund meet investments that yield better dividend on currencies whose values are assured. The researcher
further inferred that the Emerging Powers are establishing alternative investment instrument through the
issuance of the Green Bond in the Chinese Reminbi that can limit capital outflow from the emerging markets
and presenting the Reminbi as an international reserve currency. The researcher therefore concludes that such
initiatives is tending towards the creation of multiple currency blocs reminiscent of the pre-World War II era
and that it could further entrench exchange rate instability and inconvertibility of certain currencies. Moreover,
the researcher deduced that the opportunity cost of increased military expenditure is the alternative productive
economic sector that is forgone [52]. This is further reinforcing the realist concept of security dilemma and
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unless urgent step is taking such trend will ultimately lead to the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction
and the possibility of getting into the hands of non-state terrorist organizations.
The study therefore recommends that the national currencies should be added as an index of states power. And
for the national currencies of any nation to influence as an index of power it must meet global acceptable
standard, it must be widely accepted as a medium of exchange to ensure that those earning it can use it to
purchase their goods and services; it should serve as a measure of value so that you may know the worth of what
you are exchanging; it must also serve as a store of value so that people will be motivated to keep their wealth in
the form of money and it must serve as a standard for deferred payment to ensure that people are willing to lend
their money out with the hope that when the money is repaid in future its purchasing power will be assured.
The study further recommends that the emerging powers should devout their economic clout on bettering the
lots of their citizenry rather than engage in a fruitless effort to pursue parity in military terms with their rival.
Thereby helping to save the world from a third global war with cataclysmic consequences. Added is that rather
than influence the world by military means wealthy nations of the world should seek to use their wealth to assist
the needy wherever they could be found in the world to bridge the gap of inequality in the entire world and
boost their powers thereby..
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