p a t r i c k j . i b e rWho Will Impose Democracyâ Sac.docxalfred4lewis58146
Â
p a t r i c k j . i b e r
âWho Will Impose Democracy?â: Sacha Volman and the
Contradictions of CIA Support for the Anticommunist
Left in Latin America*
Short-story writer, anti-dictatorial conspirator, and politician, Juan Bosch took
office as the elected president of the Dominican Republic in early 1963. His friend
on the anticommunist left, RoĚmulo Betancourtâthen president of Venezuelaâ
observed to President Kennedy that his own nationâs writer-president had lasted
only nine months before being overthrown, and he had been a novelist. Bosch was
merely a short-story writer, Betancourt joked: Could he last even that long?1
He did not. Bosch was overthrown after seven months in a coup led by ElÄąĚas
Wessin y Wessin, a fanatically anticommunist right-wing air-force colonel. Less
than two years later, the Johnson administration issued controversial orders to
occupy the country, which had the effect of blocking an armed uprising that
sought to restore the progressive constitution Bosch had put in place.
Meanwhile, in testimony before a Senate subcommittee, Wessin y Wessin, by
then a general, stated that Bosch and his colleagues were Communists. Asked
specifically about one Sacha Volman, a Romanian associate of Bosch who had
served him as a close but unofficial advisor while he had been president, Wessin
y Wessin said: âTell me with whom you go, and I will tell you who you are.â2
*As this article has taken shape, it has had many readers who have provided useful comments
and suggestions. I would like to thank Mauricio Tenorio, Emilio KourÄąĚ, Barry Carr, Mark Healey,
Mark Mancall, Sarah Osten, Ben Johnson, Nicole Louie, and the two anonymous reviewers for
Diplomatic History. Dain Borges suggested the idea of Volman as a twentieth-century filibuster. I
also gratefully acknowledge the George C. Marshall Foundation, through the Marshall-Baruch
Research Fellowship, whose financial support made much of this research possible. Input from my
readers has made the article better; any errors of fact or judgment, of course, remain my own.
1. Betancourt was referring to RoĚmulo Gallegos, best known as author of DonĚa BaĚrbara, who
was president of Venezuela from February to November 1948. Robert J. Alexander, RoĚmulo
Betancourt and the Transformation of Venezuela (New Brunswick, 1982), 316.
2. âThe Kaplans of the C.I.A.,â The Herald of Freedom XXII, no. 9 (November 24, 1972): 2.
This conspiratorially minded right-wing publication managed to conclude that the CIA covertly
supported Communism abroad. See also âWessin Charges Dominican President Aids Reds,â New
York Times, November 19, 1965, 18 and Bernardo Vega, Kennedy y Bosch: aporte al estudio de las
relaciones internacionales del gobierno constitucional de 1963 (Santo Domingo, RepuĚblica Dominicana,
1993), 525â29. For a portrait of Wessin y Wessinâs Manichean anticommunism from the per-
spective of a liberal United States Ambassador to the Dominican Republic, see John Bartlow
Martin, Overtaken by Event.
p a t r i c k j . i b e rWho Will Impose Democracyâ Sac.docxalfred4lewis58146
Â
p a t r i c k j . i b e r
âWho Will Impose Democracy?â: Sacha Volman and the
Contradictions of CIA Support for the Anticommunist
Left in Latin America*
Short-story writer, anti-dictatorial conspirator, and politician, Juan Bosch took
office as the elected president of the Dominican Republic in early 1963. His friend
on the anticommunist left, RoĚmulo Betancourtâthen president of Venezuelaâ
observed to President Kennedy that his own nationâs writer-president had lasted
only nine months before being overthrown, and he had been a novelist. Bosch was
merely a short-story writer, Betancourt joked: Could he last even that long?1
He did not. Bosch was overthrown after seven months in a coup led by ElÄąĚas
Wessin y Wessin, a fanatically anticommunist right-wing air-force colonel. Less
than two years later, the Johnson administration issued controversial orders to
occupy the country, which had the effect of blocking an armed uprising that
sought to restore the progressive constitution Bosch had put in place.
Meanwhile, in testimony before a Senate subcommittee, Wessin y Wessin, by
then a general, stated that Bosch and his colleagues were Communists. Asked
specifically about one Sacha Volman, a Romanian associate of Bosch who had
served him as a close but unofficial advisor while he had been president, Wessin
y Wessin said: âTell me with whom you go, and I will tell you who you are.â2
*As this article has taken shape, it has had many readers who have provided useful comments
and suggestions. I would like to thank Mauricio Tenorio, Emilio KourÄąĚ, Barry Carr, Mark Healey,
Mark Mancall, Sarah Osten, Ben Johnson, Nicole Louie, and the two anonymous reviewers for
Diplomatic History. Dain Borges suggested the idea of Volman as a twentieth-century filibuster. I
also gratefully acknowledge the George C. Marshall Foundation, through the Marshall-Baruch
Research Fellowship, whose financial support made much of this research possible. Input from my
readers has made the article better; any errors of fact or judgment, of course, remain my own.
1. Betancourt was referring to RoĚmulo Gallegos, best known as author of DonĚa BaĚrbara, who
was president of Venezuela from February to November 1948. Robert J. Alexander, RoĚmulo
Betancourt and the Transformation of Venezuela (New Brunswick, 1982), 316.
2. âThe Kaplans of the C.I.A.,â The Herald of Freedom XXII, no. 9 (November 24, 1972): 2.
This conspiratorially minded right-wing publication managed to conclude that the CIA covertly
supported Communism abroad. See also âWessin Charges Dominican President Aids Reds,â New
York Times, November 19, 1965, 18 and Bernardo Vega, Kennedy y Bosch: aporte al estudio de las
relaciones internacionales del gobierno constitucional de 1963 (Santo Domingo, RepuĚblica Dominicana,
1993), 525â29. For a portrait of Wessin y Wessinâs Manichean anticommunism from the per-
spective of a liberal United States Ambassador to the Dominican Republic, see John Bartlow
Martin, Overtaken by Event.
Chapter 12 ReflectionCharles Grandison Finney â an evangelistic .docxcravennichole326
Â
Chapter 12 Reflection
Charles Grandison Finney â an evangelistic Presbyterian minister who became the most influential revival leader of the 1820s and 1830s.
Frederick Douglass â the greatest African American of all â and one of the most electrifying orators of his time, black or white â was Frederick Douglass. Born a slave in Maryland, Douglass escaped to Massachusetts in 1838, became an outspoken leader of anti-slavery sentiment. On his return to the United States in 1847, Douglass purchased his freedom from his Maryland owner and founded an antislavery newspaper, the North Star, in Rochester, New York. Douglass demanded for African Americans not only freedom but full social and economic social equality as well.
Henry David Thoreau â leading Concord transcendentalist. Thoreau went even further in repudiating the repressive forces of society. He produced the ideas that individuals should work for self-realization by resisting pressures to conform to societyâs expectations and responding instead to their instincts. Thoreauâs own efforts to free himself â immortalized in is most famous book, Walden â led him to build a small cabin in the Concord woods on the edge of Walden Pond, where he lived alone for two years as simply as he could.
Horace Mann â the greatest of educational reformers was Horace Mann, the first secretary of the Massachusetts Board of Education, which was established in 1837. To Mann, education was the only way to âcounterwork this tendency to the domination of capital and the servility of labor.â He reorganized the Massachusetts school system, lengthened the academic year (to six months, doubled teachersâ salaries, enriched the curriculum, and introduced new methods of professional training for teachers.
Joseph Smith - Mormonism began in upstate New York as a result of the efforts of Joseph Smith, a young, energetic, but economically unsuccessful man, who had spent most oh his twenty-four years moving restlessly through New England and the Northeast. In 1830, he published the Book of Mormon that told a story of an ancient and successful civilization in America, peopled by one of the lost tribes of Israel who had found their way to the New World centuries before Columbus.
Shakers â made a redefinition of traditional sexuality and gender roles central to their society and even embraced the idea of a God who was not clearly male or female.
Transcendentalism - idealistic philosophical and social movement that taught that divinity pervades all nature and humanity.
Walt Whitman - the self-proclaimed poet of American democracy, was the son of a Lon Island carpenter and lived for many years roaming from place to place, doing odd jobs, while writing poetry. In his large body of poems, Whitman not only helped liberate verse from traditional, restrictive conventions but also helped express the soaring spirit of individualisms that characterized his age.
Ralph Waldo Emerson â a Unitarian minister in his youth, Emerson left the church i ...
From Thomas Hobbes we have the first political philosophy in the English language. Called "Father of Atheists," he was the first person to "scientifically" argue for human equality!
Rape without Women Print Culture and the Politicization of Ra.docxmakdul
Â
Rape without Women: Print Culture and the Politicization of Rape, 1765-1815
Author(s): Sharon Block
Reviewed work(s):
Source: The Journal of American History, Vol. 89, No. 3 (Dec., 2002), pp. 849-868
Published by: Organization of American Historians
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3092343 .
Accessed: 14/10/2012 17:48
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]
.
Organization of American Historians is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to
The Journal of American History.
http://www.jstor.org
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=oah
http://www.jstor.org/stable/3092343?origin=JSTOR-pdf
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
Rape without Women:
Print Culture and the Politicization
of Rape, 1765-1815
Sharon Block
In 1815 a legal manual added a commentary to its recital of the proper treatment of
rape. The author noted that "the material facts requisite to be given" in a trial for rape
"are highly improper to be publicly discussed, except only in a court of justice." This
sentence unintentionally pointed to a central paradox of rape: while the classification
of a given sexual interaction as a criminal and morally reprehensible act of rape
depended on specific details, those details were not fit for public exposition. Yet
Americans regularly published remarks on rape in virtually every form of print: news-
papers and almanacs, broadsides and pamphlets, novels and plays. We are accus-
tomed to historians' viewing rape within its legal setting, but there was a print world
of rape outside court proceedings and their accompanying publications. That print
world transformed rape from an intimate sexual act into a public symbol that could
define national and social boundaries.1
Sharon Block is an assistant professor in the history department at the University of California, Irvine.
I owe thanks to Jim Egan, Alice Fahs, Kirsten Fischer, Karen Merrill, Martha Umphrey, and Michael Wilson
for their comments on earlier drafts of this essay. Versions of this paper were presented at the Newberry Library
Seminar in Early American History and the University of Kansas Seminar in Early Modern History. I am espe-
cially grateful to the anonymous reviewers for the JAH and to Nina Dayton for their thoughtful readers' reports.
Readers may contact Block at <[email protected]>.
' John A. Dunlap, The New-York Justice; or, A Digest of the Law Relative to Justices of the Peace in the State of
New-York (New York, 181 ...
Chapter 12 ReflectionCharles Grandison Finney â an evangelistic .docxcravennichole326
Â
Chapter 12 Reflection
Charles Grandison Finney â an evangelistic Presbyterian minister who became the most influential revival leader of the 1820s and 1830s.
Frederick Douglass â the greatest African American of all â and one of the most electrifying orators of his time, black or white â was Frederick Douglass. Born a slave in Maryland, Douglass escaped to Massachusetts in 1838, became an outspoken leader of anti-slavery sentiment. On his return to the United States in 1847, Douglass purchased his freedom from his Maryland owner and founded an antislavery newspaper, the North Star, in Rochester, New York. Douglass demanded for African Americans not only freedom but full social and economic social equality as well.
Henry David Thoreau â leading Concord transcendentalist. Thoreau went even further in repudiating the repressive forces of society. He produced the ideas that individuals should work for self-realization by resisting pressures to conform to societyâs expectations and responding instead to their instincts. Thoreauâs own efforts to free himself â immortalized in is most famous book, Walden â led him to build a small cabin in the Concord woods on the edge of Walden Pond, where he lived alone for two years as simply as he could.
Horace Mann â the greatest of educational reformers was Horace Mann, the first secretary of the Massachusetts Board of Education, which was established in 1837. To Mann, education was the only way to âcounterwork this tendency to the domination of capital and the servility of labor.â He reorganized the Massachusetts school system, lengthened the academic year (to six months, doubled teachersâ salaries, enriched the curriculum, and introduced new methods of professional training for teachers.
Joseph Smith - Mormonism began in upstate New York as a result of the efforts of Joseph Smith, a young, energetic, but economically unsuccessful man, who had spent most oh his twenty-four years moving restlessly through New England and the Northeast. In 1830, he published the Book of Mormon that told a story of an ancient and successful civilization in America, peopled by one of the lost tribes of Israel who had found their way to the New World centuries before Columbus.
Shakers â made a redefinition of traditional sexuality and gender roles central to their society and even embraced the idea of a God who was not clearly male or female.
Transcendentalism - idealistic philosophical and social movement that taught that divinity pervades all nature and humanity.
Walt Whitman - the self-proclaimed poet of American democracy, was the son of a Lon Island carpenter and lived for many years roaming from place to place, doing odd jobs, while writing poetry. In his large body of poems, Whitman not only helped liberate verse from traditional, restrictive conventions but also helped express the soaring spirit of individualisms that characterized his age.
Ralph Waldo Emerson â a Unitarian minister in his youth, Emerson left the church i ...
From Thomas Hobbes we have the first political philosophy in the English language. Called "Father of Atheists," he was the first person to "scientifically" argue for human equality!
Rape without Women Print Culture and the Politicization of Ra.docxmakdul
Â
Rape without Women: Print Culture and the Politicization of Rape, 1765-1815
Author(s): Sharon Block
Reviewed work(s):
Source: The Journal of American History, Vol. 89, No. 3 (Dec., 2002), pp. 849-868
Published by: Organization of American Historians
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3092343 .
Accessed: 14/10/2012 17:48
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]
.
Organization of American Historians is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to
The Journal of American History.
http://www.jstor.org
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=oah
http://www.jstor.org/stable/3092343?origin=JSTOR-pdf
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
Rape without Women:
Print Culture and the Politicization
of Rape, 1765-1815
Sharon Block
In 1815 a legal manual added a commentary to its recital of the proper treatment of
rape. The author noted that "the material facts requisite to be given" in a trial for rape
"are highly improper to be publicly discussed, except only in a court of justice." This
sentence unintentionally pointed to a central paradox of rape: while the classification
of a given sexual interaction as a criminal and morally reprehensible act of rape
depended on specific details, those details were not fit for public exposition. Yet
Americans regularly published remarks on rape in virtually every form of print: news-
papers and almanacs, broadsides and pamphlets, novels and plays. We are accus-
tomed to historians' viewing rape within its legal setting, but there was a print world
of rape outside court proceedings and their accompanying publications. That print
world transformed rape from an intimate sexual act into a public symbol that could
define national and social boundaries.1
Sharon Block is an assistant professor in the history department at the University of California, Irvine.
I owe thanks to Jim Egan, Alice Fahs, Kirsten Fischer, Karen Merrill, Martha Umphrey, and Michael Wilson
for their comments on earlier drafts of this essay. Versions of this paper were presented at the Newberry Library
Seminar in Early American History and the University of Kansas Seminar in Early Modern History. I am espe-
cially grateful to the anonymous reviewers for the JAH and to Nina Dayton for their thoughtful readers' reports.
Readers may contact Block at <[email protected]>.
' John A. Dunlap, The New-York Justice; or, A Digest of the Law Relative to Justices of the Peace in the State of
New-York (New York, 181 ...
Similar to Ambiguously Articulating Americanism The Rhetoric Of Hiram Wesley Evans And The Klan Of The 1920S (14)
The French Revolution, which began in 1789, was a period of radical social and political upheaval in France. It marked the decline of absolute monarchies, the rise of secular and democratic republics, and the eventual rise of Napoleon Bonaparte. This revolutionary period is crucial in understanding the transition from feudalism to modernity in Europe.
For more information, visit-www.vavaclasses.com
Operation âBlue Starâ is the only event in the history of Independent India where the state went into war with its own people. Even after about 40 years it is not clear if it was culmination of states anger over people of the region, a political game of power or start of dictatorial chapter in the democratic setup.
The people of Punjab felt alienated from main stream due to denial of their just demands during a long democratic struggle since independence. As it happen all over the word, it led to militant struggle with great loss of lives of military, police and civilian personnel. Killing of Indira Gandhi and massacre of innocent Sikhs in Delhi and other India cities was also associated with this movement.
Synthetic Fiber Construction in lab .pptxPavel ( NSTU)
Â
Synthetic fiber production is a fascinating and complex field that blends chemistry, engineering, and environmental science. By understanding these aspects, students can gain a comprehensive view of synthetic fiber production, its impact on society and the environment, and the potential for future innovations. Synthetic fibers play a crucial role in modern society, impacting various aspects of daily life, industry, and the environment. ynthetic fibers are integral to modern life, offering a range of benefits from cost-effectiveness and versatility to innovative applications and performance characteristics. While they pose environmental challenges, ongoing research and development aim to create more sustainable and eco-friendly alternatives. Understanding the importance of synthetic fibers helps in appreciating their role in the economy, industry, and daily life, while also emphasizing the need for sustainable practices and innovation.
How to Make a Field invisible in Odoo 17Celine George
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It is possible to hide or invisible some fields in odoo. Commonly using âinvisibleâ attribute in the field definition to invisible the fields. This slide will show how to make a field invisible in odoo 17.
Introduction to AI for Nonprofits with Tapp NetworkTechSoup
Â
Dive into the world of AI! Experts Jon Hill and Tareq Monaur will guide you through AI's role in enhancing nonprofit websites and basic marketing strategies, making it easy to understand and apply.
Unit 8 - Information and Communication Technology (Paper I).pdfThiyagu K
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This slides describes the basic concepts of ICT, basics of Email, Emerging Technology and Digital Initiatives in Education. This presentations aligns with the UGC Paper I syllabus.
Read| The latest issue of The Challenger is here! We are thrilled to announce that our school paper has qualified for the NATIONAL SCHOOLS PRESS CONFERENCE (NSPC) 2024. Thank you for your unwavering support and trust. Dive into the stories that made us stand out!
June 3, 2024 Anti-Semitism Letter Sent to MIT President Kornbluth and MIT Cor...Levi Shapiro
Â
Letter from the Congress of the United States regarding Anti-Semitism sent June 3rd to MIT President Sally Kornbluth, MIT Corp Chair, Mark Gorenberg
Dear Dr. Kornbluth and Mr. Gorenberg,
The US House of Representatives is deeply concerned by ongoing and pervasive acts of antisemitic
harassment and intimidation at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). Failing to act decisively to ensure a safe learning environment for all students would be a grave dereliction of your responsibilities as President of MIT and Chair of the MIT Corporation.
This Congress will not stand idly by and allow an environment hostile to Jewish students to persist. The House believes that your institution is in violation of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act, and the inability or
unwillingness to rectify this violation through action requires accountability.
Postsecondary education is a unique opportunity for students to learn and have their ideas and beliefs challenged. However, universities receiving hundreds of millions of federal funds annually have denied
students that opportunity and have been hijacked to become venues for the promotion of terrorism, antisemitic harassment and intimidation, unlawful encampments, and in some cases, assaults and riots.
The House of Representatives will not countenance the use of federal funds to indoctrinate students into hateful, antisemitic, anti-American supporters of terrorism. Investigations into campus antisemitism by the Committee on Education and the Workforce and the Committee on Ways and Means have been expanded into a Congress-wide probe across all relevant jurisdictions to address this national crisis. The undersigned Committees will conduct oversight into the use of federal funds at MIT and its learning environment under authorities granted to each Committee.
⢠The Committee on Education and the Workforce has been investigating your institution since December 7, 2023. The Committee has broad jurisdiction over postsecondary education, including its compliance with Title VI of the Civil Rights Act, campus safety concerns over disruptions to the learning environment, and the awarding of federal student aid under the Higher Education Act.
⢠The Committee on Oversight and Accountability is investigating the sources of funding and other support flowing to groups espousing pro-Hamas propaganda and engaged in antisemitic harassment and intimidation of students. The Committee on Oversight and Accountability is the principal oversight committee of the US House of Representatives and has broad authority to investigate âany matterâ at âany timeâ under House Rule X.
⢠The Committee on Ways and Means has been investigating several universities since November 15, 2023, when the Committee held a hearing entitled From Ivory Towers to Dark Corners: Investigating the Nexus Between Antisemitism, Tax-Exempt Universities, and Terror Financing. The Committee followed the hearing with letters to those institutions on January 10, 202
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Artificial Intelligence (AI) technologies such as Generative AI, Image Generators and Large Language Models have had a dramatic impact on teaching, learning and assessment over the past 18 months. The most immediate threat AI posed was to Academic Integrity with Higher Education Institutes (HEIs) focusing their efforts on combating the use of GenAI in assessment. Guidelines were developed for staff and students, policies put in place too. Innovative educators have forged paths in the use of Generative AI for teaching, learning and assessments leading to pockets of transformation springing up across HEIs, often with little or no top-down guidance, support or direction.
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Digital Tools and AI for Teaching Learning and Research
Â
Ambiguously Articulating Americanism The Rhetoric Of Hiram Wesley Evans And The Klan Of The 1920S
1. American Communication Journal
Vol. 11, No. 2, Summer 2009
A iguously Arti ulati g A eri a is
The Rhetoric of Hiram Wesley Evans and the Klan of the 1920s
Nicolas Rangel Jr.
Keywords: Hiram Wesley Evans; Ku Klux Klan; Americanism; Strategic Ambiguity; American
Civil Religion; Organizational Rhetoric
Historian Richard Hofstadter once described an essay by Imperial Wizard Hiram Wesley Evans
as ânot immoderate in tone.â Evans oriented that essay in the defense of Americanism, a
frequent theme in his writing. Among the central tenets of Evansâs Americanism was a devotion
to Protestantism. It was in the religious fulfillment of Protestantism, Evans would suggest that
American values could be fully recognized, predominantly the American concern with
individualism. In this essay, I argue that Evanâs ambiguously defined his notion of Americanism
by making substantial efforts to associate his organizationâs goals with the American civil
religious tradition. Evansâs strategically ambiguous rhetoric portrayed a unified, moral and
political vision for American life that served the Klan throughout the 1920s, but ultimately
undermined the virtues that the civil religious tradition was initially intended to maintain.
Nicolas Rangel Jr., Ph.D is an Assistant Professor of Communication Studies University of Houston-Downtown
Department of Arts and Humanities rangeln@uhd.edu
2. American Communication Journal
Vol. 11, No. 2, Summer 2009
While mention of the Ku Klux Klan conjures images of right-wing political
extremism, the Klan of the 1920s was a social, political, and cultural force with which to be
reckoned. The organization defied any simple extremist classification (MacLean, 1994, p. xii).
Historian Leonard J. Moore argued that the Klan of the 1920s differed considerably from the
Klan of the post-civil war era and the Klan that opposed the mid-century civil rights movement.
The Klan, Moore claimed, ârepresented mainstream social and political concerns, not those of a
disaffected fringe groupâ (1990, p. 342).
These concerns were often expressed in a vernacular that many Americans would not
recognize as radical. Noted historian Richard Hofstadter, for instance, once described an essay
by Imperial Wizard Hiram Wesley Evans as ânot immoderate in toneâ (1966, p. 125). Evans
abilities to effectively project these concerns played a significant role in his leadership of the
1920s Klan. Evans ascent through the Klan hierarchy from Dallas dentist to national leader of
the Klan marked the organizationâs first major foray into politics (Lay, 1985, p. 79-80).
Evansâs essay, âThe Klanâs Fight for American,â detailed âthe major issue of the time as
a struggle between âthe great mass of Americans of the old pioneer stockâ and the âintellectually
mongrelized Liberalsââ (Hofstadter, 1966, p. 124). Evans oriented his essay in the defense of
Americanism, a frequent theme in his writing as Imperial Wizard. Stating that the Evansâs essay
âwas not an altogether irrelevant statement of the case,â Hofstadter, indicated that the âdifficulty
was to find any but immoderate means of putting it into actionâ (1966, p. 125).
Evans rhetorical use of Americanism may be best described as strategically ambiguous,
insofar as it appealed not only to the Klan faithful, but also sought to speak to those who might
have a similar vision of that Americanism, without consideration of the ends to which such
values served as means. As communication scholar Eric Eisenberg noted, âstrategically
ambiguous communication allows the source to both reveal and conceal,â (1984, p. 236), powers
that Evans clearly coveted in his drive to expand the social and political power of his
organization. For Evans, establishing the notion that the Klan was somehow organically
connected to the widespread embrace of Americanism might further integrate that organization
into the political mainstream at a point in its history in which its notoriety still trailed its
influence.
Noting the historical fact of the Klanâs level of success in the 1920s, the rhetoric that
Evans used to define Americanism and the means by which the Klan could achieve it are worthy
of our attention. In this essay, I argue that Evanâs defined his notion of Americanism by making
substantial efforts to associate the Klanâs goals with the American civil religious tradition. Next,
I argue that Evans used a rhetoric couched in the terms of civil religious discourse to cloak the
Klanâs moral interpretation of Americanism in vagueness. Furthermore, I argue that Evans uses
civil religious discourse to identify to establish âalienismâ as the primary threat to Americanism
and thus the American civil religion. In adhering to those tactics, I claim that Evansâs rhetoric
portrayed a unified, moral and political vision for American life that served the Klan throughout
the 1920s, but ultimately undermined the virtues that the civil religious tradition was initially
intended to maintain. Before undertaking such an endeavor, I will provide a more complete
examination of civil religion, particularly in relation to political discourse.
3. American Communication Journal
Vol. 11, No. 2, Summer 2009
The Contextual Frame: American Civil Religion
Bellah first addressed the issue of civil religion in an essay published in 1967. As
Bellah explained, the concept of civil religion was initially derived from the Rousseauâs Social
Contract (1967, p.5). He then argued that a variant of Rousseauâs conception held sway with the
founding fathers, manifesting itself in âa theme that lies very deep in the American tradition,
namely the obligation, both collective and individual, to carry out Godâs will on earthâ (1967, p.
5).
Civil religion, Bellah argued, played a unifying role in American political life. After
devoting some thought onto the issue of civil religion in light of the political turmoil of the late
60s and early 70s, Bellah argued that civil religion had become âan empty and broken
shellâ(1992, p. 142). The failure to address any conception of a common good will lead
American society to its doom, he suggested (1992, p. xiv).
While Bellah offered a renewed commitment to civil religion as a unifying vehicle for the
American public (1992, p. 176), this should not to suggest that the concept is without its
difficulties. The genocide of Native American populations and the existence of slavery, he
claimed, occurred in spite of moral conceptions afforded by civil religion (1992, p. 37).
However, from Bellahâs perspective, the use of civil religious rhetoric for morally questionable
ends is not the product of civil religion itself, but rather the failure to embrace an authentic civil
religious discourse
While Bellah might label such instances as failures to embrace civil religious virtues,
others have claimed that these instances might be better perceived as failures of civil religious
rhetoric to cope with issues of heterogeneous populations (Albanese, 1982, p. 23; Fenn, 1977, p.
514). In order to address this shortcoming, civil religious discourses make use of ambiguity. As
W. Lance Bennett explains, the use of ambiguity âensures that the âmultiple realitiesâ of a
heterogeneous public can be accommodated within the sacred symbols of the stateâ (1979, p.
117).
For Hiram Wesley Evans, Protestantism and the concept that he labeled âAmericanismâ
were intertwined as the ultimate manifestation of the American civil religion. As he noted in
1930:
Protestantism-religious, civil, or economic, and often all three-protest against human
authority over the souls, the bodies, the rights and the yearnings of man-this was the spirit which
animated, almost without exception, the men who made America. (The Rising Storm 166).
Before undergoing a more thorough examination of Evansâs conception of
âAmericanism,â I briefly review the historical context of Evansâs writing.
The Historical Context: The Return of the Ku Klux Klan
The Klan of the early twentieth century was founded in Atlanta Georgia on
October 15 1915.1
By 1922, after some internal turmoil, Dr. Hiram Wesley Evans, a dentist in
Dallas Texas, who had risen to the position of Kligtrap or executive secretary, assumed the role
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of Imperial Wizard from founder Col. Joseph Simmons Evans own motivations for deposing
Simmonsâ might have stemmed from Evans large aspirations for the organization, conceiving of
the Klan as what noted Klan historian Charles Alexander called a potentially âgreat militant
political organizationâ (Alexander, 1965, p. 109).2
By 1922, Evans successfully assumed
Simmonsâ role as Imperial Wizard.3
David H. Bennett described the Klanâs rise in the 1920s as âmeteoricâ (1988, p. 222).
Klan membership reached figures estimated from 1.5 to 4.5 million in the mid-20s, the height of
its power (Bennett, 1988, p. 222). There were a variety of factors that contributed to that growth.
Bennett argued that the Klan was âa reaction to the displacement of older values by the new not
only with confusion and anxiety, but resentment and angerâ (1988, p. 204). This displacement
was the result of rapid urbanization, which in turn resulted in a variety of repressive phenomena,
among which the Klan was one of many.
As Stanley Coben noted that the Klanâs rhetoric âreflected still widely accepted Victorian
ideas about racial hierarchy and about the dangers to American society posed by Catholics,
blacks, Jews, and Asiansâ (1991, p. 137). Lay has suggested that the appeal of the Klan lay
beyond simple appeals to xenophobia, as recruiters generally touted âpure Americanism and the
defense of traditional standards of law, order, and social morality (1992, p. 7).
The Klan, under Evans direction, became so politically successful that by 1925, their
support brought a number of governors, and U.S. senators electoral success (Schwarz, 2000, p.
96). President Harding himself had been initiated into the order in the White House (Lay, 1992,
p. 8). Klan political power was substantial, as Evans executed a number of political maneuvers
at the 1924 Democratic and Republican national conventions.4
On August 8, of 1925, a Klan
march in Washington, D.C. would draw thousands to the capital, a moment that witnessed the
Klan âat the apex of its powerâ (Schwarz, 2000, p. 95).
As Imperial Wizard, Evans wrote a number of essays and delivered a number of speeches
both to the Klan faithful and to the public at large. Of the Klanâs mission, Evansâs wrote âIf it
fulfills its mission, its future power and service are beyond calculation so long as America has
any part of her destiny unfulfilled . . .â (1926, p. 63). Gauging how the rhetorical strategies that
Evansâs employed in statements like the above to facilitate the Klanâs conception of civil religion
will yield valuable insights into both the Klanâs history and into a broader historical
understanding of American civil religion.
American Civil Religion and the Articulation of âAmericanismâ
According to Evans, the Klan spoke for those struggling with the moral decay and
economic distress of the 20th
century. His rhetoric explicitly identified those whom Evans
sought to unify. While our common understanding of the Klan suggests that the prejudices of
that organization were apparent, Evansâs discourse hints that such prejudice was rarely, if ever,
explicitly articulated. Evansâs rhetoric used three primary strategies to articulate Americanism.
The first firmly associated his organization with the nationâs civil religious tradition.
The second used an intentional ambiguity that posited Americanism as an intangible
force that could not be concretely identified, but still existed and exerted tangible influence. The
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strategic use of ambiguity also facilitated an ability to adopt all those qualities that he determined
to be signifiers of Americanism back to the earlier civil religious traditions that defined the Klan.
The third strategy consisted of an extreme anti-alien sentiment that posited alienism as
the threat to the continuation of the aforementioned civil religious experience. By defining the
American civil religion as one bounded by Protestant considerations, with vaguely defined
notions of Americanism and parameters which excluded all those groups who sought refuge and
shelter in the United States, the Klan portrayed a unified, all encompassing vision for American
political life that served them well throughout the 1920s (Bennett, 1979, p. 106). With the
Klanâs illiberal orientation in mind, Evansâs appeared to be reconciling the Klanâs efforts within
the most palatable framework available to his audience.
The Klan and Americaâs Civil Religious History
First, Evans embraced explicit references to the interconnection of the Klan and
American civil religion. For example, after citing George Washington, Evans stated:
From this quotation it is perfectly clear that the founders of the nation did not desire to
separate the State from Christian morality, based upon religion. They saw clearly that a free
government must itself take over many of these moral functions which an autocratic government
leaves in the hands of the State Church (1930, p. 23).
In Evansâs work, the separation of Church and State is the ultimate protection against
unwarranted sectarian influence from the Catholic Church and that separation is distinct from the
maintenance of traditional Protestant virtue. Evansâs rhetoric mirrors Bellahâs conception of
civil religious rhetoric is distinctly non-sectarian (Bellah, 1967, p. 8), as his embrace of
Protestantism is largely the product of a rejection of Catholic sectarianism.
In that the Klanâs greatest opposition often came from American Catholics, and given the
growing significance of the Catholic population in the United States (Noble 198), Evans wisely
avoided attacking Catholics as individuals, opting instead to attack Catholicism as an institution.
Fear of the Catholic Churchâs authority was a persistent theme throughout Evans work. As he
noted:
They are used to seeing the government submit to the moral dictation of a church, but
cannot understand why, when it refuses such dictation, it should submit to the individual
consciences of its citizens (1930, p. 181).
Evans suggested that the Klan was not anti-Catholic, but instead anti-Catholic Church.
He also took pains to identify those Catholics who disagreed with the Church. The individuals
might find league with the Klan, he claimed, as the Church has already dismissed them as âbadâ
Catholics (âThe Klanâs Fight for Americanismâ 48). This created a more unified perception
among lapsed Catholics and their Protestant brethren in the Klan. Surely a âreligionâ which
undermined the institutions that the civil religion sought to maintain was to be excluded from the
larger civil religious dialogue.
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A great deal of criticism was oriented around the Churchâs involvement in politics, which
again, was relevant in light of the degree to which it undermined the non-sectarian presumption
of civil religion. The Catholic Church, he claimed, threatened to erode the wall between church
and state that maintained freedom (1926, p. 47). To prove his point, he cited instances of
Catholic participation in urban politics and then explained that Catholics often found themselves
in political coalitions with Jews and other âaliens.â
While he suggested that participation alone did not demonstrate the sanction of the
church in politics, he did cite his experiences at the Democratic national convention of 1924 to
claim that the massive presence of Catholic priests there seemed to prove that the Church was
indeed directly involved in the affairs of State.
There was some tension in Evansâs critique of the Church and his profession of Protestant
faith. While he criticized the Catholic Church for the very nature of its centralized belief system,
he also recognized the religious obligations of Klansmen as emanating from biblical tradition.
As he stated:
The order goes to the great scholar and leader in the early Church, the Apostle Paul, the
Evangel to the Gentile, to find its creed and code of conduct. In his Epistle to the Romans, he
carries the ideal of Klannishness to its highest levels, and in the twelfth chapter of that great
exposition which he makes of the teachings of Christ, he sets up a standard of character and of
conduct by which every true Klansmen must measure his life. (Date unknown B, p. 7-8).
It was in common and shared religious tradition, Evans proclaimed, that the Klansman
found his ultimate purpose. That tradition resulted in a uniformity of theology and epistemology
that ultimately challenged the veracity of the Klanâs claim that their primary issue with
Catholicism was political rather than theological. Distinguishing civil religious experience from
a Catholic religious experience that might bridge the wall between church and state, established
the Klanâs parameters for religious propriety. Protestantism, it is suggested, was excusable in the
exercise of democracy, as it did not constitute a distinct sectarian affiliation.
Ambiguous Americanism and Civil Religion
Evansâs second strategy involved the explicit definition of Americanism. By articulating
Americanism as an intangible quality, he established a unique prophetic vision for âold stock
Americans,â as only legitimate Americans like Evans can identify the components of
Americanism. In the following passage, Evans explicitly identified Americanism as an inherent
quality that did not require explicit definition:
It is merely playing with words and fogging the situation to claim, as some do, that the
Americans themselves do not know what Americanism is, or to say as Edward Bok said, âThe
first need is to Americanize the Americans.â (1930, p. 8-9)
To hazard a guess as to what Americanism was rendered an individual suspect.
Americanism was so innate as to defy the need for definition. This was specifically in concert
with the ambiguity function of previous civil religious discourse. In order to address diverse
audiences, civil religious rhetoric necessitates ambiguity (Bennett, 1979, p. 116). Ambiguity
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creates participatory space in Evansâs rhetoric, allowing all who witness it to feel a part of the
Klanâs struggle. While the range of that audience is still limited to white Anglo Protestants, the
heterogeneity of interests among that group are reconciled by the strategic employment of
ambiguous Americanism.
This also demonstrates the major ethical shortcoming of civil religion. In being
appropriated towards illiberal ends, and given the fiction of a potentially unified audience, civil
religion need only be addressed as an appeal to a limited audience, with the further effect of
trivializing any heterogeneous difference that does exist within that audience. Civil religious
discourse works best in creating the perception that any difference beyond race and personal
faith are irrelevant to larger questions of unity.
Perhaps the most explicit definition of Americanism was ultimately an effort to tie the
abstract conception of Americanism to the earlier efforts to place the Klan within the civil
religious perspective. In Evansâs words
Our cause is true Americanism. This means in all vital things a superior Christian
civilization for America. Our destiny is the common welfare, materially and mentally,
physically and spiritually, upon a plane high above any mankind has ever known. (1923, p. 3).
Americanism, then, was that terminal value achieved when Americans adhered to
established civil religious perspectives.
Evansâs sense of history and the civil religious perspective was to some degree limited to
serve his own ends. When necessary, he vaguely alluded to the history of the Klan without
explicitly delineating his points of departure from those philosophies. While such vagueness
might have been intended to retain the loyalties of his predecessors, it also served to further
illustrate the benefit of vagueness. As Evans noted, âbeneath the stupid or dangerous oratory of
the early leaders lay certain fundamental truthsâŚwhich matured automaticallyâ (1926, p. 36).
He then said âit laid the basis for the astounding growth of the last three years, and for the
present immense influenceâ (1926, p. 36). The above referenced passage allowed Evans to
criticize the past regime of power, while he also cast himself as a rational agent in comparison to
that regime.
Anti-Alienism and Civil Religion
Finally, while intentional vagueness mars a more complete understanding of
Evansâs Americanism, attention to his anti-alien discourse illuminates that concept more clearly.
It is the immigrant, Evans warned, that truly threatened Americanism (Date Unknown A, p. 3).
The immigrant problem, it appeared, was largely related to the undesirability of the alien masses.
The alien violated the tenets of the American covenant for their own benefit. For example,
Evans portrayed the immigrant as an unmitigated capitalist, âIgnorant and unskilled, covetous
and greedy, they come to this country. . . with the one sole and ultimate end in view-the
accumulation of American money where with to retire in later years to their beloved homelandsâ
(Date Unknown A, p. 5). Aliens continued to pose a threat as they clearly lacked the qualities
that were exceptional in Americans, as they consisted of âignorant, superstitious, religious
devoteesâ (Date Unknown A, p. 8).
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In other instances, Evans made careful efforts to defend Americanism from being tainted
by alienism. The struggle was ultimately the Nordic people against the alien hordes, who had
rendered the Nordic man a stranger in his own home: âShortly they came to dominate usâ (1926,
p. 39) he began. âSo the Nordic American,â Evans continued, âtoday is a stranger . . . A most
unwelcome strangerâ (1926, p. 39).
The domestic American experience in WWI greatly informed Evansâs arguments against
alienism. The war, he argued, unveiled for all Americans the menace lying just beneath the
surface of American life of alienism. Liberalismâs folly, according to Evans, was its association
with foreign ideals. As he claimed: âThe plain people now see that Liberalism has come
completely under the dominance of weaklings and parasites whose alien âidealismâ reaches its
logical peak in the Bolshevist platform of âproduce as little as you can, beg or steal from those
who do not produce and kill the producer for thinking he is better than youââ (1926, p. 42). He
associated Liberalism with both Bolshevism and nihilism, hounding it as a conspiratorial
philosophy in much the same way that prior democratic ideals were dismissed as parts of the
Jacobin conspiracy in 18th
century France and America (Hofman, 1993).
Evansâs anti-alien discourse defined not so much Americanism as it did the parameters
for those things that were distinctly non-American. It established sectarian limits on the
American civil religion, confining that religion to one that advanced Americanism while it
avoided all traits projected unto non-Americans.
Concluding Remarks
By defining the American civil religion as one bounded by Protestant considerations,
with vaguely defined notions of Americanism and parameters which excluded all those groups
who sought refuge and shelter in the United States, the Klan portrayed a unified, all
encompassing vision for American political life that served them well throughout the 1920s.
Evansâs rhetoric used three primary strategies to articulate his organizationâs place within the
American civil religious tradition. The first associated his organization with the nationâs civil
religious tradition, isolating Catholicism as a legitimate constraint on the full non-sectarian
exercise of religious freedom. The second used an intentional ambiguity that posited
Americanism as an intangible force that could not be concretely identified, but still existed and
exerted tangible influence. The third strategy posited alienism as the threat to the continuation of
the aforementioned civil religious experience. Americanism and civil religion were thus most
closely defined by negation.
In spite of apparent successes, the Klan began to experience some declines by 1925.
Violence against the Klan became commonplace as the Klan had expanded in the early 20s
(Goldberg, 1996, p. 42). Rumors of Klan violence, and a violent scandal involving Midwestern
Klan leader D.C. Stephenson led to declines in support for the Klan in the South (Bennett, 1988,
p. 224-225, 235-236). Regardless of the particulars of the Klanâs dissolution, that organizationâs
entry into the political mainstream deserves our attention. While Bellahâs plea in The Broken
Covenant seemed based upon the suggestion that civil religion could restore the republic back to
its prior virtue, this essay seems to suggest that such comments should be approached with
caution. Evansâs rhetoric seems to illustrate that the inability to truly address a genuinely
heterogeneous public renders civil religion more ideally suited toward illiberal ends.
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Notes
1
The founding consisted of a symbolic cross-burning, and was scheduled to occur two weeks prior to the Atlanta
premiere of D.W. Griffithâs âBirth of a Nation,â a film heroically depicting the post-Reconstruction Era Klan as the
defenders of Southern virtue. Simmons would use the film as a recruiting device. After the filmâs release, Simmons
would have advertisements for Klan membership run alongside advertisements for Birth of a Nation (Maclean 13).
2
More specifically, Evansâs conception of the organization ânecessitated the elimination of Simmons and Clark as
powers in the Klan, the regularization of the orderâs financial practices and the conversion of the Klan into a
movementâ(Alexander, Ku Klux Klan In the SouthWest, 109).
3
Simmonsâ did not exactly go quietly, and he and Clarke would maintain animus with the Klan long after they had
officially parted company with the organization. See Bennett, 213-215.
4
Convention rules would quickly be modified in order to ensure âthat there would never be a wearying debacle like
the 1924 one in New Yorkâ(Golway 52).