- Comparative psychology has seen a steady decline, with fewer students pursuing advanced degrees in the field and fewer university courses being offered.
- The true cause of the decline occurred decades earlier when the field became overly focused on studying only rat behavior in learning and maze experiments. Critics pointed this out but it was largely ignored.
- By the 1960s-70s, books on animal behavior became bestsellers and TV shows featured field research on animals, making comparative psychology look outdated compared to ethology. This contributed to the current endangered status of the field, despite integration of ethology concepts later on.
PROJECT #3RETAIL LOCATIONSInstructions1. In an Word d.docxbriancrawford30935
PROJECT #3
RETAIL LOCATIONS
Instructions:
1. In an Word document, use the list provided at the end of these instructions to describe the following for each retail establishment listed:
a. Type of retail location
b. Factors affecting location (consumer shopping situations)
c. What considerations might the retailer had to have considered when thinking about their location
d. Parking considerations?
e. Who is close to this particular retailer? How will that affect the business?
f. What is their trade area? Tapestry Segment (focus segment)?
2. List of retailers:
a. Belks
b. JCPenney
c. Trendy Pieces
d. Lowes
e. Kohl’s
f. Dollar General
The Return of the Repressed
Psychology's Problematic Relations With Psychoanalysis, 1909-1960
Gail A. Hornstein Mount Holyoke College
When psychoanalysis first arrived in the United States,
most psychologists ignored it. By the 1920s, however, psy-
choanalysis had so captured the public imagination that
it threatened to eclipse experimental psychology entirely.
This article analyzes the complex nature of this threat
and the myriad ways that psychologists responded to it.
Because psychoanalysis entailed precisely the sort of rad-
ical subjectivity that psychologists had renounced as un-
scientific, core assumptions about the meaning of science
were at stake. Psychologists' initial response was to retreat
into positivism, thereby further limiting psychology's rel-
evance and scope. By the 1950s, a new strategy had
emerged: Psychoanalytic concepts would be put to exper-
imental test, and those that qualified as "scientific" would
be retained. This reinstated psychologists as arbiters of
the mental world and restored "objective" criteria as the
basis for making claims. A later tactic—co-opting psy-
choanalytic concepts into mainstream psychology—had
the ironic effect of helping make psychology a more flexible
and broad-based discipline.
Freud and Jung were having dinner in Bremen. It was
the evening before they set sail for the Clark conference,
the occasion of Freud's only visit to America. Jung started
talking about certain mummies in the lead cellars of the
city. Freud became visibly disturbed. "Why are you so
concerned with these corpses?" he asked several times.
Jung went on talking. Suddenly, without warning, Freud
fell to the floor in a faint. When he recovered, he accused
Jung of harboring death wishes against him. But it was
not Jung who wanted Freud dead. Had Freud only known
what American psychologists were about to do to psy-
choanalysis, he might never have gotten up off the floor.
There is no easy way to talk about psychology's re-
lations with psychoanalysis.1 It is a story dense with dis-
illusionment and the shapeless anger of rejection. Each
side behaved badly, and then compounded its insensitivity
with disdain. Their fates bound together like Romulus
and Remus, psychology and psychoanalysis struggled to
find their separate spheres, only to end up pitted against
one another at every turn. To.
Does Psychology Make a Significant Differencein Our LivesDustiBuckner14
Does Psychology Make a Significant Difference
in Our Lives?
Philip G. Zimbardo
Stanford University
The intellectual tension between the virtues of basic versus
applied research that characterized an earlier era of psy-
chology is being replaced by an appreciation of creative
applications of all research essential to improving the
quality of human life. Psychologists are positioned to “give
psychology away” to all those who can benefit from our
wisdom. Psychologists were not there 35 years ago when
American Psychological Association (APA) President
George Miller first encouraged us to share our knowledge
with the public. The author argues that psychology is
indeed making a significant difference in people’s lives;
this article provides a sampling of evidence demonstrating
how and why psychology matters, both in pervasive ways
and specific applications. Readers are referred to a newly
developed APA Web site that documents current opera-
tional uses of psychological research, theory, and method-
ology (its creation has been the author’s primary presiden-
tial initiative): www.psychologymatters.org.
Does psychology matter? Does what we do, andhave done for a hundred years or more, reallymake a significant difference in the lives of indi-
viduals or in the functioning of communities and nations?
Can we demonstrate that our theories, our research, our
professional practice, our methodologies, our way of think-
ing about mind, brain, and behavior make life better in any
measurable way? Has what we have to show for our dis-
cipline been applied in the real world beyond academia and
practitioners’ offices to improve health, education, welfare,
safety, organizational effectiveness, and more?
Such questions, and finding their answers, have al-
ways been my major personal and professional concern.
First, as an introductory psychology teacher for nearly six
decades, I have always worked to prove relevance as well
as essence of psychology to my students. Next, as an author
of the now classic basic text, Psychology and Life (Ruch &
Zimbardo, 1971), which claimed to wed psychology to life
applications, I constantly sought to put more psychology in
our lives and more life in our psychology (Gerrig & Zim-
bardo, 2004; Zimbardo, 1992). To reach an even broader
student audience, I have coauthored Core Concepts in
Psychology (Zimbardo, Weber, & Johnson, 2002) that
strives to bring the excitement of scientific and applied
psychology to students in state and community colleges.
In order to further expand the audience for what is best
in psychology, I accepted an invitation to help create, be
scientific advisor for, and narrator of the 26-program PBS
TV series, Discovering Psychology (1990/2001). For this
general public audience, we have provided answers—as
viewable instances—to their “so what?” questions. This
award-winning series is shown both nationally and inter-
nationally (in at least 10 nations) and has been the foun-
dation for the most popular telecou ...
After reading The Cultural Meaning of Suicide What Does That Mean.docxdaniahendric
After reading The Cultural Meaning of Suicide: What Does That Mean?, write a paper of 600-750 words on suicide in which you address the following questions:
1. What did you think of the article? How did the article relate to topics presented in the textbook?
1. What interesting questions did the article raise for you?
1. Identify the common predictors of suicide, treatments, and prevention programs
1. Define suicide in your own words and describe how suicide is viewed in other cultures.
Use the Library databases and include two to four scholarly sources from the library to support your claims, in addition of the article you are critiquing. In addition to the scholarly resources from the library, you can include past classroom materials as well as your textbook as additional reference material.
Prepare this assignment according to the guidelines found in the APA Style Guide, located in the Student Success Center. An abstract is not required.
OMEGA, Vol. 64(1) 83-94, 2011-2012
THE CULTURAL MEANING OF SUICIDE:
WHAT DOES THAT MEAN?
DAVID LESTER
The Richard Stockton College of New Jersey
ABSTRACT
Scholars sometimes stress that it is important to know the individual meaning
of suicide and the cultural meaning of suicide, but the meaning of these terms
remains unclear. The present article discusses this problem and suggests that
the individual meaning of suicide is best based on the motives for suicide,
while the cultural meaning of suicide is best rooted in the lay theories of
suicide in which the members of cultures and subcultures believe.
Colucci (2006) drew attention to the fact that theory and research into suicidal
behavior has neglected the role of culture. Suicide is typically considered to be the
same phenomenon throughout the world, and theories proposed in one region
(such as the West) are assumed to apply to other regions. In addition, Colucci
pointed out that the cultural meaning of suicide has been neglected except for
rare scholars who draw attention to this issue, such as Douglas (1967) and Boldt
(1988). However, there appears to be a great deal of confusion over what exactly
the “meaning” of suicide refers to and, more especially, the “cultural meaning” of
suicide. The purpose of the present article is to examine what these terms mean.
Colucci cited the work of Good and Good (1982) who suggested that the
meaning of an illness involves “the metaphors associated with a disease, the
ethnomedical theories, the basic values and conceptual forms, and the care
patterns that shape the experience of the illness and the social reactions to the
sufferer” (p. 148). This encompasses many separate concepts.
83
� 2011, Baywood Publishing Co., Inc.
doi: 10.2190/OM.64.1.f
http://baywood.com
THE PHENOMENON OF SUICIDAL BEHAVIOR
Cultures differ in the frequency of suicidal behavior, the methods chosen for
suicide, the distribution by age, sex, and other sociodemographic variables. Many
articles have appeared doc ...
After reading The Cultural Meaning of Suicide What Does That Mean.docxcoubroughcosta
After reading The Cultural Meaning of Suicide: What Does That Mean?, write a paper of 600-750 words on suicide in which you address the following questions:
1. What did you think of the article? How did the article relate to topics presented in the textbook?
1. What interesting questions did the article raise for you?
1. Identify the common predictors of suicide, treatments, and prevention programs
1. Define suicide in your own words and describe how suicide is viewed in other cultures.
Use the Library databases and include two to four scholarly sources from the library to support your claims, in addition of the article you are critiquing. In addition to the scholarly resources from the library, you can include past classroom materials as well as your textbook as additional reference material.
Prepare this assignment according to the guidelines found in the APA Style Guide, located in the Student Success Center. An abstract is not required.
OMEGA, Vol. 64(1) 83-94, 2011-2012
THE CULTURAL MEANING OF SUICIDE:
WHAT DOES THAT MEAN?
DAVID LESTER
The Richard Stockton College of New Jersey
ABSTRACT
Scholars sometimes stress that it is important to know the individual meaning
of suicide and the cultural meaning of suicide, but the meaning of these terms
remains unclear. The present article discusses this problem and suggests that
the individual meaning of suicide is best based on the motives for suicide,
while the cultural meaning of suicide is best rooted in the lay theories of
suicide in which the members of cultures and subcultures believe.
Colucci (2006) drew attention to the fact that theory and research into suicidal
behavior has neglected the role of culture. Suicide is typically considered to be the
same phenomenon throughout the world, and theories proposed in one region
(such as the West) are assumed to apply to other regions. In addition, Colucci
pointed out that the cultural meaning of suicide has been neglected except for
rare scholars who draw attention to this issue, such as Douglas (1967) and Boldt
(1988). However, there appears to be a great deal of confusion over what exactly
the “meaning” of suicide refers to and, more especially, the “cultural meaning” of
suicide. The purpose of the present article is to examine what these terms mean.
Colucci cited the work of Good and Good (1982) who suggested that the
meaning of an illness involves “the metaphors associated with a disease, the
ethnomedical theories, the basic values and conceptual forms, and the care
patterns that shape the experience of the illness and the social reactions to the
sufferer” (p. 148). This encompasses many separate concepts.
83
� 2011, Baywood Publishing Co., Inc.
doi: 10.2190/OM.64.1.f
http://baywood.com
THE PHENOMENON OF SUICIDAL BEHAVIOR
Cultures differ in the frequency of suicidal behavior, the methods chosen for
suicide, the distribution by age, sex, and other sociodemographic variables. Many
articles have appeared doc.
PROJECT #3RETAIL LOCATIONSInstructions1. In an Word d.docxbriancrawford30935
PROJECT #3
RETAIL LOCATIONS
Instructions:
1. In an Word document, use the list provided at the end of these instructions to describe the following for each retail establishment listed:
a. Type of retail location
b. Factors affecting location (consumer shopping situations)
c. What considerations might the retailer had to have considered when thinking about their location
d. Parking considerations?
e. Who is close to this particular retailer? How will that affect the business?
f. What is their trade area? Tapestry Segment (focus segment)?
2. List of retailers:
a. Belks
b. JCPenney
c. Trendy Pieces
d. Lowes
e. Kohl’s
f. Dollar General
The Return of the Repressed
Psychology's Problematic Relations With Psychoanalysis, 1909-1960
Gail A. Hornstein Mount Holyoke College
When psychoanalysis first arrived in the United States,
most psychologists ignored it. By the 1920s, however, psy-
choanalysis had so captured the public imagination that
it threatened to eclipse experimental psychology entirely.
This article analyzes the complex nature of this threat
and the myriad ways that psychologists responded to it.
Because psychoanalysis entailed precisely the sort of rad-
ical subjectivity that psychologists had renounced as un-
scientific, core assumptions about the meaning of science
were at stake. Psychologists' initial response was to retreat
into positivism, thereby further limiting psychology's rel-
evance and scope. By the 1950s, a new strategy had
emerged: Psychoanalytic concepts would be put to exper-
imental test, and those that qualified as "scientific" would
be retained. This reinstated psychologists as arbiters of
the mental world and restored "objective" criteria as the
basis for making claims. A later tactic—co-opting psy-
choanalytic concepts into mainstream psychology—had
the ironic effect of helping make psychology a more flexible
and broad-based discipline.
Freud and Jung were having dinner in Bremen. It was
the evening before they set sail for the Clark conference,
the occasion of Freud's only visit to America. Jung started
talking about certain mummies in the lead cellars of the
city. Freud became visibly disturbed. "Why are you so
concerned with these corpses?" he asked several times.
Jung went on talking. Suddenly, without warning, Freud
fell to the floor in a faint. When he recovered, he accused
Jung of harboring death wishes against him. But it was
not Jung who wanted Freud dead. Had Freud only known
what American psychologists were about to do to psy-
choanalysis, he might never have gotten up off the floor.
There is no easy way to talk about psychology's re-
lations with psychoanalysis.1 It is a story dense with dis-
illusionment and the shapeless anger of rejection. Each
side behaved badly, and then compounded its insensitivity
with disdain. Their fates bound together like Romulus
and Remus, psychology and psychoanalysis struggled to
find their separate spheres, only to end up pitted against
one another at every turn. To.
Does Psychology Make a Significant Differencein Our LivesDustiBuckner14
Does Psychology Make a Significant Difference
in Our Lives?
Philip G. Zimbardo
Stanford University
The intellectual tension between the virtues of basic versus
applied research that characterized an earlier era of psy-
chology is being replaced by an appreciation of creative
applications of all research essential to improving the
quality of human life. Psychologists are positioned to “give
psychology away” to all those who can benefit from our
wisdom. Psychologists were not there 35 years ago when
American Psychological Association (APA) President
George Miller first encouraged us to share our knowledge
with the public. The author argues that psychology is
indeed making a significant difference in people’s lives;
this article provides a sampling of evidence demonstrating
how and why psychology matters, both in pervasive ways
and specific applications. Readers are referred to a newly
developed APA Web site that documents current opera-
tional uses of psychological research, theory, and method-
ology (its creation has been the author’s primary presiden-
tial initiative): www.psychologymatters.org.
Does psychology matter? Does what we do, andhave done for a hundred years or more, reallymake a significant difference in the lives of indi-
viduals or in the functioning of communities and nations?
Can we demonstrate that our theories, our research, our
professional practice, our methodologies, our way of think-
ing about mind, brain, and behavior make life better in any
measurable way? Has what we have to show for our dis-
cipline been applied in the real world beyond academia and
practitioners’ offices to improve health, education, welfare,
safety, organizational effectiveness, and more?
Such questions, and finding their answers, have al-
ways been my major personal and professional concern.
First, as an introductory psychology teacher for nearly six
decades, I have always worked to prove relevance as well
as essence of psychology to my students. Next, as an author
of the now classic basic text, Psychology and Life (Ruch &
Zimbardo, 1971), which claimed to wed psychology to life
applications, I constantly sought to put more psychology in
our lives and more life in our psychology (Gerrig & Zim-
bardo, 2004; Zimbardo, 1992). To reach an even broader
student audience, I have coauthored Core Concepts in
Psychology (Zimbardo, Weber, & Johnson, 2002) that
strives to bring the excitement of scientific and applied
psychology to students in state and community colleges.
In order to further expand the audience for what is best
in psychology, I accepted an invitation to help create, be
scientific advisor for, and narrator of the 26-program PBS
TV series, Discovering Psychology (1990/2001). For this
general public audience, we have provided answers—as
viewable instances—to their “so what?” questions. This
award-winning series is shown both nationally and inter-
nationally (in at least 10 nations) and has been the foun-
dation for the most popular telecou ...
After reading The Cultural Meaning of Suicide What Does That Mean.docxdaniahendric
After reading The Cultural Meaning of Suicide: What Does That Mean?, write a paper of 600-750 words on suicide in which you address the following questions:
1. What did you think of the article? How did the article relate to topics presented in the textbook?
1. What interesting questions did the article raise for you?
1. Identify the common predictors of suicide, treatments, and prevention programs
1. Define suicide in your own words and describe how suicide is viewed in other cultures.
Use the Library databases and include two to four scholarly sources from the library to support your claims, in addition of the article you are critiquing. In addition to the scholarly resources from the library, you can include past classroom materials as well as your textbook as additional reference material.
Prepare this assignment according to the guidelines found in the APA Style Guide, located in the Student Success Center. An abstract is not required.
OMEGA, Vol. 64(1) 83-94, 2011-2012
THE CULTURAL MEANING OF SUICIDE:
WHAT DOES THAT MEAN?
DAVID LESTER
The Richard Stockton College of New Jersey
ABSTRACT
Scholars sometimes stress that it is important to know the individual meaning
of suicide and the cultural meaning of suicide, but the meaning of these terms
remains unclear. The present article discusses this problem and suggests that
the individual meaning of suicide is best based on the motives for suicide,
while the cultural meaning of suicide is best rooted in the lay theories of
suicide in which the members of cultures and subcultures believe.
Colucci (2006) drew attention to the fact that theory and research into suicidal
behavior has neglected the role of culture. Suicide is typically considered to be the
same phenomenon throughout the world, and theories proposed in one region
(such as the West) are assumed to apply to other regions. In addition, Colucci
pointed out that the cultural meaning of suicide has been neglected except for
rare scholars who draw attention to this issue, such as Douglas (1967) and Boldt
(1988). However, there appears to be a great deal of confusion over what exactly
the “meaning” of suicide refers to and, more especially, the “cultural meaning” of
suicide. The purpose of the present article is to examine what these terms mean.
Colucci cited the work of Good and Good (1982) who suggested that the
meaning of an illness involves “the metaphors associated with a disease, the
ethnomedical theories, the basic values and conceptual forms, and the care
patterns that shape the experience of the illness and the social reactions to the
sufferer” (p. 148). This encompasses many separate concepts.
83
� 2011, Baywood Publishing Co., Inc.
doi: 10.2190/OM.64.1.f
http://baywood.com
THE PHENOMENON OF SUICIDAL BEHAVIOR
Cultures differ in the frequency of suicidal behavior, the methods chosen for
suicide, the distribution by age, sex, and other sociodemographic variables. Many
articles have appeared doc ...
After reading The Cultural Meaning of Suicide What Does That Mean.docxcoubroughcosta
After reading The Cultural Meaning of Suicide: What Does That Mean?, write a paper of 600-750 words on suicide in which you address the following questions:
1. What did you think of the article? How did the article relate to topics presented in the textbook?
1. What interesting questions did the article raise for you?
1. Identify the common predictors of suicide, treatments, and prevention programs
1. Define suicide in your own words and describe how suicide is viewed in other cultures.
Use the Library databases and include two to four scholarly sources from the library to support your claims, in addition of the article you are critiquing. In addition to the scholarly resources from the library, you can include past classroom materials as well as your textbook as additional reference material.
Prepare this assignment according to the guidelines found in the APA Style Guide, located in the Student Success Center. An abstract is not required.
OMEGA, Vol. 64(1) 83-94, 2011-2012
THE CULTURAL MEANING OF SUICIDE:
WHAT DOES THAT MEAN?
DAVID LESTER
The Richard Stockton College of New Jersey
ABSTRACT
Scholars sometimes stress that it is important to know the individual meaning
of suicide and the cultural meaning of suicide, but the meaning of these terms
remains unclear. The present article discusses this problem and suggests that
the individual meaning of suicide is best based on the motives for suicide,
while the cultural meaning of suicide is best rooted in the lay theories of
suicide in which the members of cultures and subcultures believe.
Colucci (2006) drew attention to the fact that theory and research into suicidal
behavior has neglected the role of culture. Suicide is typically considered to be the
same phenomenon throughout the world, and theories proposed in one region
(such as the West) are assumed to apply to other regions. In addition, Colucci
pointed out that the cultural meaning of suicide has been neglected except for
rare scholars who draw attention to this issue, such as Douglas (1967) and Boldt
(1988). However, there appears to be a great deal of confusion over what exactly
the “meaning” of suicide refers to and, more especially, the “cultural meaning” of
suicide. The purpose of the present article is to examine what these terms mean.
Colucci cited the work of Good and Good (1982) who suggested that the
meaning of an illness involves “the metaphors associated with a disease, the
ethnomedical theories, the basic values and conceptual forms, and the care
patterns that shape the experience of the illness and the social reactions to the
sufferer” (p. 148). This encompasses many separate concepts.
83
� 2011, Baywood Publishing Co., Inc.
doi: 10.2190/OM.64.1.f
http://baywood.com
THE PHENOMENON OF SUICIDAL BEHAVIOR
Cultures differ in the frequency of suicidal behavior, the methods chosen for
suicide, the distribution by age, sex, and other sociodemographic variables. Many
articles have appeared doc.
Using evidence from psychology, anthropology, sociology and other scientific disciplines, this book shows that there are at least three biological races (subspecies) of man Orientals (i.e., Mongoloids or Asians), Blacks (i.e., Negroids or Africans), and Whites (i.e., Caucasoids or Europeans).
There are recognizable profiles for the three major racial groups on brain size, intelligence, personality and temperament, sexual behavior, and rates of fertility, maturation and longevity.
The profiles reveal that, on average, Orientals and their descendants around the world fall at one end of the continuum, Blacks and their descendants around the world fall at the other end of the continuum, Europeans regularly fall in between.
This worldwide pattern implies evolutionary and genetic, rather than purely social, political, economic, or cultural causes.
Shiva Kumar Srinivasan has a Ph.D. in English Literature and Psychoanalysis from the University of Wales at Cardiff.
These clinical notes summarize the main points raised by the Lacanian analyst Robert Samuels on the question of analytic technique.
These clinical notes should make it possible for both beginners and clinicians to relate Freudian concepts with Lacanian terms like the real, the imaginary, and the symbolic more effectively.
Why have the Loyalists largely been forgotten in history Do you .docxalanfhall8953
Why have the Loyalists largely been forgotten in history? Do you believe they acted out of patriotism to Britain or out of self-interest? Explain.
Loyalists can be described as American colonists who were always loyal to the empire of the British, and they believed in the monarchy of the British during the revolutionary war of the Americans. The patriots viewed them to be traitors of their nation. They were also viewed to be the people that prevented America’s liberty (Baker, 1921).
History is often written as a way of appreciating the victors. Often, the losers are not kept in the records. It is what happened to the loyalists. They were simply loyal to the king and the country that they had originated from. Loyalty was a value that every Englishman and colonist had to have. The other colonists were obsessed of having freedom and liberty. However, the loyalists acted on what they thought were right for them to do. For doing the right thing, they were punished, ridiculed, and killed. They have also been forgotten in history since people believed that they were failures and traitors to their country (Evans, 1968).
I tend to believe that the loyalists were patriotic to the British, and that is why they acted that way. However, they had their ideas, and they believed that were doing the right thing. They believed that by staying loyal to the British rule, they were respectful to their country. Their patriotism was a way of being respectful to their mother country. They believed in the monarch system of government while other people believed in democracy. They were opposed to the views of the rebels thus they did not agree to what the rebels wanted to do. They believed that the rebels were traitors to their mother country. The loyalists believed that they were honorable by being patriotic.
References
Baker, W. K. (1921). The loyalists,. London: G. Routledge & Sons [etc.].
Evans, G. N. (1968). The Loyalists. Vancouver: Copp Clark Pub. Co.
W A R H O L C R E D I T H E R E
w w w . s c i a m . c o m SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN 41
PICTURE?PICTURE?
What’s Wrong with This
PSYCHOLOGISTS OFTEN USE THE FAMOUS
RORSCHACH INKBLOT TEST AND RELATED
TOOLS TO ASSESS PERSONALITY AND
MENTAL ILLNESS. BUT RESEARCH SHOWS
THAT INSTRUMENTS ARE FREQUENTLY
INEFFECTIVE FOR THOSE PURPOSES
by Scott O. Lilienfeld, James M. Wood and Howard N. Garb
PHOTOGRAPHS BY JELLE WAGAANER
But how correct would they be? The answer is important
because psychologists frequently apply such “projective” in-
struments (presenting people with ambiguous images, words
or objects) as components of mental assessments, and because
the outcomes can profoundly affect the lives of the respondents.
The tools often serve, for instance, as aids in diagnosing men-
tal illness, in predicting whether convicts are likely to become
violent after being paroled, in assessing the mental stability of
parents engaged in custody battles, and in discerning whether
children have be.
Using the modules below, answer the following essay questions.docxdickonsondorris
Using the modules below, answer the following essay questions:
Short Answer
Respond to 1of the following short answer questions. Your response should be at least 1-2 paragraphs long and written in full sentences. (10 points possible)
Option 3: Describe the role of religion in supporting people and culture. Please provide specific examples to illustrate and support your answer.
Essay Question
Answer 1of the following essay questions. Your response will be graded in terms of
accuracy, completeness, and relevancy of the ideas expressed. For full points, your answer should be written in complete sentences and be at least 5 paragraphs long with a recognizable introduction, and conclusion. Support your statements with specific examples from the course material, cite your sources both within the text of your essay and at the end of your essay. (15 points possible)
Choose one of the forms, and and discuss the "emic" and etic views of why this form of marriage "makes sense" (i.e., is adaptive) using specific examples from the course or course readings.
Use these modules:
1. What Is Anthropology?
The Subject Matter of Anthropology
Anthropology is the study of what it is to be human in the past and present, the things about people that are the same, and the things about them that are different. Anthropologists try to understand and describe the way in which humans think and behave and why we think and behave as we do. They help us recognize that much of what we think and do has been learned from the cultural worlds we walk in and that others do not necessarily experience or understand the world in the same way we do.
To understand humanity, anthropologists must study all of humanity, not just the most familiar or convenient human populations. Anthropology is cross-cultural. It seeks to understand how life is lived, experienced, and interpreted in different settings and at different times. It also seeks to understand how different people's unique histories and positions in larger contexts, such as the global economy, shape their lives. By studying people in their own contexts, anthropologists guard against conclusions that may be true for some, but not all. Anthropologists resist assumptions that any particular behavior, idea, or way of being is "natural" unless they are sure that no others do it, think about it, experience it, or interpret it differently. They challenge ethnocentrism wherever and whenever they find it.
Think about it:
Ideas about where infants should sleep can reflect notions of the "ideal" person a society is trying to develop. Many Americans, for example, highly value independence, individualism, and personal space and think, therefore, that infants "must" learn to sleep in their own cribs, often in their own rooms. People from other traditions, however, may find this practice cruel. Where do you think infants should sleep? Why? What does your opinion say about your values and traditions?
The Development of Anthropology
...
Review of International Studies (2007), 33, 3–24 Copyright B.docxmichael591
Review of International Studies (2007), 33, 3–24 Copyright � British International Studies Association
doi:10.1017/S0260210507007371
Introduction
Still critical after all these years? The past,
present and future of Critical Theory in
International Relations
NICHOLAS RENGGER AND BEN THIRKELL-WHITE*
Twenty-five years ago, theoretical reflection on International Relations (IR) was
dominated by three broad discourses. In the United States the behavioural revolution
of the 1950s and 1960s had helped to create a field that was heavily influenced by
various assumptions allegedly derived from the natural sciences. Of course, variety
existed within the behaviourist camp. Some preferred the heavily quantitative
approach that had become especially influential in the 1960s, while others were
exploring the burgeoning literature of rational and public choice, derived from the
game theoretic approaches pioneered at the RAND corporation. Perhaps the most
influential theoretical voice of the late 1970s, Kenneth Waltz, chose neither; instead he
developed his Theory of International Politics around an austere conception of parsi-
mony and systems derived from his reading in contemporary philosophy of science.1
These positivist methods were adopted not just in the United States but also in
Europe, Asia and the UK. But in Britain a second, older approach, more influenced
by history, law and by philosophy was still widely admired. The ‘classical approach’
to international theory had yet to formally emerge into the ‘English School’ but many
of its texts had been written and it was certainly a force to be reckoned with.2
* The authors would like to thank all the contributors to this special issue, including our two referees.
We would also like to thank Kate Schick for comments on drafts and broader discussion of the
subject matter.
1 Discussions of the development and character of so-called ‘positivist’ IR are something of a drug on
the market. Many of them, of course, treat IR and political science as virtually interchangeable. For
discussions of the rise of ‘positivist’ political science, see: Bernard Crick, The American Science of
Politics (Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, 1960). Klaus Knorr and
James Rosenau (eds.), Contending Approaches to International Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 1969) highlight the emergence of what might be termed ‘classical’ behaviouralist
approaches. The growing diversity of the field can be seen in K. J. Holsti, The Dividing Discipline
(London; Allen and Unwin, 1985) and the debates between positivism and its critics traced ably in
the introduction to Steve Smith, Ken Booth and Marysia Zalewski (eds.), International Theory;
Positivism, and Beyond (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). Waltz’s move from a
traditional to a much more scientific mode of theory is found, of course, in Theory of International
Politics (Reading, MA: Addison Wesley, 1979).
2 The exhaustive (an.
Shiva Kumar Srinivasan has a Ph.D. in English Literature and Psychoanalysis from the University of Wales, Cardiff (1996).
His thesis was titled 'Oedipus Redux: D.H. Lawrence in the Freudian Field.'
These clinical notes should be of use to both theorists and practitioners of psychoanalysis in the tradition of Sigmund Freud and Jacques Lacan.
Sm. Sri. Med. Vol. 34, No. 2, pp. 107-111, 1992 0277-9536192 S.docxedgar6wallace88877
Sm. Sri. Med. Vol. 34, No. 2, pp. 107-111, 1992 0277-9536192 S5.00 + 0.00
Printed in Great Britain Pergamon Press plc
FORENSIC ANTHROPOLOGY AND THE CONCEPT OF
RACE: IF RACES DON’T EXIST, WHY ARE FORENSIC
ANTHROPOLOGISTS SO GOOD AT IDENTIFYING THEM?
NORMAN J. SAUER
Department of Anthropology, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48824, U.S.A.
Abstract-Most anthropologists have abandoned the concept of race as a research tool and as a valid
representation of human biological diversity. Yet, race identification continues to be one of the central
foci of forensic anthropological casework and research. It is maintained in this paper that the successful
assignment of race to a skeletal specimen is not a vindication of the race concept, but rather a prediction
that an individual, while alive was assigned to a particular socially constructed ‘racial’ category. A
specimen may display features that point to African ancestry. In this country that person is likely to have
been labeled Black regardless of whether or not such a race actually exists in nature.
Key words-forensic anthropology, race, race identification, human variation
Several years ago, I was approached by the Michigan
State Police for assistance with the identification of a
set of decomposed human remains. The specimen,
obviously human, was discovered in a wooded area
by hunters, reported to police and transported to a
morgue at a local hospital. After a standard anthro-
pological evaluation of the material I concluded that
the remains represented a Black female, who was
18-23 years old at death and between 5’2” and 5’6”.
The condition of the remains suggested that depo-
sition occurred between 6 weeks and 6 months before
discovery. That information was reported to the
Investigative Resources Division of the State Police
who matched it against Missing person records. In a
few weeks time the remains were positively identified
as representing a Black female, who was 5’3” tall and
19 years of age when she disappeared about 3 months
earlier.
For many anthropologists there currently exists
a dilemma. While most have rejected the traditional
Western notion of race, as bounded, identifiable
biological groups and have renounced its use as
harmful, the race concept as it is understood by
the public continues to be one of the central
foci of forensic anthropological research and
application. Does the fact that forensic anthropolo-
gists are able to correctly guess the race of a subject
from skeletal remains in any way validate the
concept?
THE NON-EXISTENCE OF RACES
In the 1960s C. Loting Brace and Frank Living-
stone presented arguments for the nonexistence of
human races [l, 21. Extending a debate that began a
decade earlier in zoology [I, 31, they argued that the
discordance of traits made defining races on the basis
of more than one or two characters impossible. Since
no human biologist would support such limited
criteria for d.
Synopsis of key persons, events, and associations in the history.docxdeanmtaylor1545
Synopsis of key persons, events, and associations in the history of Latino psychology
Padilla, Amado M; Olmedo, Esteban. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology Vol. 15, Iss. 4, (Oct 2009): 363-373. DOI:10.1037/a0017557
Full text
Full text - PDF
Abstract/Details
References 54
Abstract
Translate
In this article, we present a brief synopsis of six early Latino psychologists, several key conferences, the establishment of research centers, and early efforts to create an association for Latino psychologists. Our chronology runs from approximately 1930 to 2000. This history is a firsthand account of how these early leaders, conferences, and efforts to bring Latinos and Latinas together served as a backdrop to current research and practice in Latino psychology. This history of individuals and events is also intertwined with the American Psychological Association and the National Institute of Mental Health and efforts by Latino psychologists to obtain the professional support necessary to lay down the roots of a Latino presence in psychology. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: journal abstract)
Full text
Translate
Contents
Abstract
First Generation of Latino Psychologists
George I. Sanchez
Alfredo Castañeda
Carlos Albizu Miranda
Rene A. Ruiz
Martha Bernal
Edward Casavantes
Summary
National Associations and Organizations
The 1978 Dulles Conference
National Latino Research Centers
Spanish Speaking Mental Health Research Center (SSMHRC)
The Spanish Family Guidance Center
Hispanic Research Center
Lake Arrowhead, California, Conference
Conclusion
Show less
Figures and Tables
Figure 1
Figure 2
Figure 3
Figure 4
Show less
Abstract
In this article, we present a brief synopsis of six early Latino psychologists, several key conferences, the establishment of research centers, and early efforts to create an association for Latino psychologists. Our chronology runs from approximately 1930 to 2000. This history is a firsthand account of how these early leaders, conferences, and efforts to bring Latinos and Latinas together served as a backdrop to current research and practice in Latino psychology. This history of individuals and events is also intertwined with the American Psychological Association and the National Institute of Mental Health and efforts by Latino psychologists to obtain the professional support necessary to lay down the roots of a Latino presence in psychology.
Our purpose here is to provide a firsthand account of contemporary developments in the field of Latino psychology between 1930 and 2000. We begin by presenting the careers of early pioneer Latino psychologists who contributed in significant ways to psychology in general and to Latino psychology in particular. These psychologists are deceased, but all left a lasting imprint on Latino scholarship because of their research, commitment to their cultural roots, and their advocacy on behalf of future generations of Latino psychologists. We di.
Using evidence from psychology, anthropology, sociology and other scientific disciplines, this book shows that there are at least three biological races (subspecies) of man Orientals (i.e., Mongoloids or Asians), Blacks (i.e., Negroids or Africans), and Whites (i.e., Caucasoids or Europeans).
There are recognizable profiles for the three major racial groups on brain size, intelligence, personality and temperament, sexual behavior, and rates of fertility, maturation and longevity.
The profiles reveal that, on average, Orientals and their descendants around the world fall at one end of the continuum, Blacks and their descendants around the world fall at the other end of the continuum, Europeans regularly fall in between.
This worldwide pattern implies evolutionary and genetic, rather than purely social, political, economic, or cultural causes.
Shiva Kumar Srinivasan has a Ph.D. in English Literature and Psychoanalysis from the University of Wales at Cardiff.
These clinical notes summarize the main points raised by the Lacanian analyst Robert Samuels on the question of analytic technique.
These clinical notes should make it possible for both beginners and clinicians to relate Freudian concepts with Lacanian terms like the real, the imaginary, and the symbolic more effectively.
Why have the Loyalists largely been forgotten in history Do you .docxalanfhall8953
Why have the Loyalists largely been forgotten in history? Do you believe they acted out of patriotism to Britain or out of self-interest? Explain.
Loyalists can be described as American colonists who were always loyal to the empire of the British, and they believed in the monarchy of the British during the revolutionary war of the Americans. The patriots viewed them to be traitors of their nation. They were also viewed to be the people that prevented America’s liberty (Baker, 1921).
History is often written as a way of appreciating the victors. Often, the losers are not kept in the records. It is what happened to the loyalists. They were simply loyal to the king and the country that they had originated from. Loyalty was a value that every Englishman and colonist had to have. The other colonists were obsessed of having freedom and liberty. However, the loyalists acted on what they thought were right for them to do. For doing the right thing, they were punished, ridiculed, and killed. They have also been forgotten in history since people believed that they were failures and traitors to their country (Evans, 1968).
I tend to believe that the loyalists were patriotic to the British, and that is why they acted that way. However, they had their ideas, and they believed that were doing the right thing. They believed that by staying loyal to the British rule, they were respectful to their country. Their patriotism was a way of being respectful to their mother country. They believed in the monarch system of government while other people believed in democracy. They were opposed to the views of the rebels thus they did not agree to what the rebels wanted to do. They believed that the rebels were traitors to their mother country. The loyalists believed that they were honorable by being patriotic.
References
Baker, W. K. (1921). The loyalists,. London: G. Routledge & Sons [etc.].
Evans, G. N. (1968). The Loyalists. Vancouver: Copp Clark Pub. Co.
W A R H O L C R E D I T H E R E
w w w . s c i a m . c o m SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN 41
PICTURE?PICTURE?
What’s Wrong with This
PSYCHOLOGISTS OFTEN USE THE FAMOUS
RORSCHACH INKBLOT TEST AND RELATED
TOOLS TO ASSESS PERSONALITY AND
MENTAL ILLNESS. BUT RESEARCH SHOWS
THAT INSTRUMENTS ARE FREQUENTLY
INEFFECTIVE FOR THOSE PURPOSES
by Scott O. Lilienfeld, James M. Wood and Howard N. Garb
PHOTOGRAPHS BY JELLE WAGAANER
But how correct would they be? The answer is important
because psychologists frequently apply such “projective” in-
struments (presenting people with ambiguous images, words
or objects) as components of mental assessments, and because
the outcomes can profoundly affect the lives of the respondents.
The tools often serve, for instance, as aids in diagnosing men-
tal illness, in predicting whether convicts are likely to become
violent after being paroled, in assessing the mental stability of
parents engaged in custody battles, and in discerning whether
children have be.
Using the modules below, answer the following essay questions.docxdickonsondorris
Using the modules below, answer the following essay questions:
Short Answer
Respond to 1of the following short answer questions. Your response should be at least 1-2 paragraphs long and written in full sentences. (10 points possible)
Option 3: Describe the role of religion in supporting people and culture. Please provide specific examples to illustrate and support your answer.
Essay Question
Answer 1of the following essay questions. Your response will be graded in terms of
accuracy, completeness, and relevancy of the ideas expressed. For full points, your answer should be written in complete sentences and be at least 5 paragraphs long with a recognizable introduction, and conclusion. Support your statements with specific examples from the course material, cite your sources both within the text of your essay and at the end of your essay. (15 points possible)
Choose one of the forms, and and discuss the "emic" and etic views of why this form of marriage "makes sense" (i.e., is adaptive) using specific examples from the course or course readings.
Use these modules:
1. What Is Anthropology?
The Subject Matter of Anthropology
Anthropology is the study of what it is to be human in the past and present, the things about people that are the same, and the things about them that are different. Anthropologists try to understand and describe the way in which humans think and behave and why we think and behave as we do. They help us recognize that much of what we think and do has been learned from the cultural worlds we walk in and that others do not necessarily experience or understand the world in the same way we do.
To understand humanity, anthropologists must study all of humanity, not just the most familiar or convenient human populations. Anthropology is cross-cultural. It seeks to understand how life is lived, experienced, and interpreted in different settings and at different times. It also seeks to understand how different people's unique histories and positions in larger contexts, such as the global economy, shape their lives. By studying people in their own contexts, anthropologists guard against conclusions that may be true for some, but not all. Anthropologists resist assumptions that any particular behavior, idea, or way of being is "natural" unless they are sure that no others do it, think about it, experience it, or interpret it differently. They challenge ethnocentrism wherever and whenever they find it.
Think about it:
Ideas about where infants should sleep can reflect notions of the "ideal" person a society is trying to develop. Many Americans, for example, highly value independence, individualism, and personal space and think, therefore, that infants "must" learn to sleep in their own cribs, often in their own rooms. People from other traditions, however, may find this practice cruel. Where do you think infants should sleep? Why? What does your opinion say about your values and traditions?
The Development of Anthropology
...
Review of International Studies (2007), 33, 3–24 Copyright B.docxmichael591
Review of International Studies (2007), 33, 3–24 Copyright � British International Studies Association
doi:10.1017/S0260210507007371
Introduction
Still critical after all these years? The past,
present and future of Critical Theory in
International Relations
NICHOLAS RENGGER AND BEN THIRKELL-WHITE*
Twenty-five years ago, theoretical reflection on International Relations (IR) was
dominated by three broad discourses. In the United States the behavioural revolution
of the 1950s and 1960s had helped to create a field that was heavily influenced by
various assumptions allegedly derived from the natural sciences. Of course, variety
existed within the behaviourist camp. Some preferred the heavily quantitative
approach that had become especially influential in the 1960s, while others were
exploring the burgeoning literature of rational and public choice, derived from the
game theoretic approaches pioneered at the RAND corporation. Perhaps the most
influential theoretical voice of the late 1970s, Kenneth Waltz, chose neither; instead he
developed his Theory of International Politics around an austere conception of parsi-
mony and systems derived from his reading in contemporary philosophy of science.1
These positivist methods were adopted not just in the United States but also in
Europe, Asia and the UK. But in Britain a second, older approach, more influenced
by history, law and by philosophy was still widely admired. The ‘classical approach’
to international theory had yet to formally emerge into the ‘English School’ but many
of its texts had been written and it was certainly a force to be reckoned with.2
* The authors would like to thank all the contributors to this special issue, including our two referees.
We would also like to thank Kate Schick for comments on drafts and broader discussion of the
subject matter.
1 Discussions of the development and character of so-called ‘positivist’ IR are something of a drug on
the market. Many of them, of course, treat IR and political science as virtually interchangeable. For
discussions of the rise of ‘positivist’ political science, see: Bernard Crick, The American Science of
Politics (Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, 1960). Klaus Knorr and
James Rosenau (eds.), Contending Approaches to International Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 1969) highlight the emergence of what might be termed ‘classical’ behaviouralist
approaches. The growing diversity of the field can be seen in K. J. Holsti, The Dividing Discipline
(London; Allen and Unwin, 1985) and the debates between positivism and its critics traced ably in
the introduction to Steve Smith, Ken Booth and Marysia Zalewski (eds.), International Theory;
Positivism, and Beyond (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). Waltz’s move from a
traditional to a much more scientific mode of theory is found, of course, in Theory of International
Politics (Reading, MA: Addison Wesley, 1979).
2 The exhaustive (an.
Shiva Kumar Srinivasan has a Ph.D. in English Literature and Psychoanalysis from the University of Wales, Cardiff (1996).
His thesis was titled 'Oedipus Redux: D.H. Lawrence in the Freudian Field.'
These clinical notes should be of use to both theorists and practitioners of psychoanalysis in the tradition of Sigmund Freud and Jacques Lacan.
Sm. Sri. Med. Vol. 34, No. 2, pp. 107-111, 1992 0277-9536192 S.docxedgar6wallace88877
Sm. Sri. Med. Vol. 34, No. 2, pp. 107-111, 1992 0277-9536192 S5.00 + 0.00
Printed in Great Britain Pergamon Press plc
FORENSIC ANTHROPOLOGY AND THE CONCEPT OF
RACE: IF RACES DON’T EXIST, WHY ARE FORENSIC
ANTHROPOLOGISTS SO GOOD AT IDENTIFYING THEM?
NORMAN J. SAUER
Department of Anthropology, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48824, U.S.A.
Abstract-Most anthropologists have abandoned the concept of race as a research tool and as a valid
representation of human biological diversity. Yet, race identification continues to be one of the central
foci of forensic anthropological casework and research. It is maintained in this paper that the successful
assignment of race to a skeletal specimen is not a vindication of the race concept, but rather a prediction
that an individual, while alive was assigned to a particular socially constructed ‘racial’ category. A
specimen may display features that point to African ancestry. In this country that person is likely to have
been labeled Black regardless of whether or not such a race actually exists in nature.
Key words-forensic anthropology, race, race identification, human variation
Several years ago, I was approached by the Michigan
State Police for assistance with the identification of a
set of decomposed human remains. The specimen,
obviously human, was discovered in a wooded area
by hunters, reported to police and transported to a
morgue at a local hospital. After a standard anthro-
pological evaluation of the material I concluded that
the remains represented a Black female, who was
18-23 years old at death and between 5’2” and 5’6”.
The condition of the remains suggested that depo-
sition occurred between 6 weeks and 6 months before
discovery. That information was reported to the
Investigative Resources Division of the State Police
who matched it against Missing person records. In a
few weeks time the remains were positively identified
as representing a Black female, who was 5’3” tall and
19 years of age when she disappeared about 3 months
earlier.
For many anthropologists there currently exists
a dilemma. While most have rejected the traditional
Western notion of race, as bounded, identifiable
biological groups and have renounced its use as
harmful, the race concept as it is understood by
the public continues to be one of the central
foci of forensic anthropological research and
application. Does the fact that forensic anthropolo-
gists are able to correctly guess the race of a subject
from skeletal remains in any way validate the
concept?
THE NON-EXISTENCE OF RACES
In the 1960s C. Loting Brace and Frank Living-
stone presented arguments for the nonexistence of
human races [l, 21. Extending a debate that began a
decade earlier in zoology [I, 31, they argued that the
discordance of traits made defining races on the basis
of more than one or two characters impossible. Since
no human biologist would support such limited
criteria for d.
Synopsis of key persons, events, and associations in the history.docxdeanmtaylor1545
Synopsis of key persons, events, and associations in the history of Latino psychology
Padilla, Amado M; Olmedo, Esteban. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology Vol. 15, Iss. 4, (Oct 2009): 363-373. DOI:10.1037/a0017557
Full text
Full text - PDF
Abstract/Details
References 54
Abstract
Translate
In this article, we present a brief synopsis of six early Latino psychologists, several key conferences, the establishment of research centers, and early efforts to create an association for Latino psychologists. Our chronology runs from approximately 1930 to 2000. This history is a firsthand account of how these early leaders, conferences, and efforts to bring Latinos and Latinas together served as a backdrop to current research and practice in Latino psychology. This history of individuals and events is also intertwined with the American Psychological Association and the National Institute of Mental Health and efforts by Latino psychologists to obtain the professional support necessary to lay down the roots of a Latino presence in psychology. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: journal abstract)
Full text
Translate
Contents
Abstract
First Generation of Latino Psychologists
George I. Sanchez
Alfredo Castañeda
Carlos Albizu Miranda
Rene A. Ruiz
Martha Bernal
Edward Casavantes
Summary
National Associations and Organizations
The 1978 Dulles Conference
National Latino Research Centers
Spanish Speaking Mental Health Research Center (SSMHRC)
The Spanish Family Guidance Center
Hispanic Research Center
Lake Arrowhead, California, Conference
Conclusion
Show less
Figures and Tables
Figure 1
Figure 2
Figure 3
Figure 4
Show less
Abstract
In this article, we present a brief synopsis of six early Latino psychologists, several key conferences, the establishment of research centers, and early efforts to create an association for Latino psychologists. Our chronology runs from approximately 1930 to 2000. This history is a firsthand account of how these early leaders, conferences, and efforts to bring Latinos and Latinas together served as a backdrop to current research and practice in Latino psychology. This history of individuals and events is also intertwined with the American Psychological Association and the National Institute of Mental Health and efforts by Latino psychologists to obtain the professional support necessary to lay down the roots of a Latino presence in psychology.
Our purpose here is to provide a firsthand account of contemporary developments in the field of Latino psychology between 1930 and 2000. We begin by presenting the careers of early pioneer Latino psychologists who contributed in significant ways to psychology in general and to Latino psychology in particular. These psychologists are deceased, but all left a lasting imprint on Latino scholarship because of their research, commitment to their cultural roots, and their advocacy on behalf of future generations of Latino psychologists. We di.
Ethnobotany and Ethnopharmacology:
Ethnobotany in herbal drug evaluation,
Impact of Ethnobotany in traditional medicine,
New development in herbals,
Bio-prospecting tools for drug discovery,
Role of Ethnopharmacology in drug evaluation,
Reverse Pharmacology.
Synthetic Fiber Construction in lab .pptxPavel ( NSTU)
Synthetic fiber production is a fascinating and complex field that blends chemistry, engineering, and environmental science. By understanding these aspects, students can gain a comprehensive view of synthetic fiber production, its impact on society and the environment, and the potential for future innovations. Synthetic fibers play a crucial role in modern society, impacting various aspects of daily life, industry, and the environment. ynthetic fibers are integral to modern life, offering a range of benefits from cost-effectiveness and versatility to innovative applications and performance characteristics. While they pose environmental challenges, ongoing research and development aim to create more sustainable and eco-friendly alternatives. Understanding the importance of synthetic fibers helps in appreciating their role in the economy, industry, and daily life, while also emphasizing the need for sustainable practices and innovation.
Unit 8 - Information and Communication Technology (Paper I).pdfThiyagu K
This slides describes the basic concepts of ICT, basics of Email, Emerging Technology and Digital Initiatives in Education. This presentations aligns with the UGC Paper I syllabus.
Instructions for Submissions thorugh G- Classroom.pptxJheel Barad
This presentation provides a briefing on how to upload submissions and documents in Google Classroom. It was prepared as part of an orientation for new Sainik School in-service teacher trainees. As a training officer, my goal is to ensure that you are comfortable and proficient with this essential tool for managing assignments and fostering student engagement.
Read| The latest issue of The Challenger is here! We are thrilled to announce that our school paper has qualified for the NATIONAL SCHOOLS PRESS CONFERENCE (NSPC) 2024. Thank you for your unwavering support and trust. Dive into the stories that made us stand out!
This is a presentation by Dada Robert in a Your Skill Boost masterclass organised by the Excellence Foundation for South Sudan (EFSS) on Saturday, the 25th and Sunday, the 26th of May 2024.
He discussed the concept of quality improvement, emphasizing its applicability to various aspects of life, including personal, project, and program improvements. He defined quality as doing the right thing at the right time in the right way to achieve the best possible results and discussed the concept of the "gap" between what we know and what we do, and how this gap represents the areas we need to improve. He explained the scientific approach to quality improvement, which involves systematic performance analysis, testing and learning, and implementing change ideas. He also highlighted the importance of client focus and a team approach to quality improvement.
The Roman Empire A Historical Colossus.pdfkaushalkr1407
The Roman Empire, a vast and enduring power, stands as one of history's most remarkable civilizations, leaving an indelible imprint on the world. It emerged from the Roman Republic, transitioning into an imperial powerhouse under the leadership of Augustus Caesar in 27 BCE. This transformation marked the beginning of an era defined by unprecedented territorial expansion, architectural marvels, and profound cultural influence.
The empire's roots lie in the city of Rome, founded, according to legend, by Romulus in 753 BCE. Over centuries, Rome evolved from a small settlement to a formidable republic, characterized by a complex political system with elected officials and checks on power. However, internal strife, class conflicts, and military ambitions paved the way for the end of the Republic. Julius Caesar’s dictatorship and subsequent assassination in 44 BCE created a power vacuum, leading to a civil war. Octavian, later Augustus, emerged victorious, heralding the Roman Empire’s birth.
Under Augustus, the empire experienced the Pax Romana, a 200-year period of relative peace and stability. Augustus reformed the military, established efficient administrative systems, and initiated grand construction projects. The empire's borders expanded, encompassing territories from Britain to Egypt and from Spain to the Euphrates. Roman legions, renowned for their discipline and engineering prowess, secured and maintained these vast territories, building roads, fortifications, and cities that facilitated control and integration.
The Roman Empire’s society was hierarchical, with a rigid class system. At the top were the patricians, wealthy elites who held significant political power. Below them were the plebeians, free citizens with limited political influence, and the vast numbers of slaves who formed the backbone of the economy. The family unit was central, governed by the paterfamilias, the male head who held absolute authority.
Culturally, the Romans were eclectic, absorbing and adapting elements from the civilizations they encountered, particularly the Greeks. Roman art, literature, and philosophy reflected this synthesis, creating a rich cultural tapestry. Latin, the Roman language, became the lingua franca of the Western world, influencing numerous modern languages.
Roman architecture and engineering achievements were monumental. They perfected the arch, vault, and dome, constructing enduring structures like the Colosseum, Pantheon, and aqueducts. These engineering marvels not only showcased Roman ingenuity but also served practical purposes, from public entertainment to water supply.
Students, digital devices and success - Andreas Schleicher - 27 May 2024..pptxEduSkills OECD
Andreas Schleicher presents at the OECD webinar ‘Digital devices in schools: detrimental distraction or secret to success?’ on 27 May 2024. The presentation was based on findings from PISA 2022 results and the webinar helped launch the PISA in Focus ‘Managing screen time: How to protect and equip students against distraction’ https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/education/managing-screen-time_7c225af4-en and the OECD Education Policy Perspective ‘Students, digital devices and success’ can be found here - https://oe.cd/il/5yV
A Brief Essay On How Comparative Psychology Became An Endangered Species
1. Revista Interamericana de Psicologia/Interamerican Journal of Psychology (IJP)
2017, Vol., 51, No. 1, pp. 107-110
Article |107
A BRIEF ESSAY ON HOW COMPARATIVE
PSYCHOLOGY BECAME AN ENDANGERED SPECIES
Armando Simón1
Flying Phoenix, USA
ABSTRACt
Several previous scholars have noted the decline in the field of comparative psychology in so far as fewer
students are obtaining an advanced degree in the field and fewer courses are being offered in universities.
However, the real cause for the decline occurred decades prior and although the problem was
acknowledged at the time, no significant corrections were made and those same scholars have skirted the
issue. Presently, it is bureaucratic obstacles that impede a resurgence of the discipline.
Keywords
comparative psychology, ethology
RESUMEN
Varios eruditos anteriores han señalado la disminución en el campo de la psicología comparativa en la
medida en que menos estudiantes están obteniendo un título avanzado en el campo y menos cursos se
ofrecen en las universidades. Sin embargo, la verdadera causa de la disminución se produjo décadas
anteriores y aunque el problema se reconoció en el momento, correcciones significativas no fueron hechas
y esos mismos eruditos han evadido el tema. En la actualidad, es obstáculos burocráticos que impiden un
resurgimiento de la disciplina.
Palabras clave
Psicologia comparada, etología
1
Corresponding author for this article is Armando Simon. His email is: countnomis@aol.comis.
2. SIMÓN
Article |108
BREVES ENSAYOS SOBRE CÓMO LA PSICOLOGÍA COMPARATIVA SE CONVIRTIÓ EN ESPECIES EN
PELIGRO
Abramson (2015) is the latest comparative psychologist to spotlight the steady decline of the
comparative psychology specialty. There have been other doomsayers before him, e.g., Galef (1987),
Ardila (1986), Tolman (1989), and Greenberg, Partridge, Weiss & Pisula (2003). If the present trend
continues, then it may truly not be long before the obituary is written.
In such accounts, there is a glaring omission as to why this state of affairs originally came about
which I would like to herein correct, so that if extinction of the division is going to ultimately occur, it is
not right that it should happen without documenting as to why it happened, no matter how unpleasant. It
is no secret as to why, but comparative psychologists have been reluctant to acknowledge and voice it, out
of embarrassment in airing dirty linen (indeed, Dewsbury (1992), in writing on ethology and comparative
psychology, attempted to whitewash the matter and glaringly omitted numerous important details over the
vital events, especially during the crucial 1960s and 1970s). Before doing so, I would like to warn the
reader that my evaluation is harsh, if not downright caustic. Obviously, such observations as I make here
are subjective, although I believe accurate.
Simply put, comparative psychologists brought it upon themselves.
Comparative psychologists cannot claim that they had no advance warning. The writing on the
wall was always there, they just chose to ignore it. Whereas in the beginning, comparative psychology
lived up to its name by studying different types of behaviors in different species (e.g., Kuo, 1921), by the
1950s it had become fossilized into focusing almost exclusively on the ersatz white lab rat and only on
the behaviors of learning and maze running. In his well-known paper, Beach (1950) pointed out that the
emperor had no clothes on and although Beach’s assertion was widely discussed and almost uniformly
agreed upon, there was surprisingly little change in the practices by comparative psychologists, although a
handful of comparative psychologists did abandon the lab white rat---for other rodents: gerbils and voles.
A decade later (Beach, 1960), he returned to elaborate on some of the work done by the European
ethologists, but it seems to again have had no practical effect on American comparative psychologists.
Meanwhile, the ethologists in Europe looked upon the latter’s work with undisguised, open contempt
(Ardila, 1986; Tolman, 1989). Yet, ironically, according to Tinbergen (1963), ethology arose as a reaction
against comparative psychology (p.411):
In a sense this “return to nature” was a reaction against a tendency prevalent at that time in Psychology to
concentrate on a few phenomena observed in a handful of species which were kept in impoverished
environments, to formulate theories claimed to be general, and to proceed deductively by testing these
theories experimentally. It has been said that, in its haste to step into the twentieth century and to become
a respectable science, psychology skipped the preliminary descriptive state that other natural sciences had
gone through, and so was soon losing touch with the natural phenomena.
To be sure, to a large degree this state of affairs was due to the overall influence of the radical
behaviorists. They would routinely assert that biology had no influence whatsoever on behavior (one of
my biology professors of ethology related that after a debate with a behaviorist on whether or not
behaviors had a basis in genetics afterwards asked him the significance of the notation F1, such was the
ignorance of elementary biological terms and principles by many psychologists---and this ignorance still
exists with many psychologists of every division). Those of us who lived through this period will attest
that it is no exaggeration that radical behaviorists had such a stranglehold of the field that the departments
of psychology in many universities in the United States became arenas of a bitter academic civil war
which reached such a point that at times splits occurred and a university would have two or even three
departments of psychology independent from each other, with the faculty of each department not even
talking to the other.
As a graduate student, I and my peers were dimly aware that T. C. Schneirla and Frank Beach had
worked on different species and studied different behaviors, but somehow, their work always seemed out
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2017, Vol., 51, No. 1, pp. 107-110
Article |109
of reach. As with the work of the European ethologists, they were rarely, if ever, mentioned by our
professors. The work of Maier and Schneirla---certainly for graduate students---was similar to the
experiments made in space today by NASA astronauts: we knew that they were out there somewhere, but
nobody seems to know exactly what they were or where they could be found. In reality, it was a one way
street: although ethologists were aware of the work of comparative psychologists, many of the latter
simply ignored the ethologists’ work, principally due to the blinders imposed by behaviorism.
At the same time, the field of psychology as a whole was also being transformed, as the fetish in
our society for the counseling and clinical specialties began to overshadow other disciplines, so that,
slowly, advanced degrees in subspecialties of clinical and counseling psychology began to elbow out and
supplant the traditional divisions, a phenomenon which is continuing to this day (I myself was shocked to
learn that my alma mater, Wichita State University, dissolved the General-Experimental degree in favor
of the trendier Community Psychology and Human Factors Psychology).
At any rate, in the late 1960s and early 1970s, a number of independent events came together that
would radically affect the field. Three books on animal behavior (which at the time was a completely
novel topic to the public) were published within a year or two of each other and became best sellers: The
Naked Ape by Desmond Morris (1967), On Aggression by Konrad Lorenz (1966), and The Territorial
Imperative by Robert Ardrey (1966). Simultaneously, National Geographic television specials (in pre-
PBS, pre-cable days) showed a young lady named Jane Goodall living among chimpanzees and studying
their behavior in their natural habitat, which was at the time a highly dramatic event (she subsequently
published In The Shadow of Man (van Lawik-Goodall & Van Lawik, 1971), which was widely available).
Here were researchers actually studying the behavior of different species---in the open air, instead of
musty rooms filled with rat cages reeking of rat feces---and applying their observation to human
behavior! In 1973, the increasing crescendo culminated in the Nobel Prize for Physiology to three
European ethologists: Nikolaas Tinbergen (Holland), Karl von Frisch (Austria) and Konrad Lorenz
(Austria). It was the coup de grace. This was followed in 1974 by the Public Broadcasting Station airing a
weekly scientific television series entitled Nova which often presented research on circadian rhythms,
migration and other behaviors in animals studied by ethologists but ignored by almost all comparative
psychologists. When American students and visiting ethologists presented the ethological research to
American comparative psychologists and asked them to explain away the results solely in terms of
conditioning, the latter were at a loss for words. The end result was that comparative psychology, as it
was then, looked utterly ridiculous, especially when confronted by the ethologists’ “charisma and
missionary zeal” (Dewsbury, 1992).
That was then. A perusal now of papers published in the Journal of Comparative Psychology
reveals that the lab white rat is no more, extinct, replaced by a plethora of species, primarily primates, and
a range of behaviors are being researched (Shettleworth, 2009). There is a consensus that, if ethology did
not triumph over comparative psychology, at least a synthesis has occurred (Font, Colmenares & Guillẻn-
Salazar, (1998)). And yet, as Abramson notes, the division is nevertheless on the verge of following the
lab white rat into extinction. Since the earlier errors were finally rectified, this state of affairs is a bit
perplexing. After all, interest in animal behavior remains as high among the general population (and
students) as was the case when the ethologists became prominent in the second half of the century. Why
then is this so?
Partly, it is due to the continuing fragmentation which is taking place in each division of
psychology, from clinical to comparative psychology. In the latter, subdisciplines such as evolutionary
psychology, sociobiology, comparative cognition and behavioral ecology, which should rightfully be
categorized as being part of comparative psychology, now stand on their own; the advocates of such
subdisciplines are, thereby, big fishes in little ponds. The other cause is bureaucratic obstacles. Abramson
(2015) notes that universities now offer fewer courses and advanced degrees in the division, that
textbooks on the subject are few and that students need to be recruited to replace the geriatric rank and
file (in regards to attracting students, scholarships might be a good inducement; another potential
4. SIMÓN
Article |110
attraction is to set up an animal lab with terrariums and aquariums instead of the odoriferous rat cages).
But to truly arrest the decline, the recourse is for the remaining comparative psychologists to vigorously
fight the bureaucracies within universities (and even the APA). This can be daunting. It remains to be
seen whether they have the energy to do so, or if they will resign themselves to go the way of the dod
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Received: 10/14/2016
Accepted: 07/04/2017