This document summarizes President McKinley's proclamation regarding the assimilation of the Philippines after the Spanish-American War and Emilio Aguinaldo's response declaring war on the United States. McKinley proclaimed that the US came as friends to protect Filipinos and respect their rights and property. However, Aguinaldo declared war, stating the US attacked Filipino forces without provocation and were trying to dominate rather than liberate the Philippines, breaking the peace. The disagreement over sovereignty and control of the Philippines led to the Philippine-American War.

1. 10 APRIL 2023
LEARNING MODULE 2—Learning Packet 03
Benevolent Assimilation of President McKinley and the
Reply of Aguinaldo
FOREWORD:
This learning packets presents students the proclamation of then United States of America
President William McKinley regarding his colonizing policies in the Philippines which was
responded through the declaration of the Philippine Republic with Emilio Aguinaldo as its
president that was not recognized by the former as legitimate. This disagreement between two
parties paved the way for what we now called the Philippine- American War of 1899.
OBJECTIVES:
At the end of the lesson, students are expected to:
1. Compare and contrast the two given primary sources;
2. Identify the reasons behind the conflict of the two parties that led to the Philippine-
American War of 1899 through content and contextual analysis.
ASSESSMENT WITH RUBRICS:
 Comparative Analysis
PRE-ASSESSMENT:
 Read the following statements and answer I HAVE if you have heard each statement and
NEVER if not.
1. That the Americans came to help the Philippines.
2. That Philippines asked for Americans’ help.
3. That Philippines is dependent to the US.
4. That Filipinos had wished they were under the US government.
5. That Americans had hidden agenda against the Philippines.
6. That Americans gave Filipinos their independence.
7. That Filipinos owe everything to the Americans.
8. That Americans are the country’s ally.
9. That Philippines is ungrateful for everything that the US had done.
10. That Philippines never needed any help from any country.
LESSON PROPER:
McKinley’s Proclamation of Benevolent Assimilation, 4 January 1899
(Source: Albert G. Robinson. 1901. The Philippines: The War and the People. New York:
McClure, Phillips & Co).
Sir:
The destruction of the Spanish fleet in the harbor of Manila by the United States naval squadron,
commanded by Rear-Admiral Dewey, followed by the reduction of the city and the surrender of
the Spanish forces, practically effected the conquest of the Philippine Islands and the suspension
of Spanish sovereignty therein. With the signature of the treaty of peace between the United
States and Spain by their respective plenipotentiaries at Paris on the 10th instant, and as the
result of the victories of American arms, the future control, disposition and government of the
Philippine Islands are ceded to the United States. In fulfilment of the right of sovereignty thus
acquired and the responsible obligations of government thus assumed, the actual occupation and
administration of the entire group of the Philippine Islands becomes immediately necessary, and
the military government heretofore maintained by the United States in the city, harbor and bay of
Manila is to be extended with all possible dispatch to the whole of the ceded territory.
In performing this duty, the military commander of the United States is enjoined to make known
to the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands that in succeeding to the sovereignty of Spain, in
severing the former political relations of the inhabitants, and in establishing a new political

2. power, the authority of the United States is to be exerted for the security of the persons and
property of the people of the islands and for the confirmation of all their private rights and
relations. It will be the duty of the commander of the forces of occupation to announce and
proclaim in the most public manner that we come not as invaders or conquerors, but as friends,
to protect the natives in their homes, in their employments, and in their personal and religious
rights. All persons who, either by active aid or by honest submission, cooperate with the
government of the United States to give effect to these beneficent purposes will receive the
reward of its support and protection. All others will be brought within the lawful rule we have
assumed, with firmness, if need be, but without severity so far as may be possible.
Within the domain of military authority, which necessarily is and must remain supreme in the
ceded territory until the legislation of the United States shall otherwise provide, the municipal
laws of the territory, in respect to private rights and property and the repression of crime, are to
be considered as continuing in force and to be administered by the ordinary tribunals so far as
practicable. The operations of civil and municipal government are to be performed by such
officers as may accept the supremacy of the United States by taking the oath of allegiance, or by
officers chosen as far as may be practicable from the inhabitants of the islands.
While the control of all the public property and the revenues of the state passes with the cession,
and while the use and management of all public means of transportation are necessarily reserved
to the authority of the United States, private property, whether belonging to individuals or
corporations, is to be respected except for cause duly established. The taxes and duties heretofore
payable by the inhabitants to the late government become payable to the authorities of the United
States, unless it be seen fit to substitute for them other reasonable rates or modes of contribution
to the expenses of government, whether general or local. If private property be taken for military
use, it shall be paid for, when possible, in cash at a fair valuation, and when payment in cash is
not practicable, receipts are to be given.
All ports and places in the Philippine Islands in the actual possession of the land and naval forces
of the United States will be opened to the commerce of all friendly nations. All goods and wares
not prohibited for military reasons by due announcement of the military authority will be
admitted upon payment of such duties and other charges as shall be in the force at the time of
their importation.
Finally, it should be the earnest and paramount aim of the military administration to win the
confidence, respect and affection of the inhabitants of the Philippines by assuring to them in
every possible way that full measure of individual rights and liberties which is the full heritage of
free peoples, and by proving to them that the mission of the United States is one of benevolent
assimilation, substitution the mild sway of justice and right for arbitrary rule. In the fulfillment of
this high mission, supporting the temperate administration of affairs for the greatest good of the
governed, there must be sedulously maintained the strong arm of authority to repress disturbance
and to overcome all obstacles to the bestowal of blessings of good and stable government upon
the people of the Philippine Islands under the free flag of the United States.
(Signed) William McKinley
*****ooooo00 O 00ooooo*****
Aguinaldo’s Declaration of War, 4 February 1899
(Source: Daily Telegraph, 26 April 1899, Issue 9455, p. 3)
At 9 o’clock pm this date I received from Caloocan station a message communicated to me that
the American forces attacked, without prior notification or nay just motive our camp in San Juan
del Monte, and our forces garrisoning the block-houses around the outskirts of Manila, causing
losses among our soldiers, who, in view of this unexpected aggression and of the decided attack

3. of the aggressors, were obliged to defend themselves until the firing became general all along the
line.
No one can deplore more than I this opening of hostilities; I have a clear conscience that I have
tried to avoid it at all costs, using all my efforts to preserve friendship with the army of
occupation, even at the cost of not a few humiliations and not a few rights sacrificed.
But it is my unavoidable duty to maintain the national honor, and that of the army so unjustly
attacked by those who, posing as friends and liberators, attempt to dominate us in place of the
Spaniards, as is shown by the grievances enumerated in my manifesto of January 8; the
continued outrages and violent exactions committed against the people of Manila; the useless
conferences, and all my efforts in favor of peace and concord.
Before this unexpected provocation, urged by the duties imposed upon me, my honor and
patriotism, and the defense of the nation commended to me, calling on God as a witness of my
good faith and the unrighteousness of my intentions, I order and command: –
1. Peace and friendly relations between the Filipino forces and the American forces are
broken, and the latter will be treated as enemies within the limits prescribed by the laws
of war.
2. American soldiers who may be captured by the Filipino forces will be treated as prisoners
of war.
3. This proclamation shall be communicated to the accredited consuls of Manila and to
Congress, in order that it may accord the suspension of the constitutional guarantees and
the resulting declaration of war.
*****ooooo000 O 000ooooo*****
Aguinaldo’s account of the causes of the outbreak of hostilities against the Americans, 23
September 1899
(Source: Don Emilio Aguinaldo. 1899. True Version of the Philippine Revolution. Farlak (Philippine
Islands): President of the Philippine Republic.)
. …I, Emilio Aguinaldo–though the humble servant of all, am, as President of the Philippine
Republic, charged with the safeguarding of the rights and independence of the people who
appointed me to such an exalted position of trust and responsibility–mistrusted for the first time
the honour of the Americans, perceiving of course that this proclamation of General Otis
completely exceeded the limits of prudence and that therefore no other course was open to me
but to repel with arms such unjust and unexpected procedure on the part of the commander of
friendly forces.
But now General Otis acted for the first time like a diplomatist, and wrote me, through his
Secretary, Mr. Carman, a letter inviting the Filipino Government to send a Commission to meet
an American Commission for the purpose of arriving at an amicable arrangement between both
parties; and although I placed no trust in the professions of friendly intentions of the said
General–whose determination to prevent the Commission arriving at a peaceful solution of the
difficulties was already evident–I acceded to the request, partly because I saw the order, dated
9th January, given by the above mentioned General confirmed, and on the other hand to show
before the whole world my manifest wishes for the conservation of peace and friendship with the
United States, solemnly compacted with Admiral Dewey. Conferences of the Mixed
Commission, Americans and Filipinos, were held in Manila from the 11th to the 31st of the said
month of January, the Filipino Commissioners clearly expressing the wish of our people for
recognition as an independent nation.
They also frankly stated the complaints of the Filipino people about the abuses and atrocities of
the American soldiery, being attentively and benevolently listened to by the American
Commissioners. The latter replied that they had no authority to recognize the Filipino
Government, their mission being limited to hearing what the Filipinos said, to collect data to

4. formulate the will of our people and transmit it fully and faithfully to the Government of
Washington, who alone could arrive at a definite decision on the subject. These conferences
ended in perfect harmony, auguring well for happier times and definite peace when Mr.
McKinley should reply to General Otis’s telegrams transmitting our wishes with his favorable
recommendations, as the American Commissioners said.
While I, the Government, the Congress and the entire populace were awaiting the arrival of such
a greatly desired reply, many fairly overflowing with pleasant thoughts, there came the fatal day
of the 4th February, during the night of which day the American forces suddenly attacked all our
lines, which were in fact at the time almost deserted, because being Saturday, the day before a
regular feast day, our Generals and some of the most prominent officers had obtained leave to
pass the Sabbath with their respective families.
General Pantaleon Garcia was the only one who at such a critical moment was at his post in
Maypajo, north of Manila, Generals Noriel, Rizal and Ricarte and Colonels San Miguel, Cailles
and others being away enjoying their leave.
General Otis, according to trustworthy information, telegraphed to Washington stating that the
Filipinos had attacked the American Army. President McKinley read aloud the telegram in the
Senate, where the Treaty of Paris of the 10th December, 1898, was being discussed with a view
to its ratification, the question of annexation of the Philippines being the chief subject of debate,
and through this criminal procedure secured the acceptation of the said Treaty in toto by a
majority of only three votes, [7] which were cast simultaneously with a declaration that the
voters sided with the “Ayes” on account of war having broken out in these Islands.
This singular comedy could not continue for a great length of time because the Filipinos could
never be the aggressors as against the American forces, with whom we had sworn eternal
friendship and, in whose power, we expected to find the necessary protection to enable us to
obtain recognition of our independence from the other Powers.
The confusion and obfuscation of the first moments was indeed great, but before long it gave
place to the light of Truth which shone forth serene, bringing forth serious reflections.
When sensible people studied the acts of Mr. McKinley, sending reinforcement after
reinforcement to Manila at a time after an armistice was agreed upon and even when peace with
Spain prevailed; when they took into account that the dispatch of the Civil Commission to settle
terms of a treaty of amity with the Filipinos was being delayed; when, too, they knew of the
antecedents of my alliance with Admiral Dewey, prepared and arranged by the American
Consuls of Singapore and Hongkong, Mr. Pratt and Mr. Wildman; when they became acquainted
with the actual state of affairs on the 4th February knowing that the Filipinos were awaiting the
reply of Mr. McKinley to the telegram of General Otis in which he transmitted the peaceful wish
of the Filipino people of live as an independent nation; when, lastly, they riveted their attention
to the terms of the Treaty of Paris, the approval of which, in as far as it concerned the annexation
of the Philippines, was greeted with manifestations of joy and satisfaction by the Imperialist
party led by Mr. McKinley, then their eyes were opened to the revelations of truth, clearly
perceiving the base, selfish and inhuman policy which Mr. McKinley had followed in his
dealings with us the Filipinos, sacrificing remorselessly to their unbridled ambition the honour of
Admiral Dewey, exposing this worthy gentleman and illustrious conqueror of the Spanish fleet to
universal ridicule; for no other deduction can follow from the fact that about the middle of May
of 1898, the U.S.S. McCulloch brought me with my revolutionary companions from Hongkong,
by order of the above mentioned Admiral, while now actually the United States squadron is
engaged in bombarding the towns and ports held by these revolutionists, whose objective is and
always has been Liberty and Independence. present inhuman war when contrasting it with those
lofty and worthy sentiments.
I need not dwell on the cruelty which, from the time of the commencement of hostilities, has
characterized General Otis’s treatment of the Filipinos, shooting in secret many who declined to
sign a petition asking for autonomy. I need not recapitulate the ruffianly abuses which the
American soldiers committed on innocent and defenseless people in Manila, shooting women
and children simply because they were leaning out of windows; entering houses at midnight
without the occupants’ permission–forcing open trunks and wardrobes and stealing money,

5. jewelry and all valuables they came across; breaking chairs, tables and mirrors which they could
not carry away with them, because, anyhow, they are consequences of the war, though improper
in the case of civilized forces. But what I would not leave unmentioned is the inhuman conduct
of that General in his dealings with the Filipino Army, when, to arrange a treaty of peace with
the Civil Commission, of which Mr. Schurman was President, I thrice sent emissaries asking for
a cessation of hostilities.
What is and has been the course of procedure of General Brooke in Cuba? Are not the Cubans
still armed, notwithstanding negotiations for the pacification and future government of that
Island are still going on? Are we, perchance, less deserving of liberty and independence than
those revolutionists?
Loved mother, sweet mother, we are here to defend your liberty and independence to the death!
We do not want war; on the contrary, we wish for peace; but honourable peace, which does not
make you blush nor stain your forehead with shame and confusion. And we swear to you and
promise that while America with all her power and wealth could possibly vanquish us; killing all
of us; but enslave us, never!!!
No; this humiliation is not the compact I celebrated in Singapore with the American Consul
Pratt. This was not the agreement stipulated for with Mr. Wildman, American Consul in
Hongkong. Finally, it was not the subjection of my beloved country to a new alien yoke that
Admiral Dewey promised me.
It is certain that these three have abandoned me, forgetting that I was sought for and taken from
my exile and deportation; forgetting, also, that neither of these three solicited my services in
behalf of American Sovereignty, they paying the expense of the Philippine Revolution for which,
manifestly, they sought me and brought me back to your beloved bosom! M
If there is, as I believe, one God, the root and fountain of all justice and only eternal judge of
international disputes, it will not take long, dear mother, to save you from the hands, of your
unjust enemies. So I trust in the honour of Admiral Dewey: So I trust in the rectitude of the great
people of the United States of America, where, if there are ambitious Imperialists, there are
defenders of the humane doctrines of the immortal Monroe, Franklin, and Washington; unless
the race of noble citizens, glorious founders of the present greatness of the North American
Republic, have so degenerated that their benevolent influence has become subservient to the
grasping ambition of the Expansionists, in which latter unfortunate circumstance would not death
be preferable to bondage?
Oh, sensible American people! Deep is the admiration of all the Philippine people and of their
untrained Army of the courage displayed by your Commanders and soldiers. We are weak in
comparison with such Titanic instruments of your Government’s ambitious Caesarian policy and
find it difficult to effectively resist their courageous onslaught. Limited are our warlike
resources, but we will continue this unjust, bloody, and unequal struggle, not for the love of war–
which we abhor–but to defend our incontrovertible rights of Liberty and Independence (so dearly
won in war with Spain) and our territory which is threatened by the ambitions of a party that is
trying to subjugate us.
Distressing, indeed, is war! Its ravages cause us horror. Luckless Filipinos succumb in the
confusion of combat, leaving behind them mothers, widows and children. America could put up
with all the misfortunes she brings on us without discomfort; but what the North American
people are not agreeable to is that she should continue sacrificing her sons, causing distress and
anguish to mothers, widows and daughters to satisfy the whim of maintaining a war in
contravention of their honorable traditions as enunciated by Washington and Jefferson. Go back,
therefore, North American people, to your old-time liberty. Put your hand on your heart and tell
me: Would it be pleasant for you if, in the course of time, North America should find herself in
the pitiful plight, of a weak and oppressed people and the Philippines, a free and powerful nation,
then at war with your oppressors, asked for your aid promising to deliver you from such a
weighty yoke, and after defeating her enemy with your aid she set about subjugating you,
refusing the promised liberation?

6. Civilized nations! Honorable inhabitants of the United States, to whose high and estimable
consideration I submit this unpretentious work, herein you have the providential facts which led
to the unjust attack upon the existence of the Philippine Republic and the existence of those for
whom, though unworthy, God made me the principal guardian.
The veracity of these facts rests upon my word as President of this Republic and on the honour of
the whole population of eight million souls, who, for more than three hundred years have been
sacrificing the lives and wealth of their brave sons to obtain due recognition of the natural rights
of mankind–liberty and independence.
If you will do me the honour to receive and read this work and then pass judgment impartially
solemnly declaring on which side right and justice rests, your respectful servant will be eternally
grateful.
(Signed) Emilio Aguinaldo. Tarlak, 23rd September, 1899.
GENERALIZATION:
The primary sources given to us have shown intentions of both parties for the welfare of one
country- the Philippines, thus, the term “benevolent assimilation” was coined by McKinley. It is,
therefore, interesting to study further to find out how such benevolence was not seen in our end
as something that will truly benefit us.
LEARNING DISCUSSION FORUM:
 What does McKinley and Aguinaldo have in common when it comes to their respective
statements and how do they differ?
KEYPOINTS:
1. Treaty of Paris, (1898), treaty concluding the SpanishAmerican War. It was signed by
representatives of Spain and the United States in Paris on Dec. 10, 1898.
 The treaty was vigorously opposed in the U.S. Senate as inaugurating a policy of
“imperialism” in the Philippines and was approved on Feb. 6, 1899, by only a single vote.
Two days earlier, hostilities had begun at Manila between U.S. troops and insurgents led
by Emilio Aguinaldo. For more than three years the Filipinos carried on guerrilla warfare
against U.S. rule.
 Aguinaldo returned to the Philippines, hopeful that the Americans who had encouraged
the revolutionary struggle against the Spanish would continue to support the drive for
Philippine independence; he would soon be disappointed.
 The American consul publicly denied having ever met with Aguinaldo, and American
President McKinley issued a proclamation of “benevolent assimilation” in January 1899
avowing the intent of the U.S. to maintain colonial control of the Philippines.
 A guerrilla war raged for the next three years, with both sides claiming atrocities were
committed by the other.
 At least several hundred thousand, and perhaps more than a million, Filipino civilians
were killed in the conflict, many dying of disease and starvation in concentration camps.
 The U.S. had captured Aguinaldo in 1901 and ultimately forced him to surrender his
forces and swear an oath of allegiance to the U.S.
 Some remaining guerrilla commanders continued fighting until the majority were forced
to surrender in the spring of 1902.
 Aguinaldo remained an advocate for independence which the Philippines would
ultimately win, first as an American commonwealth in 1935 and then as a fully
independent nation in 1946.
DEFINITION OF TERMS:
1. BENEVOLENT—marked by or suggestive of goodwill; resulting in good.
2. REPRESSION—. The action of subduing someone or something by force.
3. TRIBUNAL—A court of justice
4. • BENEVOLENT—Serving a charitable rather than a profit-making purpose.

7. 5. ASSIMILATION—The absorption and integration of people, ideas, or culture into a
wider society or culture.
6. SEDULOUS—Showing dedication and diligence.
7. GRIEVANCE—A real or imagined wrong or other cause for complaint or protest,
especially unfair treatment.
8. EXACTION—A sum of money demanded for a payment or service.
9. CONCORD—Agreement or harmony between people or groups.
10. REINFORCEMENT—Extra personnel sent to increase the strength of an army or similar
force.
11. AMICABLE—Having a spirit of friendliness.
12. ATROCITIES—Extremely wicked or cruel acts, typically involving physical violence or
injury.
13. RATIFICATION—The action of signing or giving formal consent to a treaty, contract, or
agreement, making it officially valid.
14. SABBATH—. A day of religious observance and abstinence from work, kept by Jewish
people from Friday evening to Saturday evening, and by most Christians on Sunday.
15. • RIVET— Hold (someone or something) fast so as to make them incapable of
movement.
16. RUFFIAN—. A violent person, especially one involved in crime.
17. EMISSARY—A person sent on a special mission, usually as a diplomatic representative.
18. ENVOY—A messenger or representative, especially one on a diplomatic mission.
19. BLOCKHOUSE—A reinforced concrete shelter used as an observation point.
20. STUPENDOUS—Extremely impressive.
21. IMPERIALIST—A person who supports or practices imperialism.
22. EXPANSIONIST—A follower or advocate of a policy of territorial or economic
expansion.
23. VANQUISH—Defeat thoroughly.
24. • HUMILIATION—The action of humiliating/shaming someone or the state of being
humiliated/shamed.
25. SUBSERVIENT—Prepared to obey others unquestioningly.
26. ABHOR—Regard with disgust and hatred.
27. SUBJUGATE—Bring under domination or control, especially by conquest.
28. RAVAGE—The severely damaging or destructive effects of something.
29. CONTRAVENTION—An action that violates a law, treaty, or other ruling.
30. PLIGHT—A dangerous, difficult, or otherwise unfortunate situation.
31. PROVIDENTIAL—Occurring at a favorable time; opportune.