The document discusses theories of democracy, highlighting characteristics such as political equality, citizen participation, and various institutional guarantees. It contrasts democratic regimes with nondemocratic ones and traces the historical waves of democratization, analyzing the conditions that lead to democratic transitions and the distinctions between different models of democracy. Additionally, it critiques liberal democracy and presents Marxist perspectives on democratic theory, emphasizing the complexities involved in achieving genuine democratic governance.

1. P R E S E N T E D B Y : S U M E R A B I B I
P R E S E N T E D T O :
D R . M U S H T A Q A H M A D
( U N I V E R S I T Y O F G U J R A T , D E P ; P O L -
S C , P U N J A B , P A K I S T A N . )
Theories of Democracy

2. Introduction
 Political equals is the key characteristic of
democracy.
 Such responsiveness requires that citizens have
opportunities to ;
1) Formulate their preferences
2) Signify their preferences to their fellow citizens and
the government by individual and collective actions
3) Have their preferences weighed equally in the
conduct of the government, that is, weighted with
no discrimination because of the content or source
of the preference.

3. Institutional guarantees
 The freedom to form and join organizations
 The freedom of expression
 The right to vote
 The eligibility for public office
 The right of political leaders to compete for support and
for votes
 Alternative sources of information
 Free and fair elections
 The dependence of policymaking institutions in
government on votes and other expression of preference

4. Democratic regimes Nondemocratic regimes
 There exist institutions and
procedures through which
citizens can express effective
preferences about alternative
policies at the national
level, and there are
institutionalized constraints
on the exercise of power by
the executive( competition)
 There exists inclusive suffrage
or the right of participation in
selecting national leaders and
policies(inclusiveness/partici
pation).
 Political regimes that
fail to meet the
requirement of
competition & the
requirement of the
inclusiveness
Democratic vs. Nondemocratic regimes

5. Requirements of political regimes
Competition
Inclusiveness
Nondemocratic regime
(closed hegemony)
- -
Nondemocratic regime
(competitive oligarchy)
+ -
Nondemocratic regime
(inclusive hegemony)
- +
Democracy + +

6. Meaning of Democracy
Democracy [demos = the people;
cracy >kratos =strength/rule,
so democracy = rule by the people]
Democracy offers one means to
permit a people to live in safety
and enjoy both liberty and justice.
The people shall be as both
governors and governed, they will
advance the common good without
oppressing themselves also the as
you.

7. Types of Democracy
Direct democracy
• Ancient Greek/ Rome and India Modern period-
Switzerland
Indirect democracy
• India, France, USA

8. Aristotle on Democracy
Aristotle: in Ancient
Greece
• Monarchy – ruled by
one
• Oligarchy, Aristocracy
– ruled by a few
• Democracy – ruled by
many

9. Rise of Democracy in Athens
 The value of the ordinary citizen as a soldier was
finally recognized.
 His military importance came a sense that he had a
right to be involved in decision-making processes.
 The economy that developed between the eupatrids
and the ordinary citizens

10. Democracy Helped Solve Ancient Greek
Problems
The ancient Athenian Greeks are credited with
inventing the institution of democracy. there
were problems, and the problems led to inventive
solutions Greek democracy:
 Conflict between Farmers and Aristocrats
 Draco, the Draconian Law-Giver
 Solon's constitution
 Cleisthenes and the 10 tribes of Athens

11. Waves of democracy
 The most democracies emerged in a series of waves,
 Democratic transitions are determined by the evolving
economic status and political mobilization of the “middle
class,” both in good economic times as well as in bad. In
still influential work, Lipset (1959) argues that
modernization leads to democracy.
A wave of democracy is defined as a group
of transitions from nondemocratic to democratic
regimes that occurs within a specified period of
time and that significantly outnumbers transitions
in the opposite direction

12. Waves……..
 The fall of the Berlin wall on 23 August 1989, Hungry
opened the iron curtain to Austria, and in September
more than 13,000 East German escaped via Hungry
within three days.
 It was the first mass exodus of East Germans after
the Berlin wall was built in 1961.
 The end of cold War provided also a “Window of
opportunity” for regime change
 After the cold war, the movement toward democracy
has been a global one.

13. Waves………
 This rapid political transformation began in Eastern
Europe, spread Africa.
 The democratic wave did not engulf
China, Iran, Kuwait, Libya, Zimbabwe, and many
other states.
 Democracy is produced by human beings, especially
by the strategies and choices of individual
leaders, E.g. Spain
 This transformation from authoritarian rule to
democracy comes first from gestures by exemplary
individuals “who begin testing the boundaries of
behavior initially imposed by the incumbent regime”

14. Waves…….
First wave of democratization, 1893-1924
• Before World War I, new Zealand and Australia
made the transition to democracy.
• During or shortly after World War
I, Australia, Canada, Czechoslovakia, Norway, Swede
n, and the United States introduced a democratic
political system..
• Germany is also democratized.

15. Waves……..
 First Reverse Wave, 1924-1944
 Regime changes to authoritarianism during this period reflected the
rise of the ideologies of communism and fascism
 Hitler‟s conquest of power ended German democracy
 Some democracy such as Austria and Finland, were effected and
reverted to nondemocratic system, and the democratic institutions in
Poland, Latvia, and Estonia were overthrown by military coups.
 Although Spanish democracy was installed in 1931, a military coup led
the civil war in 1936 and a return to authoritarianism in 1939.
 In this antidemocratic period, the only transitions to democracy were
made by the competitive system of Britain and Iceland that adopted
inclusive suffrage in 1928 and 1934, respectively.

16. Waves…….
Second Wave of democratization, 1944-1957
 Short wave began with Allied victory in World War II and continued
until approximately 1960.
 West Germany, Japan, and Finland, Latin American states of Costa
Rica, Chile, and Uruguay, Austria, Italy became democratic.
 The competitive system of Belgium and France allowed women to vote
after the war, resulting in democracies, and Italy also became a
democracy.
 Czechoslovakia was a democracy before World War II, experienced
and interruption period during the war, and turned to nondemocracy
under Soviet pressure following it.

17. Waves………….
Third Wave of Democratization, 1976-1989
 More global wave, began in southern Europe in the 1970s
in Portugal, Greece, and Spain, then spread to Latin
America.
 In Ecuador, military withdrawal and elections in 1979
produced a civilian government. A year later, a civilian
president elected in Peru.
 Bolivia, Argentina, El Salvador, Uruguay, Honduras, and
Brazil turned to democracy in the early 1980s.
 Some Asian countries also effected in the late 1980s.

18. Waves……
Fourth wave of democratization, 1989-2001
 At the end of the 1980s, the wave swept through Eastern Europe, with
the Hungarian transition to semidemocratic system beginning in 1988.
 In 1990, Hungary moved to democracy
 In 1989, Poland became democratic after elections for a national
parliament and a president. In 1990 saw widespread, rapid collapse of
nondemocratizatic regime in Africa, and more than a dozen
democracies emerged.
 This recent democratization wave was not only more global and
effected more countries than earlier waves, there were also relatively
fewer regression to nondemocratic regimes than in the past.
 During the fourth wave of democratization, there were forty-seven
transitions to democracy and only eighteen transitions back to
nondemocratic regimes.

19. Models of Democracy
 What is the empirical strength of this new combined
models, and what are the possibilities of generalization of
this integrated theory ?
 Such a model appears to be important, if only because it
offers the possibility of drawing more meaningful
conclusions concerning the relative influence of factors
inherent in the theories.
 Moreover, a test of so-called combination model is
interesting because such a model may be able to explain
democracy better than the separate factors.
 There are various contrasting models of democracy:

20. Classical democracy
 This model of democracy is based on the polis, or city-state of Athens
Greece.
 The form of direct democracy is portrayed as the only ideal system of
popular participation.
 Athenian democracy can be described as a form of government by mass
meetings.
 All major decisions were made by the Assembly to which all citizens
belong.
 Every Athenian citizen (male over 20 years of age) had the right to
attend, to speak and to vote in the meetings of the Assembly which met
40 times a year

21. Classical ……
 Every citizen belonged to one of ten „tribes‟ and each year
50 members of each tribe were chosen to sit on the
Council which set agenda for Assembly
 Citizens held office for one year, and no more than twice
in a lifetime, except for ten generals who could be re-
elected
KEY PRINCIPLES OF ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY:
 Every citizen should have the right to vote and to hold
office
 The duty of all citizens is to participate actively in the
system
 Decisions should be made by the majority vote

22. Criticism of classical theory
• Criticism of the descriptive accuracy of the classical
theory has been wide spread in recent years.
• The best statement of the basic objections usually made
is Joseph Schumpeter, Capitalism, Socialism and
Democracy (NewYork,1942), Since contemporary
scholars have found the classical theory of democracy
inadequate, a "revisionist" movement has
developed, much as it has among contemporary
• Marxists, seeking to reconstitute the theory and bring it
into closer correspondence with the latest findings of
empirical research.
• One major restatement, called the "elitist theory of
democracy"

23. Protective Democracy
 The idea of direct democracy was shelved.
 In the 17th and 18th centuries the focus was on protecting citizens
from the encroachment of government, hence protective democracy.
 John Locke argued in the 17th century that the right to vote was
based on the existence of natural rights
 If government, through taxation, has the power to expropriate
property, citizen were entitled to control the composition of the
legislature.
 Democracy now meant a system of government by
consent, operating through a representative assembly.
 Jeremy Bentham and John Mills, utilitarian theorists in the 18th
century proposed a radial approach and advanced their argument in
support of individual interest.
 Bentham opined that individuals seek pleasure and avoid
pain, which was a way of promoting „the greatest happiness for the
greatest number.‟

24. Protective……
 John Mills , His overall concern was with self
development, and laissez faire policies seemed to
provide the scope needed for individual freedom.
 The critical point of protective democracy
 It aims to give people the widest scope to live their
lives as they choose.
 This liberty must then be protected by a mechanism
of the separation of powers via separate
executive, legislature and judiciary.

25. Developmental democracy
 Jean-Jacques Rousseau provided an alternative view to the
democratic theory. At the centre of Rousseau‟s model is the
general will: the genuine interests of a collective
body, equivalent to the common good; the will of all provided
each person acts selflessly. He proposed that „ no citizen shall
be rich enough to buy another, and none so poor as to be
forced to sell himself.‟
 Rousseau‟s system of radical development required economic
equality. Development of self can only be achieved when
citizen by participate in decisions that shape the their lives.
 Mills views are also instructive as he promotes the „highest
and harmonious‟ development of individual capacities, by
participating citizen enhance their understanding, strengthen
their sensibilities, and achieve the highest personal
development.

26. People‟s democracy
 The term people democracy is derived from the orthodox
communist regime.
 Karl Marx believed in the principle of a democracy based
its implication of egalitarian prospects and thought of a
society in which there was common ownership of wealth
(social democracy)He believed the overthrow of
capitalism would lead to the flourishing of a genuine
democracy
 A system of „bourgeois‟ democracy would be replaced by
„proletarian‟ democracy.
 He predicted that class antagonisms would dissolved and
the capitalist state would „wither away‟. There would only
be one class

27. Liberal Democracy
 Liberal democracy is accepted as the worldwide practices
of politics.
 Its key constructs are: Indirect or representative form of
democracy in which political office is gained by success
in regular elections.
 It is based on competition and electoral choice. There is a
clear distinction between the state and civil society.
 Characteristics of liberal
 Equality
 Fraternity

28. Characteristics of Lib….
Democracy
 Sovereignty with the people
 Open competition for political parties
 Respect for opposition
 Freedom to form political parties
 Periodic elections
 Faith in constitutional means
 Rule of majority
 Independent and impartial
Judiciary
 Rule of law
 Provision of rights
 Independent means of propaganda
 Decentralization of powers
 Secularism
 Responsible government
 Opposition of socialism and support of capitalism
 Rejection of violence
 Pluralistic nature of society

29. Criticism of the liberal theory of democracy
 More importance to quantity than quality
 It is based on the principle of unnatural equality
 It is cult of incompetence
 Dominance of bureaucracy
 It is expensive government
 Unstable government
 Bad effects of political parties
 Dictatorship of the majority
 It lowers the moral standard of people
 It is not government of all
 It is the government of rich
 Weak government during emergency
 Politics becomes a profession
 It weakens national unity
 Indifferent attitude of voters
 Rejection of liberal democracy by Marxists
 Criticism by elites

30. Marxist view of democracy
 The Marxists view of democracy is that power can
not be evenly dispersed in society as long as class
power is unequally distributed.
 Marxist theory of Democracy can be
 divided into three main categories.
 1. Capitalistic democracy
 2. Dictatorship of the Proletariat
 3. Socialist democracy

31. Marxist….
Capitalist democracy
 Bourgeoisie democracy protects the interests of minority
capitalists
 Capitalist exploit the proletariat
 Workers fail to exercise their political rights
 Press and mass media safeguard the interest of rich people
 Use of education, religion and culture to promote the interest
of rich
 Police military and courts protect the interests of the rich
people
 Bourgeoisie democracy divide the society into
two classes

32. Marxist…
Dictatorship of the proletariat
 Dictatorship essential to end the capitalism
 Dictatorship of proletariat is real democracy
 Dictatorship of proletariat is not all coercion
 It is transitional period
 Existence of only communist party
 Economic system during the dictatorship of the
 proletariat
 Political system during the dictatorship of the
 Ideological and cultural basis

33. Marxist….
Characteristics of socialist democracy
 Absence of class conflict
 There will be no political apathy
 Consensus on general matters
 Collective leadership
 People‟s congresses are more representative
 Provision to recall the representatives
 Provision of referendum
 Basic rights and freedoms for citizens
 Special position of judiciary
 Preference to economic rights
 No place for anti socialism political parties
 Development of socialistic culture
 Withering away of the state

34. Critical Evaluation Of The Marxian Concept Of
Democracy
 Democracy and dictatorship can not go side by side
 Revolutionary methods are against democratic principles
 One party rule is undemocratic
 Political liberties are just eye-wash
 Judiciary is not independent
 State intervention in private affairs
 Democracy is not only a form of government, it is a way of life
 It is totalitarian form of government
 Unrepresentative character of representative assemblies
 Press is not independent
 Ignore the good points of capitalistic democracy
 State is not an instrument of exploitation
 State has not withered away

35. Economic Theory of Democracy
 clearly, rational behavior in a democracy is not what most
normative theorists assume it to be. political theorists in
particular have often created models of how the citizens of a
democracy ought to behave
 without taking into account the economics of political action.
Consequently, much of the evidence frequently cited to prove
that democratic politics are dominated by irrational (non-
logical)forces in fact demonstrates that citizens respond
rationally (efficiently)to the exigencies of life in an imperfectly
in- formed world.
 Apathy among citizens toward elections, ignorance of the
issues, the tendency of parties in a two-party system to
resemble each other, and the anti consumer bias of
government action can all be logically as efficient reactions to
imperfect information in a large democracy.

36. Economic….
 Thus political theory has suffered because it has not
taken into account certain economic realities.
 On the Other hand, economic theory has suffered
because it has not taken into account the political
realities of government
 the attempt demonstrates how much economists
and political scientists must depend on each other to
analyze government decision-making, which is the
most important economic and political force in the
world today.

37. Constitutional Democracy
 Constructing constitutions and creating theories to
explain and justify those constitutions are products of
that larger legal project. They are also exercises in
practical politics. And theories that account for and
justify constitutions rest, ultimately, on arguments from
political philosophy.
 Thomas Hobbes sneered at efforts to use language to
tame passion's power: “Covenants being but words and
breath, have no force to oblige, contain, constrain, or
protect any man, but what it has from the public Sword” -
an instrument, he believed, that could be effectively
wielded

38. Constitutional……...
 tyranny of the majority” haunts the dark corners of democratic
power.
 First some theorists make the empirical claim that in democracies
whose populations are ethnically, religiously, economically, and
socially diverse, political cleavages are rarely cumulative.
 The limited scope and lifespan of these common interests, some
theorists assert, force democratic politics to play according to the
principle the Russian Foreign Minister gave John Quincy Adams in
1815 about diplomacy:
Always hate your enemy as if tomorrow he may be your
friend, and always love your friend as if tomorrow he
may be your enemy.
 In sum, officials will be wary of oppressing any group for fear it will
be part of tomorrow's winning coalition and exact revenge.

39. Constitutional……
 A second set of protections is cultural. Both for the population as a
whole and more particularly for professional politicians, true
democracy attempts to build up, through opposing groups'
negotiating and compromising with each other, an intellectual and
emotional environment-a political culture-that fosters moderation.
 “Rules of the political game” that demand respect for the rights of
all participants. Even if initially based on self-interest rather than
general moral principles, those “rules” are likely to foster
intellectual habits that will influence behavior.
 Robert A. Dahl claims that “the democratic process is itself a form
of justice: It is a just procedure for arriving at collective decisions.”
 Prudential or moral acceptance of the maxim that, in a democratic
context, “some things simply aren't done” is likely to include among
those “some things” trampling on individual rights and treating
classes of people unfairly.

40. Constitutional……
 Constitutionalists believe that, where questions of basic rights are
involved, it is the quality of reasoned argument that should prevail, not
numbers of votes; and, for reason to have a fighting chance, it must operate
 A reasoned justification for constitutional democracy must mainly rest on
its commitment to political freedom and individual liberty. Like ancient
Israel, constitutional democracies have often violated the covenant the
people made with themselves and their posterity, adding to the chancery
nature of attachment to such a system.
 Constitutional democracy's pledge does not imply the end of economic and
political struggle, but the beginning, or continuation, of a politics
conducted in peace, through clearly marked and more or less open
processes, for limited goals that always include respect for the interests of
opponents as well as allies.
 It is the “pursuit of happiness” constitutional democracy promises, not
happiness itself.
 “The dignity of man shall be inviolable. To respect and protect it shall be
the duty of all state authority.”

41. Noam Chomsky
Consent Without Consent: Reflections
on the Theory and Practice of Democracy
 A decent democratic society should be based on the principle of “consent of the
governed.” That idea has won general acceptance, but it can be challenged as
both too strong and too weak.
 These explanations capture the real meaning of the doctrine of "consent of the
governed." The people must submit to their rulers, and it is enough if they give
"consent
 without consent." Within a tyrannical state or in foreign domains, force can be
used. When the resources of violence are limited, the consent of the governed
must be obtained by the devices called "manufacture of consent" by progressive
and liberal opinion.
 The enormous Public Relations industry, from its origins early in this
century, has
 In other words, we find it hard to induce people to accept our doctrine, that the
rich should plunder the poor, a public relations problem that had not yet been
solved.

42. Noam….
 The issues were addressed 250 years ago by David Hume in
classic work. Hume was intrigued by "the easiness with which
the many are governed by the few, the implicit submission
with which men resign" their fate to their rulers.
 This he found surprising, because "Force is always on the side
of the governed." If people would realize that, they would rise
up and overthrow the masters. He concluded that government
is founded on control of opinion, a principle that "extends to
the most despotic and most military governments, as well as
to the most free and most popular."
 A more accurate version is that the more "free and popular" a
government, the more it becomes necessary to rely on control
of opinion to ensure submission to the rulers.
 That people must submit is taken for granted pretty much
across the spectrum.

43. Noam…
 Such ideas greatly distressed "the men of best quality," as they
called themselves:
 the "responsible men," in modern terminology. They were
prepared to grant the people
 rights, but within limits, and on the principle that by "the
people" we do not mean the
 confused and ignorant rabble, they explained. But how is that
fundamental principle of
 social life to be reconciled with the doctrine of "consent of the
governed," which was not
 so easy to suppress by then? A solution to the problem was
proposed by Hume's
 contemporary Frances Hutcheson, a distinguished moral
philosopher.

44. Theories of democracy
 There is four basic theories of democracy. these theories belong to a
family, and they share some family resemblances.
 The general response of democratic theorists is to move toward
moral relativism.
 Thus they are best left not to principled judgments by public
philosophers, but to adjustments made by elected officials who are
both in close touch with the citizenry and able to bargain and
compromise.
 Where do political theories come from? One important answer is
that they are often produced in times of social and political
crisis, when existing political institutions and values are under
threat, and urgent new questions arise.
 One of the most important things to do when you are comparing
political theories, which are in a sense answers, is to be clear exactly
which questions those theorists were addressing.

45. Traditional Theory
 Traditional Theory, everyone has the right to participate
in government. This participation can occur either by
direct or representative vote.
 In a direct vote, the people approve public policy
themselves. This situation works well on a small scale, as
in a town meeting.
 In a representative vote, a group of elected officials acts
on behalf of their constituents. This type of vote is used
at the state and national levels to determine public
policy. For voting to be effective at any level, people need
access to information, so they can make informed
decisions.

46. Traditional…..
 Citizens have the power to decide on policy proposals
and politicians assume the role of policy implementation.
 Real life experiences of participatory democracy have
mainly materialized in processes of „„Participatory
Budgeting‟‟ at the city level. This is the case of nearly 200
Brazilian municipalities where direct democracy, in the
form of popular assemblies, coexists with formal political
parties and local elections: Citizens have to make a
budget proposal but they also have to elect the city
executive and legislative bodies.
 Participatory systems have also been implemented at the
state level in Rio Grande del Sul (Brazil) and in West
Bengal and Kerala (India), and at the school level in
Chicago, through the Local School Councils.

47.  Our analysis builds on the model of pure direct democracy by Osborne et
al. (2000). There, the members of a society decide independently whether
to attend a meeting, at a cost, where the policy decision taken will be a
compromise among the attendees‟ ideal positions. Attendance is based on
a cost benefit calculation: Citizens compare the cost of participation with
the impact that their presence will have on the compromise. We extend
their analysis by considering the existence of representative or legislator
who is in charge of policy implementation. The legislator can choose freely
the policy to be implemented.
 The results we obtain show the relevance of two features: (1) The alignment
between the policy preferences of the legislator and the policy preferences
of society; and (2) the degree of extremism of the legislator. Formally, we
find that pure strategy equilibrium can only be of two types: Interior
equilibrium or maximal compromise equilibrium.
 Interior equilibrium: If the most preferred outcome to the society lies
relatively close to the legislator‟s ideal point, that is, when society and
legislator‟s preferences are aligned, the policy implemented in equilibrium
is the assembly‟s most preferred policy
Traditional ……

48. Radical democracy
 Radical democracy was articulated by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe in
their book Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic
Politics, written in 1985. They argue that social movements which attempt to create
social and political change need a strategy which challenges neoliberal and
neoconservative concepts of democracy. This strategy is to expand the liberal
definition of democracy, based on freedom and equality, to include difference.
 "Radical democracy" means "the root of democracy." Laclau and Mouffe claim that
liberal democracy and deliberative democracy, in their attempts to build
consensus, oppress differing opinions, races, classes, genders, and worldviews. In
the world, in a country, and in a social movement there are many (a plurality of)
differences which resist consensus. Radical democracy is not only accepting of
difference, dissent and antagonisms, but is dependent on it. Laclau and Mouffe
argue based on the assumption that there are oppressive power relations that exist
in society and that those oppressive relations should be made visible, re-negotiated
and altered. By building democracy around difference and dissent, oppressive
relations of power that exist in society[clarification needed] are able to come to the
forefront so that they can be challenged.

49. Radical………
 The word democracy has been used to justify
revolutions, counterrevolution, terror, compromise, and
mediocrity.
 Radical democracy is the foundation of all political discourse.
As a physical matter, it is the root source of the stuff out of
which politics is formed: power. As a normative matter, it is
the root source of value, the radical answer to the question “
What is justice”
 Given this fact, it is strange to find that radical democracy is a
subject largely avoided by the political theorists. Who among
the classic political philosophers is a defender of radical
democracy? Though we can catch of it in John Locke, in Jean
jacques Rousseau, in Thomas Jefferson, in Tom Paine, or in
Karl Marx, democracy quickly moves away from it to other
subjects before the 1890

50. Elite (elitist) theory of democracy
 In every society there is a class of people which is though
small in number but has more control over political power.
The power belonging to this class occupy command offices
and provide leadership in ruling affairs of the society and this
class of the people is known as elite.
 The theoretical view held by many social scientists which
holds that American politics is best understood through the
generalization that nearly all political power is held by a
relatively small and wealthy group of people sharing similar
values and interests and mostly coming from relatively similar
privileged backgrounds.
 It doesn‟t matter who is in charge of the government, the
wealthy upper-class are always controlling things › 1/3 of the
nation‟s wealth held by 1% of the population

51. Elites…..
 The elite theory of democracy has emerged out of two major
concerns of its precursors: no theory of democracy until now
has given leadership the importance it ought to have, and
none has really settled the issue of whether the common man
is up to the task of governing a modern and large society.
Characteristics of political elites
 Small in number
 Organised
 Open entry
 Monopoly over political power
 Open competition among different elite groups
 Conscious of their interests
 Absence of absolutism

52. Main features of the elitist theory of democracy
 Inevitability of political elites in every society
 In every society there are two classes
 Iron laws of oligarchy
 Democratic method of appointing and dismissing the policy
makers
 Plurality of elites
 Leadership is necessary for democracy
 Government of the people and by the people is a mere myth
 In democracy elections are elections of elites
 Non participation of people in policy making
 Circulation of elites
 Faith in government by experts and not by the people
 No special importance is given to ideology

53. Why Elite democracy fails?
1. Elite Democracy theory fails to describe the conditions of modern society, i.e., it fails as
a descriptive model.
 It assumes that the atomized mass is “natural” and inevitable rather than investigating its
sources.
 It concludes that nothing can be done by the masses through protest or self-governance
because of the absence of community -- rather than imagining ways to build community and
make citizen action effective.
 It inaccurately locates the source of anti-democratic backlashes.
 It is mistaken about the motives of elites.
 It assumes elites are elites because they are smart; i.e., it fails to identify the real source of elite
power, which, in capitalist society, is wealth.
 It does not give ordinary people enough credit for their astounding accomplishment in
maintaining as much democracy as we have.
2. Elite Democracy theory fails as a normative model for effective “democratic” government.
 We do not need elites to protect us from ourselves.
 We do not face a world of scarcity unless we put our fate in the hands of the elites who have
done the most to deplete earth‟s reserves.
 The theory does not have an adequate concept of freedom (it uses an outmoded 19th century
conception).
 It misconstrues the purpose of democracy.

54. Criticism of elitist theory
 Lack of faith in common people
 It is conservative theory
 Elites can not maintain equilibrium in society
 This theory is silent about democratic society
 This theory gives no importance to ideology
 This theory gives no importance to man
 Leaders are given undue importance
 This theory does not give due importance to public opinion
 This theory is against the principle of social and economic
equality
 What should be the basis of political elite
 Protection of the interest of capitalism

55. Pluralist theory of democracy
 Society is ruled by competing organized groups in which
individuals are represented largely through their
membership, and all groups have access to the policy process.
 Groups with shared interests influence public policy › Ex:
National Rifle Association, United Auto Workers, National
Educators Association, American Association of Retired
Persons
 Argues Modern democratic societies are characterized by
power being dispersed between elite groups, represented by
pressure groups and political parties.
 R.A Dahl 1961 Looked at the role of interest groups and
found several groups influenced the State. State is
neutral, never dominated by one group. Contrast to Marxist
view.

56. Main features of the pluralist democracy
 There is a wide dispersal of political power amongst
competing groups.
 There is a high degree of responsiveness with group
leaders being accountable to members
 There is a neutral government machine that is
sufficiently fragmented to offer groups a number of
points of access.
 Robert Dahl, a noted pluralist, suggested in one of his
early writings that in societies like ours "politics is a
sideshow in the great circus of life."

57. Pluralist views of the state
 Pluralists Dunleavy and O‟Leary indentified the three main
pluralist views of the state. They were;
 The Weathervane model; The states direction reflects
public opinion and the demands of pressure groups. This
means that state policy is based on the concerns and interests
of society.
 The neutral state model: The state is seen as the neutral
or impartial arbiter who acts in the publics interests. This
arbiter compromises between the demands of different
pressure groups and makes sure that even the weakest groups
are heard
 The broker state model: This view sees groups within the
state as having their own interests and concerns. Most policies
tend to reflect the concerns of the state officials themselves.

58. The Pluralist View of Power
o Potential versus Actual Power. Pluralists also stress
the differences between potential and actual power.
 Three of the major tenets of the pluralist school are
(1)resources and hence potential power are widely
scattered throughout society;
(2) at least some resources are available to nearly
everyone; and
(3) at any time the amount of potential power exceeds
the amount of actual power.
o Scope of Power. Finally, and perhaps most
important, no one is all-powerful. An individual or group
that is influential in one realm may be weak in another.

59. A Critique of Pluralism
 They charge, first, that it does not adequately describe
who governs and, second, even if it did, pluralism is an
undesirable form of government.
1. Pluralism Is a Faulty Description.
2. Pluralism is Morally Bankrupt System.
 The pluralist theory is criticised for being too optimistic
about the State and the government.
 The State cannot act as an honest broker as it is
impossible to govern without using power and without
favouring certain power and political groups.
 R.A Dahl is correct in his theory because many groups do
influence the State, it‟s not just down to one group.

60. Hyper pluralism
 › Pluralism gone bad ,There are so many competing groups that
the, government can‟t accomplish anyone, Politicians are trying to make
everyone happy- but you can‟t do that if you are going to get anything done.
 If the groups don‟t get their way- they Leads to policy gridlock
 Hyperpluralism is one theory of American democracy.
 Pluralism states that several groups with a common goal would influence a
policy through planned and effective efforts.
 Hyperpluralism is basically the same theory with different perspective.
While people who believe in pluralism is optimistic, hyper-pluralism is a
pessimistic and extreme.
 They believe the groups are too strong and they suppress the power of the
government.
 In other words, hyper-pluralists think too many cooks spoil the broth. The
theory observes that policy makers try please every groups, and results with
a policy that pleases no one and improves nothing.

61. Hyper………
 Groups are so strong that government is weakened.
Extreme, exaggerated form of pluralism.
 Sub governments consist of a network of groups that exercise
a great deal of control over specific policy areas.
 Interest groups have become too powerful as the government
tries to serve every interest.
 The many sub-governments (iron triangles) aggravate the
process.
 When the government tries to please all the groups, the
policies become confusing and contradictory.
 With more interest groups getting involved, these sub
governments may be dissolving.
 Exaggerated / perverted form of pluralism
 Confusing / contradictory policies, inability to act at all

62. Challenges to democracy

63. Evaluation
 Democracy is not every thing but something
 Political role not a stage of economic development
 Democracy is not a way of governing whether by
majority but primarily a way of determining who
shall govern

64. References
PartIV. SeealsoBernard
Bereisonetal.,Voting(Chicago,1954),chapter14;articlesby
LouisHartzandSamuelBeer inW.
N.ChambersandR.H.Salisbury(eds.),Democracy in theMid-
20th
 Alesina, A., Rosenthal, H., 1989. Partisan cycles in
congressional elections and the macroeconomy. American
Political Science Review 83, 373–398.
 Austen-Smith, D., Banks, J., 1989. Electoral accountability
and incumbency. In: Ordeshook, P. (Ed.), Models of Strategic
Choice in Politics. University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor.
 Banks, J., Sundaram, R.K., 1998. Optimal retention in agency
problems. Journal of Economic Theory 82, 293–323.