This document provides an overview of Russia's theory and practice of information warfare. It discusses how Russia has developed its information warfare theory in opposition to Western concepts, drawing on Soviet-era psychological warfare techniques. It also examines the role of Russian geopolitical schools in popularizing and participating in information warfare. The document analyzes how Russia employed extensive propaganda in its recent operations related to Ukraine and Crimea to influence domestic and international public opinion.
1) Government-influenced mainstream media in Hungary is often a direct channel for Russian narratives, unlike other Visegrad countries. The state news agency and pro-government TV and newspapers regularly publish Russian and pro-Russian content.
2) Alternative media sites spreading pro-Russian narratives are limited, around 6-10 relatively serious sites. Most are marginal. Only 16% of Hungarians prefer alternative media.
3) The content promotes anti-Western, anti-EU, anti-NATO, anti-Ukraine, and anti-US narratives. There is a lack of Hungary-specific content likely due to a lack of Russian knowledge about Hungary.
4) Hungarian society is only receptive to Russian narratives
The document discusses pro-Kremlin disinformation efforts in Poland. It outlines several common narratives used, including undermining Poland's relationship with Ukraine and NATO. It provides examples of fake interviews with Polish generals and misleading articles claiming Ukrainians want land returned to Poland. The propaganda aims to portray NATO and the West negatively while favoring Russia. It spreads through websites, social media, and trolling to influence Polish public opinion.
Battle of Narratives: Kremlin Disinformation in the Vitaliy Markiv Case in ItalyUkraineCrisisMediaCenter
This document provides background on the case of Vitaliy Markiv, a Ukrainian soldier arrested in Italy in 2017 for the deaths of an Italian photographer and Russian interpreter killed in Ukraine in 2014. It discusses how Russian disinformation narratives about Ukraine may have influenced the initial guilty verdict against Markiv in Italy. The document outlines its structure, methodology, and added value in examining the role of Kremlin propaganda in the Markiv case through analysis of court documents and Italian media coverage.
This document discusses disinformation websites in the Czech Republic. It distinguishes between conspiracy websites, which mix truth and lies and have lower readership in the thousands, and alternative media websites, which aim to be an alternative to mainstream media and have higher readership in the tens of thousands. Both conspiracy and alternative media websites primarily cover foreign rather than domestic news and use opaque ownership structures. They commonly adjust current affairs to prove that the US and EU pose threats and cannot be trusted, while portraying issues like immigration and terrorism as dangers. The document analyzes several specific examples of misleading stories spread on these websites.
- Several sources in Moldova spread Russian propaganda, including the president, Russian media rebroadcast in Moldova, pro-Russian political parties and NGOs, and the Orthodox Church.
- Six analyzed online media sources with pro-Kremlin stances publish disinformation stories promoting ideas such as Europe dissolving, Moldova being unable to decide its own path, and NATO preparing nuclear war against Russia.
- Common manipulation techniques used include distorting facts, promoting conspiracy theories against the West, artificially opposing Eastern and Western values, and using pejorative language against opponents of pro-Russian viewpoints.
1. The document analyzes several Slovak alternative media websites that publish pro-Kremlin propaganda using techniques like reversing history, citing biased "experts," mixing opinions with facts, and spreading false statements.
2. These websites promote claims like "Putin is a strong leader," "NATO is war-mongering," and "Russian intervention in Ukraine helps oppressed Russians," among other pro-Kremlin narratives.
3. However, the amount of pro-Kremlin propaganda in Slovak media is declining thanks to the work of organizations that educate readers and disclose propaganda techniques.
1) Government-influenced mainstream media in Hungary is often a direct channel for Russian narratives, unlike other Visegrad countries. The state news agency and pro-government TV and newspapers regularly publish Russian and pro-Russian content.
2) Alternative media sites spreading pro-Russian narratives are limited, around 6-10 relatively serious sites. Most are marginal. Only 16% of Hungarians prefer alternative media.
3) The content promotes anti-Western, anti-EU, anti-NATO, anti-Ukraine, and anti-US narratives. There is a lack of Hungary-specific content likely due to a lack of Russian knowledge about Hungary.
4) Hungarian society is only receptive to Russian narratives
The document discusses pro-Kremlin disinformation efforts in Poland. It outlines several common narratives used, including undermining Poland's relationship with Ukraine and NATO. It provides examples of fake interviews with Polish generals and misleading articles claiming Ukrainians want land returned to Poland. The propaganda aims to portray NATO and the West negatively while favoring Russia. It spreads through websites, social media, and trolling to influence Polish public opinion.
Battle of Narratives: Kremlin Disinformation in the Vitaliy Markiv Case in ItalyUkraineCrisisMediaCenter
This document provides background on the case of Vitaliy Markiv, a Ukrainian soldier arrested in Italy in 2017 for the deaths of an Italian photographer and Russian interpreter killed in Ukraine in 2014. It discusses how Russian disinformation narratives about Ukraine may have influenced the initial guilty verdict against Markiv in Italy. The document outlines its structure, methodology, and added value in examining the role of Kremlin propaganda in the Markiv case through analysis of court documents and Italian media coverage.
This document discusses disinformation websites in the Czech Republic. It distinguishes between conspiracy websites, which mix truth and lies and have lower readership in the thousands, and alternative media websites, which aim to be an alternative to mainstream media and have higher readership in the tens of thousands. Both conspiracy and alternative media websites primarily cover foreign rather than domestic news and use opaque ownership structures. They commonly adjust current affairs to prove that the US and EU pose threats and cannot be trusted, while portraying issues like immigration and terrorism as dangers. The document analyzes several specific examples of misleading stories spread on these websites.
- Several sources in Moldova spread Russian propaganda, including the president, Russian media rebroadcast in Moldova, pro-Russian political parties and NGOs, and the Orthodox Church.
- Six analyzed online media sources with pro-Kremlin stances publish disinformation stories promoting ideas such as Europe dissolving, Moldova being unable to decide its own path, and NATO preparing nuclear war against Russia.
- Common manipulation techniques used include distorting facts, promoting conspiracy theories against the West, artificially opposing Eastern and Western values, and using pejorative language against opponents of pro-Russian viewpoints.
1. The document analyzes several Slovak alternative media websites that publish pro-Kremlin propaganda using techniques like reversing history, citing biased "experts," mixing opinions with facts, and spreading false statements.
2. These websites promote claims like "Putin is a strong leader," "NATO is war-mongering," and "Russian intervention in Ukraine helps oppressed Russians," among other pro-Kremlin narratives.
3. However, the amount of pro-Kremlin propaganda in Slovak media is declining thanks to the work of organizations that educate readers and disclose propaganda techniques.
Ukrainian revolution from the point of view of the Russian analystЕлена Волковская
This document summarizes the political situation in Ukraine from the perspective of a Russian analyst. It describes the power dynamics between Ukrainian oligarchs, the roles of external actors like Russia and the EU, and the strategies employed by different political factions during the 2013-2014 Ukrainian revolution and subsequent elections. Key events and the various interests, failures, and technologies used by different groups are analyzed.
Russia has a long history of using aggressive and destructive information operations and propaganda to influence and control other nations. The Soviet era greatly expanded and refined these tactics. In modern times, Russia has launched a systematic information war against Ukraine to undermine its statehood since Ukraine expressed a desire to integrate with Europe. This document outlines Russia's highly developed information warfare system and the types of information operations it employs, including misinformation, propaganda, and psychological operations. It stresses the need for Ukraine and other countries to develop robust national information security systems to counter Russia's persistent information attacks.
Ukraine is commonly seen as being a separated country, dominated by two different cultural and political communities. The first one identifies with the “Western” world, whereas the second is strongly oriented towards Russia. In her newest text, “Language, Identity, Politics – the Myth of Two Ukraines”, Dr. Joanna Fomina is explaining the misleading nature of this concept.
According the theory of the two Ukraine’s one is pro-European, shares values of liberal democracy, strives to join the European Union in order to “return to Europe” and above all: is communicating in the Ukrainian language. The symbolic centre of this Ukraine is Lviv. The second feels nostalgia for the Soviet Union, is closely connected to contemporary Russia, opposes the West and has no respect for values associated with it. This groups language is Russian and their “capital” is Donetsk.
As Dr. Joanna Fomina is demonstrating in her text “Language, Identity, Politics – The Myth of two Ukraines”,this narration is not appropriate. Her argument is supported by the use of empiric data concerning among others attitudes towards Ukrainian and Russian language and viewpoints on democracy throughout different regions in Ukraine.
The author do not question the fact that a certain separation in Ukrainian society can be observed. However she highlight that the theory of the two Ukraine’s is not suitable to give a proper view of the situation in the country, but on the contrary does not reveal most significant differences.
Russia is using political war to offset its weakness in a hostile world, following a strategy as old as the Soviet Union. Yet it includes new elements that stem from new technology.
This strategy includes a broad definition of information warfare that includes not just bytes attacking other bytes, but 'the cognitive bits,' that is, the use of information technology for propaganda and psychological warfare. It is a strategy that has been and will be more effective close to home than far away.
The Separatist War in Donbas: A Violent Break-up of Ukraine?DonbassFullAccess
This document analyzes the conflict in Donbas, Ukraine between pro-Russian separatists and the Ukrainian government. It notes that there are conflicting narratives about what caused the conflict and how it has unfolded. The study aims to determine why Ukraine experienced this violent conflict in Donbas by examining the roles and perspectives of different actors, including separatists, the Yanukovych government, Maidan opposition, Russia, the US, and the EU. It also analyzes a survey on public support for separatism in Donbas compared to other regions that was commissioned by the author. The conflict involved both a civil war and direct Russian military intervention and has international significance.
This document summarizes the results of a survey on national information policy in Ukraine in the face of Russian aggression, with a focus on the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Some key findings include: less than 1% of Ukrainians consider Russian television an objective news source, while 31.1% consider Ukrainian television objective; over 40% of Ukrainians feel nostalgia for the Soviet era but over 60% do not want it to return; and the government's information policy in Donetsk and Luhansk needs to be more sensitive to regional differences and build trust through focusing on facts rather than political stances.
A set of recommendations for combating Russian propaganda in the European Union and the Eastern Partnership countries, which has been distributed among the Members of the European Parliament and the EU officials with regard to the European Council conclusions of 20 March 2015 calling for preparation of an action plan to counter Russia’s disinformation campaigns.
The document discusses the Ukrainian art of Pysanka, which involves decorating eggs for Easter. It provides some brief background information on Ukraine, noting that it is located in eastern Europe and borders the Black Sea. The largest nuclear accident in history occurred in Ukraine in 1986 at Chernobyl. The document then lists several Ukrainian art forms such as wood carving and carpets before focusing on the traditional art of Pysanka egg decorating.
This document provides teaching materials for exploring the causes behind Stalin's show trials in the 1930s through a case study approach. It includes background information on the trials, sources related to each trial, and guidance for a three-step student inquiry. The inquiry prompts students to analyze factors that prompted the first trial in 1936, the second trial in 1937, and the "Great Purge Trial" of 1938. Sources include commentary, transcripts, and first-hand accounts. Discussion questions, activities and assessments are also included to help students develop critical thinking skills around this event in Russian history.
The document provides a summary of the strategic communication, military, cyber, and economic aspects of the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine. It notes that Ukraine has gained the upper hand in strategic communication by portraying Zelensky as a heroic leader defending against Russian aggression. Militarily, Russian forces have encircled some Ukrainian cities but are facing stronger-than-expected resistance in urban areas. There has been a global uprising of cyber partisans attacking Russian targets, while Russian cyber operations have targeted Ukrainian infrastructure. Western sanctions are severely impacting the Russian economy. The outlook is that Russia will escalate violence in Ukrainian cities as its economy begins to collapse under sanctions.
This document discusses using key historical documents to teach history. It provides guidance on choosing documents that represent different perspectives and purposes. The document then presents a case study on Lyndon Johnson's presidency and the impact of the Vietnam War. Students are guided to interrogate a primary document from Johnson to understand the issues and events related to the impact of Vietnam on his presidency. The approach aims to engage students and emphasize skills for working with historical evidence.
Authors’ note:
A lot has happened in the last 5 days since Russia started its invasion of Ukraine on the 24th February 2022. In my bulletin I aim to conclude and share the information what I have gathered either through the support of the European Cyber Community or through my discussions with current and former members of armed forces in Europe. As my main profession – raising cyber resilience for organizations and nations to resist large scale cyber and hybrid incidents – requires me to holistically analyze the impact of multiple events happening parallel, I will not only focus on the cyber space aspect, but overall. For the strictly military movement timeline and events or ongoing fights there are many trustworthy resources out there, hence I will not put focus on that. This is not a study, I will not provide links and references. Many of the information you can simply search for, some or relying on personal discussions with subject matter experts.
Finally, everything written here is reflecting my own personal view.
Mamoun fandy (un)civil war of words media and politics in the arab world (2007)Agung Kurniawan
This document provides an introduction to the book "(Un)Civil War of Words: Media and Politics in the Arab World" by Mamoun Fandy. It discusses how the debate on Arab media has become polarized and ideological regarding outlets like Al Jazeera. It argues that understanding the history and context of Arab media ownership, as well as conflicts between Arab states and opposition groups, is key to analyzing Arab media. The introduction aims to develop a framework for understanding Arab media that moves beyond Western media theories and an East vs. West focus, instead examining the dynamics within the Arab region.
Chechnya is an oil-rich, predominantly Islamic region in the Caucasus that has sought independence from Russia multiple times since the 19th century. After decades of resistance, Russia conquered Chechnya in 1858. In 1944, Stalin deported the entire Chechen population to Siberia, killing many. Chechnya declared independence in 1991 after the Soviet collapse but Russia invaded in 1994 to crush the movement, leading to a brutal 20-month war and the destruction of Grozny. A peace deal was reached in 1996 but fighting resumed in 1999 when Russia blamed Chechen radicals for apartment bombings. The second war has been ongoing since, with Russia controlling the region through the controversial pro-Kremlin Chechen president Kadyrov
It is true that studying the Kremlin's internal struggles is more an art than a science. Stratfor uses systematic approaches in much of its work, though the art of Kremlinology involves watching hundreds of seemingly unconnected events and pieces move while attempting to draw common threads into a narrative. It is an imperfect art but an important one nonetheless, and it is back in demand now that the Kremlin is facing multiple crises.
Pocket guidebook elections in ukraine ukr crisimediacentre-052014Dmytro Lysiuk
The document provides a historical overview of key dates in modern Ukrainian history from independence in 1991 through 2014. It then summarizes recent public opinion polls showing strong Ukrainian support for national unity and ties to Europe over Russia, despite Russian claims. Finally, it outlines some tangible achievements of Ukraine's interim government since February 2014, including signing an EU Association Agreement and reforms.
Monitoring "What is happening to freedom of speech in Ukraine. State censorship and crackdown on dissent"
In Ukraine, people are judged for dissent.
You can get acquainted with the situation with freedom of speech in Ukraine, state censorship and crackdown on dissent, which was prepared by a human rights group "Uspishna Varta".
This document is a satirical portrayal of a conversation between Barack Obama and an advisor about how to address the perceived threat of Anonymous. It suggests they consider using propaganda techniques like attaching negative labels to Anonymous, citing innocent victims, and creating a sense of bandwagon pressure to turn public opinion against Anonymous. The document also briefly outlines and critiques several classic propaganda techniques that could potentially be used, like poisoning devices, testimonials, and exploiting emotions like fear.
Ukrainian revolution from the point of view of the Russian analystЕлена Волковская
This document summarizes the political situation in Ukraine from the perspective of a Russian analyst. It describes the power dynamics between Ukrainian oligarchs, the roles of external actors like Russia and the EU, and the strategies employed by different political factions during the 2013-2014 Ukrainian revolution and subsequent elections. Key events and the various interests, failures, and technologies used by different groups are analyzed.
Russia has a long history of using aggressive and destructive information operations and propaganda to influence and control other nations. The Soviet era greatly expanded and refined these tactics. In modern times, Russia has launched a systematic information war against Ukraine to undermine its statehood since Ukraine expressed a desire to integrate with Europe. This document outlines Russia's highly developed information warfare system and the types of information operations it employs, including misinformation, propaganda, and psychological operations. It stresses the need for Ukraine and other countries to develop robust national information security systems to counter Russia's persistent information attacks.
Ukraine is commonly seen as being a separated country, dominated by two different cultural and political communities. The first one identifies with the “Western” world, whereas the second is strongly oriented towards Russia. In her newest text, “Language, Identity, Politics – the Myth of Two Ukraines”, Dr. Joanna Fomina is explaining the misleading nature of this concept.
According the theory of the two Ukraine’s one is pro-European, shares values of liberal democracy, strives to join the European Union in order to “return to Europe” and above all: is communicating in the Ukrainian language. The symbolic centre of this Ukraine is Lviv. The second feels nostalgia for the Soviet Union, is closely connected to contemporary Russia, opposes the West and has no respect for values associated with it. This groups language is Russian and their “capital” is Donetsk.
As Dr. Joanna Fomina is demonstrating in her text “Language, Identity, Politics – The Myth of two Ukraines”,this narration is not appropriate. Her argument is supported by the use of empiric data concerning among others attitudes towards Ukrainian and Russian language and viewpoints on democracy throughout different regions in Ukraine.
The author do not question the fact that a certain separation in Ukrainian society can be observed. However she highlight that the theory of the two Ukraine’s is not suitable to give a proper view of the situation in the country, but on the contrary does not reveal most significant differences.
Russia is using political war to offset its weakness in a hostile world, following a strategy as old as the Soviet Union. Yet it includes new elements that stem from new technology.
This strategy includes a broad definition of information warfare that includes not just bytes attacking other bytes, but 'the cognitive bits,' that is, the use of information technology for propaganda and psychological warfare. It is a strategy that has been and will be more effective close to home than far away.
The Separatist War in Donbas: A Violent Break-up of Ukraine?DonbassFullAccess
This document analyzes the conflict in Donbas, Ukraine between pro-Russian separatists and the Ukrainian government. It notes that there are conflicting narratives about what caused the conflict and how it has unfolded. The study aims to determine why Ukraine experienced this violent conflict in Donbas by examining the roles and perspectives of different actors, including separatists, the Yanukovych government, Maidan opposition, Russia, the US, and the EU. It also analyzes a survey on public support for separatism in Donbas compared to other regions that was commissioned by the author. The conflict involved both a civil war and direct Russian military intervention and has international significance.
This document summarizes the results of a survey on national information policy in Ukraine in the face of Russian aggression, with a focus on the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Some key findings include: less than 1% of Ukrainians consider Russian television an objective news source, while 31.1% consider Ukrainian television objective; over 40% of Ukrainians feel nostalgia for the Soviet era but over 60% do not want it to return; and the government's information policy in Donetsk and Luhansk needs to be more sensitive to regional differences and build trust through focusing on facts rather than political stances.
A set of recommendations for combating Russian propaganda in the European Union and the Eastern Partnership countries, which has been distributed among the Members of the European Parliament and the EU officials with regard to the European Council conclusions of 20 March 2015 calling for preparation of an action plan to counter Russia’s disinformation campaigns.
The document discusses the Ukrainian art of Pysanka, which involves decorating eggs for Easter. It provides some brief background information on Ukraine, noting that it is located in eastern Europe and borders the Black Sea. The largest nuclear accident in history occurred in Ukraine in 1986 at Chernobyl. The document then lists several Ukrainian art forms such as wood carving and carpets before focusing on the traditional art of Pysanka egg decorating.
This document provides teaching materials for exploring the causes behind Stalin's show trials in the 1930s through a case study approach. It includes background information on the trials, sources related to each trial, and guidance for a three-step student inquiry. The inquiry prompts students to analyze factors that prompted the first trial in 1936, the second trial in 1937, and the "Great Purge Trial" of 1938. Sources include commentary, transcripts, and first-hand accounts. Discussion questions, activities and assessments are also included to help students develop critical thinking skills around this event in Russian history.
The document provides a summary of the strategic communication, military, cyber, and economic aspects of the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine. It notes that Ukraine has gained the upper hand in strategic communication by portraying Zelensky as a heroic leader defending against Russian aggression. Militarily, Russian forces have encircled some Ukrainian cities but are facing stronger-than-expected resistance in urban areas. There has been a global uprising of cyber partisans attacking Russian targets, while Russian cyber operations have targeted Ukrainian infrastructure. Western sanctions are severely impacting the Russian economy. The outlook is that Russia will escalate violence in Ukrainian cities as its economy begins to collapse under sanctions.
This document discusses using key historical documents to teach history. It provides guidance on choosing documents that represent different perspectives and purposes. The document then presents a case study on Lyndon Johnson's presidency and the impact of the Vietnam War. Students are guided to interrogate a primary document from Johnson to understand the issues and events related to the impact of Vietnam on his presidency. The approach aims to engage students and emphasize skills for working with historical evidence.
Authors’ note:
A lot has happened in the last 5 days since Russia started its invasion of Ukraine on the 24th February 2022. In my bulletin I aim to conclude and share the information what I have gathered either through the support of the European Cyber Community or through my discussions with current and former members of armed forces in Europe. As my main profession – raising cyber resilience for organizations and nations to resist large scale cyber and hybrid incidents – requires me to holistically analyze the impact of multiple events happening parallel, I will not only focus on the cyber space aspect, but overall. For the strictly military movement timeline and events or ongoing fights there are many trustworthy resources out there, hence I will not put focus on that. This is not a study, I will not provide links and references. Many of the information you can simply search for, some or relying on personal discussions with subject matter experts.
Finally, everything written here is reflecting my own personal view.
Mamoun fandy (un)civil war of words media and politics in the arab world (2007)Agung Kurniawan
This document provides an introduction to the book "(Un)Civil War of Words: Media and Politics in the Arab World" by Mamoun Fandy. It discusses how the debate on Arab media has become polarized and ideological regarding outlets like Al Jazeera. It argues that understanding the history and context of Arab media ownership, as well as conflicts between Arab states and opposition groups, is key to analyzing Arab media. The introduction aims to develop a framework for understanding Arab media that moves beyond Western media theories and an East vs. West focus, instead examining the dynamics within the Arab region.
Chechnya is an oil-rich, predominantly Islamic region in the Caucasus that has sought independence from Russia multiple times since the 19th century. After decades of resistance, Russia conquered Chechnya in 1858. In 1944, Stalin deported the entire Chechen population to Siberia, killing many. Chechnya declared independence in 1991 after the Soviet collapse but Russia invaded in 1994 to crush the movement, leading to a brutal 20-month war and the destruction of Grozny. A peace deal was reached in 1996 but fighting resumed in 1999 when Russia blamed Chechen radicals for apartment bombings. The second war has been ongoing since, with Russia controlling the region through the controversial pro-Kremlin Chechen president Kadyrov
It is true that studying the Kremlin's internal struggles is more an art than a science. Stratfor uses systematic approaches in much of its work, though the art of Kremlinology involves watching hundreds of seemingly unconnected events and pieces move while attempting to draw common threads into a narrative. It is an imperfect art but an important one nonetheless, and it is back in demand now that the Kremlin is facing multiple crises.
Pocket guidebook elections in ukraine ukr crisimediacentre-052014Dmytro Lysiuk
The document provides a historical overview of key dates in modern Ukrainian history from independence in 1991 through 2014. It then summarizes recent public opinion polls showing strong Ukrainian support for national unity and ties to Europe over Russia, despite Russian claims. Finally, it outlines some tangible achievements of Ukraine's interim government since February 2014, including signing an EU Association Agreement and reforms.
Monitoring "What is happening to freedom of speech in Ukraine. State censorship and crackdown on dissent"
In Ukraine, people are judged for dissent.
You can get acquainted with the situation with freedom of speech in Ukraine, state censorship and crackdown on dissent, which was prepared by a human rights group "Uspishna Varta".
This document is a satirical portrayal of a conversation between Barack Obama and an advisor about how to address the perceived threat of Anonymous. It suggests they consider using propaganda techniques like attaching negative labels to Anonymous, citing innocent victims, and creating a sense of bandwagon pressure to turn public opinion against Anonymous. The document also briefly outlines and critiques several classic propaganda techniques that could potentially be used, like poisoning devices, testimonials, and exploiting emotions like fear.
This document provides information about the Journal of Information Warfare, including the journal staff, editorial board, scope, subscription information, and contents of the upcoming Volume 14, Issue 2. It discusses that the journal aims to provide a forum for academics and practitioners in information warfare/operations to discuss topics ranging from destruction of information systems to psychological aspects of information use. The upcoming issue will feature 9 articles covering key areas related to information assurance and cybersecurity such as cyber operations and defense, training cyber forces, understanding co-evolution of cyber defenses and attacks, and defending cyberspace with software-defined networks.
This document discusses electronic warfare and is divided into three main sections: electronic attack, electronic protection, and electronic warfare support. Electronic attack involves jamming, deception, and destructive techniques to interfere with an enemy's use of the electromagnetic spectrum. Electronic protection techniques are used to protect friendly forces from electronic attack. Electronic warfare support passively detects and analyzes emissions to gather intelligence and provide situational awareness. Specific electronic warfare systems and techniques discussed include jamming, chaff, flares, anti-radiation missiles, frequency hopping, and ELINT/COMINT collection.
Analysis for Radar and Electronic WarfareReza Taryghat
This document discusses techniques for measuring pulsed RF signals used in radar and electronic warfare applications. It begins with an overview of common radar applications and measurement types. It then discusses tools for measuring pulse parameters like pulse width, repetition interval, and power. These tools include power meters, oscilloscopes, spectrum analyzers, and specialized pulse analyzers. It also covers vector signal analysis and its ability to analyze modulation embedded on pulses. The rest of the document provides examples of measuring pulses with these various tools and techniques like pulse building, frequency hopping analysis, and analyzing LFM chirps.
Ew asia cw and ew joint space for comments (14 sep2016)TBSS Group
Brief Summary
Cyber warfare and electronic warfare are similar in many ways. Electronic warfare is a general tool used to Deny, Disrupt, Destroy, Degrade, and Deceive which are largely achieved through the interactions with enemy’s radio frequency systems. Cyber warfare is similar and more with additional targeted effects on computer systems, networks, and applications. Information operations, however, intend to influence the person sitting behind the keyboard, resulting to wrong decision making.
Col Timothy Presby, Training and Doctrine Command Capabilities Manager of Cyber, Army said in August this year: “We need to be aware that we are very likely going to fight an adversary that is converging using [cyber and electromagnetic activity] integration, ISR and fires across full spectrum conflict, so unless we actually work together and converge our capabilities, we will be left short.”. This shows the importance of being aware and protected in the joint space.
This paper attempts to discuss the significance, seriousness and real threat in the cyber and electronics intelligence joint space. Critical military information can be obtained via cyber means and use by the forces to launch attacks in shortest possible time to cause severe damages to properties and lives.
Information warfare and information operationsClifford Stone
This document is a bibliography compiled by Greta E. Marlatt of the Dudley Knox Library at the Naval Postgraduate School. It contains references on the topic of information warfare and information operations, organized by subtopics. The bibliography includes books, periodicals, documents, theses and technical reports on definitions of terms, information warfare, information operations, information assurance, information dominance, information superiority, cyber warfare, network centric warfare, psychological warfare, legal aspects, doctrine publications, and bibliographies. It was last revised and updated in January 2008.
The document outlines a design strategy for Pepsi called "BREATHTAKING" that draws inspiration from Pepsi's branding history and universal design principles to create a new identity. It explores how investigating a brand's roots can help propel it forward. The strategy aims to shift Pepsi from a conventional to innovative brand by developing an iconic shape based on geometric patterns found in past packaging. Circles placed in a specific proportional relationship are used to derive the new Pepsi identity and logo. Color palettes and dimensional effects are also discussed to enhance the multi-dimensional brand experience.
The document defines propaganda as organized methods used to spread ideas and beliefs through communication means like written, spoken, or pictorial representations. Propaganda aims to influence emotions, attitudes, and behaviors. Insurgents use propaganda to undermine the existing government, create unrest, and gain recruits and support. Counterinsurgency forces must use integrated political, military, economic, and psychological actions to counter hostile propaganda and project a positive image of the government to win over the population. Propaganda operates through various media and targets different groups to achieve its goals.
This document provides an overview of the NSA's ECHELON signals intelligence program. It traces the program's origins back to the 1970s and describes how ECHELON uses a global network of satellites and intercept stations controlled by the US and other partners to intercept vast amounts of electronic communications data worldwide. The document discusses how ECHELON uses keyword filtering to identify targets and shares data with partner agencies. It also notes debates around the program's effectiveness and impact on privacy.
The document discusses events in Ukraine in March 2014. Protests in Kiev led to the ousting of President Yanukovych, who fled to Russia. A new interim government took control of Ukraine, but Russia annexed Crimea and supported separatists in eastern Ukraine, leading to ongoing tensions and conflict.
Paul D. Mullins is a senior cyber operations leader and project manager with over 29 years of experience in the Army, Joint, Special Operations Forces, and interagency environments. He has expertise in creating and managing cutting-edge cyber operations and advising senior executives. Some of his roles include serving as the Senior Offensive Cyber Advisor to the Commander of European Command and chief of offensive cyber operations for the European Command Joint Cyber Center. He has a proven track record of successfully managing complex projects, developing requirements, and leading teams.
Cyber Operation Planning and Operational Design_YayımlandıGovernment
This document discusses adapting cyber operations to operational design and planning processes. It proposes a "cyber operational design" model to help cyber and military planners comprehensively understand complex cyber incidents and plan preventative approaches. The document outlines operational planning and the military decision making process (MDMP), and provides samples of how cyber factor analysis and identification of a cyber center of gravity could fit into these processes. The goal is to help planners understand cyber operations complexity and leverage analytical planning tools to improve technical personnel's understanding of operational planning.
This document summarizes a presentation about tracking and implications of the Stuxnet computer worm. Stuxnet targeted Siemens industrial control systems and was designed to damage Iranian nuclear centrifuges. It spread using five Windows exploits and a Siemens password to infiltrate industrial networks. Stuxnet hid its activities using rootkit techniques and destroyed centrifuges by manipulating their speeds. Its discovery revealed vulnerabilities in critical infrastructure protection and demonstrated that industrial systems could be attacked remotely for sabotage.
1. China leverages computer network attack and exploitation techniques, harvesting information critical to building a modern nation-state and "informationalized", technical military forces.
2. China adapted ancient stratagems for CNA & CNE operations.
3. China can claim plausible denial for nation-sponsored hacking activities, hiding within the sea of everyday hackers.
4. On the other hand, north Korea must take CNA & CNE operations outside its country's boundaries.
Russia will supply 14 Yak-130 combat trainers to Bangladesh in 2015, fulfilling an existing contract. Belarus will receive 4 Yak-130s under a separate 2012 contract. The Russian defense company Irkut will deliver a total of 61 combat aircraft and trainers in 2015, including Su-30SM and Yak-130 models. Russia is also upgrading several of its An-124 transport aircraft to extend their service life. Russian arms exports exceeded $15 billion in 2014 and are projected to remain at similar levels in 2015 despite Western sanctions.
The world hybrid war: Ukrainian forefront. Volodymyr HorbulinDonbassFullAccess
In this multi-authored monograph the scholars of the National Institute for Strategic Studies of Ukraine present an unprecedented study of the phenomenon of the world hybrid war, which manifested itself in the Russian aggression against Ukraine. The nature of the hybrid war was analyzed in the context of the global security crisis and was studied as a new type of global confrontation. This monograph is a complex analysis of the causes and preconditions of the Russian aggression against Ukraine with respect to the strategic purposes and special aspects of conduct in various dimensions including military, political, economic, social, humanitarian, and informational. This monograph also presents research of the local success of our country in resisting the hostile plans of the Russian Federation in certain areas. The conclusion reached by this study is that Ukraine is capable of fighting against an aggressor for her sovereignty. The reformation of international security institutions and attainment of balance of power in the new hybrid reality are also addressed in the monograph. This book is meant for politicians, political analysts, senior government officials and scientists in the field of security studies. The research results would also be interesting for academia, representatives of civil society, as well as patriotic and responsible citizens.
The war in Donbas and the annexation of Crimea are comprehensively studied in this Monograph. The research is conducted from the perspective of national security of Ukraine. Russia’s military aggression is described as a stress-test for global and national security, and as a catalyst for Ukraine’s foreign policy restart. Authors also analyze reasons and consequences of a temporary loss of control of some of Ukrainian territories. Particular emphasis is put on the position of Ukraine and approaches of the EU and Russia in the Minsk process for resolving the situation in Donbas.
Reintegration terms and recovery priorities for Donbas are outlined. The ways to overcome social consequences of Russian military aggression against Ukraine are defined. Authors provide prognoses for development of situation in Donbas and Crimea with focus on possible scenarios of the future of Ukraine in a globalized world. The research is intended for politicians, political analysts, senior civil servants. The study results will be useful for national security researchers, as well as for conscious citizens.
Fighting in the “Grey Zone”: Lessons from Russian Influence Operations in Ukr...Alireza Ghahrood
Chairman Ernst, Ranking Member Heinrich, members of the Subcommittee on Emerging
Threats and Capabilities, thank you for the opportunity to speak about the lessons learned from
Russian influence operations in Ukraine.
Russia’s unconventional war against Ukraine has revealed a formidable toolkit of measures for
fighting in the so-called “grey zone,” from world-class cyber and electronic warfare capabilities
to sophisticated covert action and disinformation operations. Russia has used propaganda,
sabotage, assassination, bribery, proxy fronts, and false-flag operations to supplement its
considerable conventional force posture in eastern Ukraine, where several thousand Russian
military intelligence advisors, unit commanders, and flag officers exercise command and control
over a separatist force consisting of roughly 30,000-40,000 troops.
Moscow has been doing its homework. Recognizing that Russia’s conventional military
capabilities lag behind those of NATO, Russian Chief of the General Staff Valeriy Gerasimov
called in 2013 for investing in asymmetric capabilities to enable Russia to fight and win against
conventionally superior Western militaries. Gerasimov’s call for more emphasis on
unconventional warfare also coincided with a subtle but important shift in Russian foreign
policy. After Mr. Putin’s return to the Kremlin in 2012, Moscow dispensed with its post-Cold
War foreign policy of cooperating with the West where possible and competing where necessary.
Instead, the Kremlin now actively seeks to corrode the institutions of Western democracy,
undermine the transatlantic alliance, and delegitimize the liberal international order through a
continuous and sustained competition short of conflict that takes place across all domains.
However, even with Russia’s well-honed unconventional warfare capabilities, the United States
and its NATO Allies can prevail in this competition if we recognize the Kremlin’s goals for what
they are, develop smart strategies to counter them, properly align our institutional structures, and
invest in the right capabilities.
I will briefly discuss six areas where Russia has invested in significant unconventional or “new
generation warfare” capabilities, and suggest some responses the United States should consider.
All of the capabilities I will highlight were used during Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2014 and
remain on display as Russia continues to wage its unconventional war against the government in
Kyiv.
This document is a dissertation analyzing Russia's new foreign policy under President Vladimir Putin and the reasons behind it. It provides theoretical frameworks of realism, geopolitics, and Eurasianism to analyze Putin's doctrine. The document gives a brief historical background of Russia from the Soviet Union to today. It then applies the theoretical lenses to understand Putin's justification for Russia reasserting itself on the global stage and restoring its sphere of influence in places like Ukraine and Crimea.
This document summarizes a research paper about how state-backed media in Russia helped promote social conservatism and "traditional values" narratives starting in 2012 under President Vladimir Putin. It discusses how Putin sought a new narrative as economic growth slowed and his approval ratings declined. State media then began emphasizing themes around traditional morality, family, and Orthodoxy to shift the public discourse. The document analyzes the tactics used by propaganda outlets and their effects on Russian society, seeking to understand how independent journalists can counter these influences.
Russian cyber offense strategy development Yuri Livshitz
This document provides an overview of Russian cyber offense strategy development and capabilities building. It discusses key factors that motivated Russia's selection of cyber offense as a vital tool, including weaknesses in the military after the Soviet Union's dissolution. It outlines General Gerasimov's theory of "hybrid warfare" which emphasizes non-military means for achieving goals and influenced Russia's approach. The document also examines Russia's efforts to build unified cyber offensive networks and cooperate internationally, as well as strategies for resilience in response to potential Western retaliation. Overall, it analyzes the evolution of Russia's cyber capabilities and strategy from both an academic and strategic perspective.
This document summarizes a report on Russian propaganda techniques and counterstrategies in Central and Eastern Europe. It examines how Russia uses disinformation campaigns across the region to undermine trust in democratic institutions and values. The report analyzes case studies of Russian propaganda in countries like Ukraine, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Czech Republic, and Slovakia. It also looks at the pan-European Russian news outlet Sputnik International. The document concludes with recommendations for countries to better monitor, analyze, and expose Russian disinformation campaigns through improved fact-checking, media literacy programs, and supporting independent journalism.
Identifying Partisan Slant in News Articles and Twitter during Political CrisesDima Karamshuk
In this paper, we are interested in understanding the interrelationships between mainstream and social media in forming public opinion during mass crises, specifically in regards to how events are framed in the mainstream news and on social networks and to how the language used in those frames may allow to infer political slant and partisanship. We study the lingual choices for political agenda setting in mainstream and social media by analyzing a dataset of more than 40M tweets and more than 4M news articles from the mass protests in Ukraine during 2013-2014 — known as "Euromaidan" — and the post-Euromaidan conflict between Russian, pro-Russian and Ukrainian forces in eastern Ukraine and Crimea. We design a natural language processing algorithm to analyze at scale the linguistic markers which point to a particular political leaning in online media and show that political slant in news articles and Twitter posts can be inferred with a high level of accuracy. These findings allow us to better understand the dynamics of partisan opinion formation during mass crises and the interplay between mainstream and social media in such circumstances.
The document analyzes Russian propaganda and disinformation targeting Lithuania, Poland, and Ukraine (known as the Lublin Triangle countries). It finds several common goals and tactics.
Russian propaganda aims to undermine citizens' beliefs in their countries' futures by claiming governments are incompetent and economies are struggling. It also seeks to destroy intergroup relations by accusing countries of discrimination and censoring pro-Russian views. Further, it undermines international cooperation by claiming organizations like NATO and EU are weak and that sanctions against Russia are ineffective.
The document identifies common narratives, messages, and sources used across the three countries. Sources include pro-Russian media, YouTube bloggers, and Telegram channels. Countries have shown resilience through understanding the threat, taking
The document discusses the challenges of foreign state-sponsored disinformation in the digital age. It provides context on how disinformation spread on social media and Russian propaganda during the Ukraine conflict. The key points made are:
1) Social media has disrupted traditional media and allowed for easy spread of disinformation by states and individuals.
2) Disinformation exploits vulnerabilities in the information ecosystem, including how platforms are designed to optimize viral content, use of bots and fake accounts, and exploitation of human biases.
3) On average, false stories spread much more quickly than the truth on social media, especially for political topics, undermining trust in information. Understanding the interplay between technology, media and human behavior is needed to
The paper presents the contemporary information policy implemented by
the Ukrainian government. The survey answers the question about the new role of information policy in the state authorities’ activities. The research focuses on the executive branch of power, due to its impact on the internal and external image of Ukraine.
The analysis was conducted at the strategic, institutional and operational levels, and
concerned the content of messages.
This document discusses potential scenarios for Russia after Vladimir Putin. It outlines how Putin's aggressive policies in Ukraine have isolated Russia internationally and damaged its economy due to sanctions. As the economic situation deteriorates, Putin's grip on power may weaken as elites become disloyal and public dissatisfaction grows. The document examines possible successors to Putin and scenarios like a coup or transitional government. It argues that Putin will likely hold on as long as possible due to his rigid thinking but that Russia's economic downfall makes the long-term viability of his authoritarian regime uncertain.
Did Communism threaten America's internal security after World War 2?Solous
This document is a research paper analyzing whether communism posed a threat to America's internal security after World War II. It begins with an introduction outlining the plan of investigation and sources to be used. It then summarizes evidence from primary sources about Soviet espionage in the US and the Red Scare phenomenon. Different historians' perspectives are evaluated on whether communism was an actual threat or was exaggerated for political reasons. The document concludes that while Soviet spies did infiltrate the government, the anti-communist hysteria also damaged American society.
This article analyzes Israel's bellicose defense policies through the lens of constructivism. It argues that Israel views threats existentially due to Jewish history, including recent oppression like pogroms and the Holocaust. Several Jewish holidays commemorate violent events of genocide, diaspora, and enslavement, promoting the perception that Jews must take action to defend themselves. This shapes Israel's identity and threat perception, explaining its preemptive strike in the Six-Day War as a defensive measure against what it viewed as existential threats from surrounding Arab states like Egypt closing shipping lanes. The article aims to understand rather than criticize Israeli policy by acknowledging how Jewish history informs Israel's worldview.
The document summarizes the activities of the Syncretic Disinformation Network (SDN), which includes the New Resistance movement, Fort Russ News, and the Center for Syncretic Studies. The SDN promotes pro-Kremlin propaganda and disinformation, including support for authoritarian regimes and destabilizing democracies. Specifically, it details how the Brazilian chapter Nova Resistência spreads propaganda and disinformation in Latin America while also supporting paramilitary activities and Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Fort Russ News and the Center for Syncretic Studies similarly promoted pro-Kremlin narratives before ceasing operations in early 2022. The individuals behind the SDN have close ties to sanctioned Russian figures and actively work to further
This thesis examines how the Soviet Union used art exhibitions for political purposes during the Cold War. It investigates the Soviet Union's cultural diplomacy through its organization of art exhibitions in other countries from 1945 to 1985.
The author conducted archival research in Ukraine and interviews with cultural officials. They found that the Soviet authorities tailored their art exhibitions based on the host country's relationship with the Soviet Union. Exhibitions differed for socialist countries, capitalist countries, and newly independent states. Within each category, exhibitions also varied depending on the Kremlin's specific relations with that country.
The thesis aims to add nuance to theories of how states use culture and the arts in foreign policy and cultural diplomacy. It analyzes how
Discussion Resources· The World Factbook (httpswww.cia.govLyndonPelletier761
Discussion Resources
· The World Factbook (https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/)
· US Bilateral Relations Fact Sheet (https://www.state.gov/u-s-bilateral-relations-fact-sheets/)
· Congressional Research Service Reports on the Middle East and the Arab World (https://fas.org/sgp/crs/mideast/)
·
Geopolitics and the Cold War
THE TOTAL VANQUISHING OF THE THIRD REICH AND IMPERIAL
Japan set the stage for the next phase of geopolitical thought and discourse—this time to account for, and to game-plan, the new US role internationally. This phase was grafted onto the older challenge of the “heartland” power, in the shape of a Soviet Union of unprecedented power and geographical range, the situation predicted by Mackinder in 1943. There were also the practical and theoretical questions of how far newer technology, in the form of long-range bombers, missiles and nuclear weapons vitiated the older heartland and oceanic geopolitical theses. Indeed, during the Cold War, newer types of core-periphery geopolitical formulations surfaced in the form of containment, the “Domino Theory,” and multipolarity. George Kennan and Henry Kissinger were the most prominent examples of geopoliticians in action. However, aside from the significance of traditional mental maps, US geopolitical propositions were not left unchallenged, most conspicuously by Soviet commentators, and by Western radicals, such as the French thinker Yves Lacoste, who claimed that post-1945 geopolitical theory was in practice a justification for military aggression. A different challenge to geopolitical accounts came from the rise of environmentalism and an appreciation of the constraints that human interaction with the physical environment could place upon geopolitical theorizing and action. Less conspicuously, official and popular views within the West frequently did not match those of the United States.1
COLD WAR RIVALRY
The Cold War was presented in geopolitical terms, both for analysis and for rhetoric. As during World War II, a sense of geopolitical challenge was used to encourage support for a posture of readiness, indeed of immediate readiness. The sense of threat was expressed in map form, with both the United States and the Soviet Union depicting themselves as surrounded and threatened by the alliance systems, military plans and subversive activities of their opponents. These themes could be seen clearly not only in government publications, but also in those of other organizations. The dominant role of the state helps to explain this close alignment in the case of the Soviet Union and its Communist allies. In the United States, there was also a close correspondence between governmental views and those propagated in the private sector, not least in the print media.
News magazines offered an important illustration of the situation and, in the United States, served actively to propagate such governmental themes as the need for the containment of Communism. Thus, in the April 1, 1946, ...
Jesuits, Freemasons, Zionists, the Pandemic, Ukraine, Russia and Eschatological Conflicts
Response to an Indian friend, who asked my viewpoint about the Russian special operation against the Nazi gangsters of Ukraine
3rd April 2022
1- A Critical Confrontation between Jesuits and Freemasons
2- The Pandemic and the Jesuit Eschatological Agenda (and how it has advanced throughout the last millennium)
3- The Multiple Dimensions of the Conflict between Russia and Ukraine
4- The Historical Facts
The Ukrainian Challenge for Russia: Working paper 24/2015Russian Council
The events in Ukraine in 2013-2014 did not reveal any new, deep-rooted contradictions between Kiev and Moscow; they had existed long before, albeit not so acutely. They have, however, triggered the fiercest confrontation between the two biggest countries in the post-Soviet space, which has raised numerous questions regarding the future of Russian-Ukrainian relations, along with exposing a whole range of serious problems within the entire international security system.
Authors: A.V. Guschin, Ph.D. in History; S.M. Markedonov, Ph.D. in History; A.N. Tsibulina, Ph.D. in Economics
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This document provides a summary of China's "Three Warfares" concept, which includes psychological warfare, media warfare, and legal warfare. It describes each type of warfare and provides examples. Psychological warfare aims to undermine the enemy's will through operations targeting morale. Media warfare seeks to influence domestic and international public opinion in China's favor. Legal warfare uses international and domestic law to advance Chinese interests. Taiwan is a primary target of Chinese psychological operations efforts to influence its military and citizens. The document evaluates Three Warfares as an information warfare concept employed during peacetime and wartime to maximize the effects of military force.
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Hackers are now using botnets to automate Google searches on a massive scale, generating over 80,000 queries daily. By distributing searches across many compromised machines, hackers can evade detection techniques used by search engines. Hackers first obtain a botnet, then use a tool to coordinate widespread searching using lists of search terms likely to return vulnerable sites. This enables hackers to efficiently collect many potential targets for crafting attacks.
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1) The document provides 99 tips for maintaining and repairing corporate reputation.
2) Key tips include communicating openly during difficult times, taking responsibility for mistakes, monitoring employee sentiment, and being accessible as a leader.
3) Reputation recovery takes time, courage, and consistent small actions over an extended period.
All right reserved:
Daniele Marzoli1 and Luca Tommasi1 Contact Information
(1) Department of Biomedical Sciences, University “G. d’Annunzio”, Blocco A, Via dei Vestini 29, 66013 Chieti, Italy
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This document discusses fuzzing SMS implementations on smartphones to find vulnerabilities. It presents techniques for injecting SMS messages locally into iPhones, Android, and Windows Mobile devices without using the carrier network. The authors used the Sulley fuzzing framework to generate fuzzed SMS messages and monitor the phone software under stress. Their fuzzing found security issues that could crash or reboot devices or prevent further SMS reception.
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Pharell dancing in a Mc Donald's restaurant in a Paris Airport... But after that what are the results on the Web? Who's taking advant-age of the buzz???
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This document discusses the results of a survey conducted by Weber Shandwick on managing corporate reputation online. Some of the key findings include:
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Christian persecution in Islamic countries has intensified, with alarming incidents of violence, discrimination, and intolerance. This article highlights recent attacks in Nigeria, Pakistan, Egypt, Iran, and Iraq, exposing the multifaceted challenges faced by Christian communities. Despite the severity of these atrocities, the Western world's response remains muted due to political, economic, and social considerations. The urgent need for international intervention is underscored, emphasizing that without substantial support, the future of Christianity in these regions is at grave risk.
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4. Contents
Introduction /5
MAIN POINTS /7
I. Russian information warfare theory /9
1. The revival of the topic /9
2. Building the ‘information front’ base /10
3. General characteristics of information warfare theory /11
4. Information warfare in Russian geopolitical doctrine /13
5. The Panarin school /14
6. The Dugin school /17
7. The ideological ‘engine’ of information struggle /18
8. The Eurasian project vs. the Ukrainian issue /20
II. Information warfare in geopolitical practice /23
1. ‘The technology of victory’ /23
2. Propaganda as the basic instrument of information operations /25
3. Network propaganda operations /26
4. ‘The Dugin network’ /28
5. Network institutionalisation /29
6. Innovations in real life /31
Conclusion /33
5. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
5
Introduction
The Crimean operation has served as an occasion for Russia
to demonstrate to the entire world the capabilities and the
potential of information warfare. Its goal is to use difficult
to detect methods to subordinate the elites and societies in
other countries by making use of various kinds of secret and
overt channels (secret services, diplomacy and the media),
psychological impact, and ideological and political sabotage.
Russian politicians and journalists have argued that infor-
mation battles are necessary for “the Russian/Eurasian civi-
lisation” to counteract “informational aggression from the
Atlantic civilisation led by the USA”. This argument from the
arsenal of applied geopolitics has been used for years. This
text is an attempt to provide an interpretation of informa-
tion warfare with the background of Russian geopolitical
theory and practice.
All the federal television and radio channels, newspapers and
a multitude of online resources have been employed in the recent
disinformation campaign regarding the situation in Ukraine,
which is being waged on an unprecedentedly large scale. The in-
formation front was supported by diplomats, politicians, political
analysts, experts, and representatives of the academic and cultur-
al elites. This front, though, was many years in the making. At the
time of the Ukrainian crisis (the Euromaidan), it was combined
with ideological, political and socio-cultural sabotage, provocation
and diplomatic activity. In short, multidirectional and complex
measures were taken. Following the military occupation and in-
corporationofCrimeaintoRussia,thedisinformationmechanisms
were aimed at lending credibility to Moscow’s intentions and con-
cealing the gaps in the argumentation for the military moves and
annexation of Crimea itself. These arguments were absurd, such
as: it was feared that “Banderivtsy could storm into Crimea”, “the
Black Sea Fleet bases could be taken over by NATO”, “Ukrainian
citizens could be de-Russified”, and so on and so forth.
6. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
6
The anti-Ukrainian information battles which had been seen for
many years entered a tough phase of information warfare at the
beginning of this year. They have been aimed primarily at desta-
bilising the situation in Ukraine and placing pressure on its gov-
ernment and citizens to adopt solutions regarding their country’s
political system as proposed by Russia so that Ukraine could be
controlled by Russia and remain within its sphere of influence.
Another goal was to ‘obscure’ public opinion at home and world-
wide using a multitude of information channels.
Public opinion outside Russia had to choose between “Russian
dominance in the post-Soviet area” or a “global Maidan” (total
chaos). The spin doctors at home were asking whether Crimea
should become another US state or an entity of the Russian Fed-
eration. In effect, the Kremlin’s informational aggression affected
the Russian public most strongly and “the world’s greatest divided
people”, i.e. Russian-speaking citizens of the states which were
set up following the disintegration of the USSR. Western public
opinion turned out to be the most resistant to Russian propagan-
da, although it has resonated with some people here as well. Some
Western media and politicians agree with part of the arguments
raised by Russian propaganda, including “Russia’s right to arrange
the post-Soviet area” in line with its interests. The Crimean op-
eration perfectly shows the essence of information warfare:
the victim of the aggression – as was the case with Crimea –
does not resist it. This happened because Russian-speaking
citizens of Ukraine who had undergone necessary psycholog-
ical and informational treatment (intoxication) took part in
the separatist coup and the annexation of Crimea by Russia.
7. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
7
MAIN POINTS
• Russia’s information warfare theory has been developed in
opposition to the new generation Western warfare concepts.
This method of warfare is also used as an argument for the
need to “respond with war to the information war waged
against Russia.” In practice, information battles clearly draw
upon the psychological warfare conducted in Soviet times and
the techniques for influencing and leading the public tested at
those times.
• The geopolitical doctrine treats information as a dangerous
weapon: it is cheap, it is a universal weapon, it has unlimited
range, it is easily accessible and permeates all state borders
without restrictions. The information and network struggle, as
well as its extreme forms, such as information-psychological
warfare and netwars, are means the state uses to achieve its
goals in international, regional and domestic politics and also
to gain a geopolitical advantage. Representatives of geopolitical
thoughthavetobegivencreditontheonehandforpopularising
this topic, and on the other for their personal participation in
information warfare as opinion leaders. This in particular con-
cerns the key representatives of the two Russian geopolitical
schools: Igor Panarin and Aleksandr Dugin, academic teachers
and mentors of the young generations of geopoliticians.
• Furthermore, geopolitics offers ideological grounds for infor-
mation battles. In opposition to the ideology of liberalism, it
promotes “a neo-conservative post-liberal power (…) strug-
gling for a just multi-polar world, which defends tradition,
conservative values and true liberty.” The “Russian Eurasian
civilisation” is set at contrast to the “Atlantic civilisation led by
theUSA”whichallegedlyintendstodisassembleRussianstate-
hood and gain global hegemony. The internal crisis in Ukraine
followed by the need to annex Crimea have been presented in
the context of the rivalry between these two civilisations.
8. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
8
• The information strategy of the rivalry between Russia and
the West is a product of both information geopolitics, which
has been developed since the late 1990s, and the consistently
pursued policy for strengthening the state and building its
research and scientific, organisational, media, diplomatic,
and social bases, et cetera. It is already used for both internal
(mobilisation of society) and external purposes (reconstruct-
ing Russia’s spheres of influence in the post-Soviet area and
Russia’s dominance in Eurasia). The information space where
the Russian language is used and the existence of the Russian
diaspora (who are receptive to the Kremlin’s propaganda) are
the key factors which make successful action possible.
• Western public opinion is more resistant to Russian propagan-
da, although it has resonated with some people here as well.
Moscow’s informational aggression is set to intensify: Russia
has a sense of impunity on information battlefields. Further-
more, it is constantly modifying and perfecting its propa-
ganda techniques, taking into account new media tools and
introducing innovations, such as activity in social networking
services, etc.
9. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
9
I. Russian information warfare theory
1. The revival of the topic
RussianinformationwarfaretheoryhasalongtraditioninRussia.
It is derived directly from spetspropaganda (special propaganda)
theory, which was first taught as a separate subject in 1942 at the
Military Institute of Foreign Languages. The history of this insti-
tute is a spectacular example of the change in the Russian gov-
ernment’s approach to this subject. Spetspropaganda was removed
from the curriculum in the 1990s to be reintroduced in 2000 after
the institute had been reorganised. The institute is now known as
the Military Information and Foreign Languages Department of
the Military University of the Ministry of Defence of the Russian
Federation. It trains specialists in ‘organising foreign informa-
tion and military communication,’ ‘information analysis’ and the
‘monitoring and development of military information.’ Research
in the area of spetspropagandais also continued by the information
security chair, whose students are primarily military personnel,
and also journalists and war correspondents.
The institute underwent this thorough reform as a consequence
of a rapid increase in interest in information security issues ini-
tiated by the work on the Information Security Doctrine of the
Russian Federation announced in 2000. The reform above all cov-
ered the education facilities and research institutes which report
to the ministries in charge of law enforcement (the Institute of
Cryptography, Telecommunications and Computer Science at the
Federal Security Service (FSB) Academy, the State Science and Re-
search Experimental Institute of Technical Information Protection
Problems of the Federal Service for Technical and Export Control
(FSTEC), the Federal Protective Service (FSO) Academy in Orel, the
Voronezh Research Institute of Telecommunications, the Academy
of the Russian Internal Affairs Ministry in Volgograd and Rostov-
on-Don, etc.). Information struggle theory has also been included
in the curricula of higher education facilities which do not report
10. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
10
to those ministries and in projects conducted by research and sci-
ence institutes. This is coordinated by the FSB Academy’s Institute
of Cryptography. The Scientific and Methodological Association of
Higher Education Facilities of the Russian Federation Covering In-
formation Security, which is formed by 74 research and scientific
institutions, was established upon the FSB Academy’s initiative1
. As
a result, diplomat training courses at the Moscow State Institute of
International Relations (MGIMO) and the Diplomatic Academy of
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, as well as
the curricula at sociology, philosophy and political science depart-
ments of other universities now include such subjects as: situation
analysis, network communication technology, and information
and network wars, and the subject of information warfare has been
given the status of an academic science.
2. Building the ‘information front’ base
Russian information warfare theory also has traits of an in-
terdisciplinary applied science. This is because it covers a very
broad range of actions (political, economic, social, military, in-
telligence, counterintelligence, diplomatic, propaganda, psycho-
logical, informational, communication technologies, education-
al, etc.). The numerous research centres created over the past
decade are meant to deal with precisely defined issues. The In-
formation Security Institute established in 2003 at the Lomono-
sov Moscow State University specialises for example in informa-
tion security as part of Russia’s international co-operation, i.e. it
is intended to resolve problems at a global level. The institute’s
organisational form, as described on its website, is appropriate
to the interdisciplinary nature of information security and the
interministerial nature of the tasks being solved by it. The in-
stitute is headed by Vladislav Sherstyuk, former director of the
1
This association is chaired by Professor A. P. Kovalenko from the FSB Acad-
emy’s Cryptography Institute (http://www.isedu.ru/sostav/vuzi.htm – ac-
cessed on 20 February 2014).
11. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
11
Federal Agency of Government Communications and Informa-
tion (FAPSI).
The human resources required to resolve regional problems are
trained for example by the Information and Analytical Centre for
Studying Socio-Political Processes in the Post-Soviet Area, which
was created as part of the Chair for Near Abroad History at the
Lomonosov University. In addition to studying the contemporary
political and economic history of the countries which emerged
following the collapse of the USSR, the centre’s key research ar-
eas include: studying the Russian-speaking diaspora, their politi-
cal parties and social movements and how they co-operate with
Russian parties and social movements, as well as the historical
analysis of post-Soviet ethnic issues. In turn, its defined priority
areas of activity are: applied research projects, information space
monitoring and ensuring information security to the operation of
state structures. The centre is directed by Yefim Pivovar, rector
of the Russian State University for the Humanities. This proves
that the intellectual effort of various academic centres is being
united and coordinated. Pivovar’s major areas of research are: the
history of the Russian emigration, the history of countries in the
near abroad and integration processes in the post-Soviet area. It is
worth noting that Maxim Meyer (a specialist in media strategies,
who since 2007 has served as the executive director of the Russ-
kiy Mir Foundation, which supports ethnic Russians living out-
side Russia) has given lectures at the Chair for Post-Soviet Abroad
Countries, which is directed by Mr Pivovar.
3. General characteristics of information warfare
theory
The Russian theory has been built in opposition to cyber security
theory developed in the United States and Western Europe pri-
marily concerning the use of new computer technologies for mili-
tary and intelligence purposes, i.e. activity in cyberspace. This
involved transferring Western terminology across to the Russian
12. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
12
world. When it was being adapted to Russian reality, strong em-
phasis was put on the “defensive” nature of the Russian theory.
The Russian terminology is confusing as a consequence of this
manipulative trick. This has been confirmed by a critical review
of the key terms. They cannot be made to fit in with any of the
definitions used in the West. The terms ‘cybernetic warfare’,
‘information warfare’ and ‘network warfare’2
have complete-
ly different meanings in Russia. Only few theoreticians make the
distinction between ‘cyberwar’ and ‘netwar’ as manifestations
of the technological and social dimensions of fourth generation
warfare. However, this generally concerns publications which
discuss Western publications. In turn, most Russian authors un-
derstand ‘information warfare’ as influencing the conscious-
ness of the masses as part of the rivalry between the different
civilisational systems adopted by different countries in the
information space by use of special means to control infor-
mation resources as ‘information weapons’. They thus mix the
military and non-military order and the technological (cyber-
space) and social order (information space) by definition, and
make direct references to ‘Cold War’ and ‘psychological warfare’
between the East and the West.
In effect it is a term usually placed in two contexts: (1) the tasks set
as part of the Information Security Doctrine of the Russian Feder-
ation and (2) the geopolitical rivalry between Russia and the West
(above all, the USA and NATO), and it has a political, an ideological
and a cultural dimension.
Its technological dimension is marginalised and pushed out of
public space. One proof of this was the debate taking place in
2012 and 2013 on the ‘Cybersecurity Strategy’ put forward by
2
See for example: Основы информационно-психологической безопасно-
сти, под ред. В.А. Баришпольца. Москва, Знание, 2012; Атаманов Г.А.,
Информационная война: экспликация понятия (http://naukaxxi.ru – ac-
cessed on 13 March 2013).
13. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
13
Senator Ruslan Gattarov3
. According to specialists from the
Russian Security Council and secret services, this strategy ex-
cessively narrowed down the information security topic. Cy-
berspace security is seen as a fragmentary term, although it is
emphasised that new technologies have expanded the arsenal
of means used to influence public opinion. The technological as-
pect (cyber-), which is underrepresented in the public space, is
evidently kept confidential.
4. Information warfare in Russian geopolitical doctrine
The functional (“war on information warfare against Russia”) and
the geopolitical contexts are closely interrelated. The geopolitical
doctrine treats information as a dangerous weapon (it is cheap, it
is a universal weapon, it has unlimited range, it is easily accessible
and permeates all state borders without restrictions). The infor-
mation and network struggle (more frequently, the information-
psychological struggle), including its extreme forms, such as in-
formation-psychological warfare and netwars, are means the state
uses to achieve its goals in international, regional and domestic
politics and also to gain a geopolitical advantage. Representatives
of geopolitical thought have to be given credit on the one hand for
popularising this topic, and on the other for their personal partici-
pation in information warfare as political technologists4
and opin-
ion leaders. This in particular concerns the key representatives of
the two Russian geopolitical schools: Igor Panarin5
and Aleksandr
3
Ruslan Gattarov (born 1977), an activist of the Young Guard of United Rus-
sia, later elected as the chairman of the Chelyabinsk committee of United
Russia. He served as senator from 2010 and the chairman of the Commission
for the Progress of Information Society at the Federation Council and the
chairman of the Council for Work on Blogosphere, which was established
at United Russia’s presidium. He stepped down as senator in February 2014
and was then nominated deputy governor of Chelyabinsk Oblast.
4
A political technologist is a specialist in the practical application of political
technologies, political management, image-building campaigns and elec-
tion campaigns.
5
Igor Panarin (born 1958), holder of a higher doctoral degree in political sci-
14. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
14
Dugin6
, academic teachers and mentors of the young generations of
geopoliticians. They have obvious links to the secret services and
see the ‘mirror’ moves of the opponent as organised and channelled
actions and more sophisticated than those used during the Cold
War period. While sensitising the Russian public to external infor-
mational threats, they are also formatting the Russian information
counteraction system. They are both theoreticians and practition-
ers of information warfare: they take an active part in publicist and
analytical programmes on Channel One, Rossiya, NTV, Ren-TV and
TV RT, and also on the radio (Panarin, for example, hosts his own
programmes ‘Global politics’ and ‘The window to Russia’ on the
Voice of Russia radio station, where he comments on current affairs
in international politics).
5. The Panarin school
TheearlywritingsofProfessorIgorPanarinofthe DiplomaticAcad-
emy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation7
ences and PhD in psychology, full member of the Military Academy of Sci-
ences of the Russian Federation and numerous expert bodies attached to the
president and the Federation Council. He started his professional career in
the Soviet Union’s KGB in 1976. After 1991, he worked at FAPSI; in 1999–2003,
he was the head of the analytical department of the Central Election Com-
mittee. At present, he is a professor at the Diplomatic Academy of the Minis-
try of Foreign Affairs of Russia. He also teaches at MGIMO and the Russian
Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration.
6
Aleksandr Dugin (born 1962), a political scientist, geopolitician, philoso-
pher and historian of religion. In the early 1990s, he was the editor-in-chief
of Elementy and Milyi Angel magazines and the editor of the manifesto of the
Arctogeia publishing house. At present, he serves as professor at the sociol-
ogy and philosophy department of the Moscow Lomonosov University and
the director of the Centre for Conservative Studies at Moscow State Univer-
sity. He has written more than ten books and hundreds of articles published
in the Russian and foreign press. He is a leading representative of Russian
geopolitics. Dugin is the main ideologist of integral traditionalism, Eura-
sianism, neo-imperialism, National Bolshevism and Russian conservatism.
All the theories he throws to the ideological market share the underlying
geopolitical thesis of the existence of two “superior civilisations”: the Land
and the Sea civilisations, which are doomed to rivalry. He is the founder of
the Eurasian Youth Union and the International Eurasian Movement.
7
‘Психологичекие аспекты обеспечения национальной безопасности Рос-
15. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
15
laid the foundations for the Information Security Doctrine of the
Russian Federation. His later works8
provided grounds for Russia’s
need to counteract the West on the information front. Professor
Panarin distinguishes two great waves of information aggression
against “Russia-Ruthenia”: the first one began with perestroika and
ended in the collapse of the USSR; and the second one commenced
at the start of this millennium and in his opinion will last until
2020, when the Good (i.e. the Russian Eurasian idea) will win.
In his book ‘Information World War II – War against Russia’9
,
Panarin claimed that all the so-called ‘colour’ revolutions in the
CIS area and the ‘Arab Spring’ were a product of social control
technology and information aggression from the United States. In
his opinion, the protest movement on Bolotnaya Square in Mos-
cow after the recent parliamentary and presidential elections
was also a manifestation of this aggression: de facto a result of
the Western operation codenamed ‘Anti-Putin’ controlled from
abroad. In the context of the ‘velvet revolutions’, he defines the
basic terms used in information warfare technology for Russian
purposes. In practice these are operations of influence, such as:
social control, i.e. influencing society; social manoeuvring, i.e.
intentional control of the public aimed at gaining certain benefits;
information manipulation, i.e. using authentic information in
a way that gives rise to false implications; disinformation, i.e.
spreading manipulated or fabricated information or a combina-
tion thereof; the fabrication of information, i.e. creating false
information, and lobbying, blackmail and extortion of desired
information.
сии’ (ч. 1, 1995; ч. 2, 1996); ‘Психологическая безопасность войск’ (1996);
‘Информационная война и Россия’ (2000).
8
‘Технология информационной войны’ (2003); ‘Информационная война
и Третий Рим’ (2005); ‘Информационная война и дипломатия’ (2004),
‘Информационная война и геополитика’ (2006); ‘Первая информацион-
ная война. Развал СССР’ (2010).
9
‘Вторая мировая информационная война – война против России’ (2012).
16. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
16
Panarin’s books also provide an outline of the basic instruments
of the information struggle, which he divides into the catego-
ries of secret and open. These include: propaganda (black, grey
and white), intelligence (the service which collects information
about the opponent), the analytical component (media monitor-
ing and current situation analysis), the organisational compo-
nent (coordination and steering channels, secret agents influenc-
ing the media which shapes the opinion of politicians and mass
media to take the shape desired by the state involved in informa-
tion warfare, and other combined channels, including special
operation forces (sabotage operations conducted under a foreign
flag). Complex operations managed from a single centre, which the
author calls ‘the information KGB’, are organisational forms of in-
formation warfare. They are conducted by ‘information spetsnazes’.
Panarin distinguishes the following stages in the process of in-
formation operation management:
(1) forecasting and planning,
(2) organisation and stimulation,
(3) feedback,
(4) operation adjustment,
(5) performance control.
“The national information warfare system which both secretly
and openly controls communication processes must be adequate
to the modern global reality. Based on the best Soviet experiences,
it must be enriched by the US and Chinese experiences,” he said
during the presentation of his latest book ‘Information Warfare
and Communications’10
. Referring to the recent developments
10
See: Презентация книги Панарина ‘Информационная война и коммуни-
кации’ (http://ria.ru/ announce/20140303/).
17. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
17
in Ukraine, he claimed that the Ukrainian public protest (the Eu-
romaidan) was an element of the anti-Russian campaign artifi-
cially planned by the West.
Panarin announced his geopolitical project in his book ‘Informa-
tion Warfare and Geopolitics’ (2006). Analysing Russian history
from the point of view of global geopolitics, he concluded that the
success of all geopolitical projects was inextricably linked to ad-
vantage in information warfare. The “US-British empire” has had
this advantage in contemporary history (since the collapse of the
USSR). Panarin believes that this empire is now on the edge of
the abyss and is doomed to collapse. He proposes a new union of
states, extending from Egypt to China, as a counterbalance to this
falling empire. The Eurasian Ruthenia would be at the core of this
union of states.
6. The Dugin school
The ‘colour revolutions’11
have also contributed to the stunning
career of the term ‘netwar’. They are viewed in Russia as “arti-
ficial processes plotted in the West aimed at destabilising entire
regions in the post-Soviet area,” “a disassembly of Russian state-
hood” and also as “socially the most dangerous form of encounter
betweenintelligenceservices”12
.ThistermwasintroducedinRus-
sia by Aleksandr Dugin in his work ‘Post-modern Geopolitics”13
,
where he gave a closer look at the US concept of net-centric war-
fare. Using the base term ‘net-centric warfare’, which means
the creation of a new information military infrastructure involv-
ing interactive elements and fast communication means, he cre-
ated the ‘Eurasian’ netwar model. The ‘Eurasian network’ would
11
This term has been used to describe the social movements in Georgia (2003),
Ukraine (2004) and Kyrgyzstan (2005), which brought about socio-political
changes in these countries.
12
See for example: Манойло А.В., ‘Государственная информационная поли-
тика в особых условиях’, Москва 2003, page 293.
13
Aлександр Дугин, ‘Геополитика постмодерна’ (rossia3.ru).
18. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
18
offer a symmetric response to the ‘net-centric challenge from the
US.’ According to Dugin, a “special group consisting of senior of-
ficials, the best ‘mission-oriented’ (Russian пассионарные) staff
from the Russian secret services, intellectuals, scientists, po-
litical scientists and the corps of patriotically-oriented journal-
ists and culture activists” must be created for this purpose. The
‘Eurasian network’ model in opposition to the ‘Atlantic network’
is expected to combine the basic elements of US postmodernism
and net-centric approach with Russian reality. The symmetric
Atlantic-American vectors of “information offensive” would be
oriented in the precisely reverse direction. This model could be
successful on the condition that the Russian armed forces, secret
services, political institutions, information and communica-
tion systems, etc. were ‘postmodernised’. “Unless Russia makes
this effort, it will be doomed to further defeats in clashes with
the orange network technologies.” A netwar can only be won if
the country uses network means, and these need to be adapted
to Russia’s own reality and goals, and effective technologies, ac-
cording to Dugin’s diagnosis.
7. The ideological ‘engine’ of information struggle
These two geopoliticians offer ideological foundations for the
struggle to gain an informational advantage. The neo-conserva-
tism ideology proposed by Dugin in his book ‘The Fourth Political
Theory’14
can be summarised as follows. There is only one pre-
dominant ideology in the West. This ideology is liberalism which
is based on individualism, technocracy and globalism. Geopo-
litically, this ideology is inherent in Americentrism and Atlantic
partnership (NATO). When the USSR collapsed, liberalism de-
feated the last 20th
century ideology (communism) to remain the
sole ideology on the global arena. Today liberalism has come to
the end of its capabilities, and the sole reason for its existence is
its struggle against Russia: Russia as the enemy gives meaning to
14
Aлександр Дугин, ‘Четвертая политическая теория’, 2009.
19. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
19
the struggle for open society and makes it possible for the liberals
to become consolidated.
The fourth theory (as opposed to liberalism, communism and
fascism, which were the predominant ideologies in the 20th
cen-
tury) is expected to set up a neo-conservative post-liberal ide-
ological superstate. “Russia is not and will not be a pre-liberal
power. It is a post-liberal revolutionary force struggling for a just
multipolar world, for genuine dignity and freedom. In its war on
liberalism Russia will defend tradition, conservative values and
true liberty.”
Panarin’s ideological thought is less subtle. He agrees with
Dugin’s thesis that the theory of liberalism and the ‘liberal em-
pire’ have run their course and the thesis of Russia’s leadership
in the 21st
century global political processes. However, as a mat-
ter of fact, his ideological component of the geopolitical doctrine
is based on the “state-building and superpower dominants in the
awareness of Russians. In his work ‘Information Warfare and the
World’ he openly admits that the Russian idea was formulated
by Vladimir Putin in 1999 in his manifesto ‘Russia at the Turn of
the Millennium’. President Putin based it on Russian patriotism,
its superpower status and social solidarity15
. Panarin is also less
consistent than Dugin as regards ideological issues. Initially, he
presented them as the triad of spirituality, super power status
and dignity. However, during the presentation of his latest book,
he suggested a new ideological triad: spiritual-, state- and cyber-
sovereignty.
The term ‘netcode’ is inherent in the ideological dimension of in-
formation warfare. One of Dugin’s students writes, for example:
“Those who understand the netcode manage the processes, the
motivation of ethnic groups and entire populations of countries,
15
И. Панарин, Л. Панарина, ‘Информациoнная война и мир’. Москва 2003,
page 350.
20. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
20
and foment the conflict for their own purposes”16
. The US netcode
(global hegemony and disassembly of Russian statehood) is op-
posed to the Russian netcode. At present, the triumph of the ‘Rus-
sian code’ is frequently ascertained (the symbolic expressions
of which are the political myths, such as the ‘Russian march’ or
the ‘Russian spring’). The well-known blogger, Nikolai Starikov,
co-president of the Velikoye Otechestvo party17
, wrote recently18
:
“Our ‘Russian code’ works perfectly owing to President Putin’s
achievements which (…) have woken up people’s layers of the sub-
conscious mind (…) and have led to the building up of a critical
mass of citizens of Russian Civilisation.”
“Making ideology part of psychological warfare was a Soviet in-
novation, turning this into a massive and universal warfare. An-
other innovation was the incessant use of psychological weapons.
The point is that peacetime never exists for the government in
Moscow,” Pierre Nord wrote in 1971.19
The words of this French
specialist in disinformation and psychological intoxication ap-
pear to still be valid today.
8. The Eurasian project vs. the Ukrainian issue
Russia has been incessantly engaged in information and psycho-
logical war against Ukraine for years. From the very beginning
thishasbeenawaragainstthe‘orangeplague’(awidespreadprop-
aganda stereotype). It ensured support for the blue team of Viktor
Yanukovych in 2003/2004, and helped him win the presidential
election (2010). This war has a geopolitical background: Russia,
while building Eurasia as its vast sphere of influence (if possible,
stretching from the Pacific to the Atlantic), with Moscow in the
16
Валерий Коровин, ‘Сетевая война США в Чечне’, Северный Кавказ, № 46-
47, November 2008.
17
The Great Fatherland Party.
18
See: Zavtra, 13 March 2014.
19
Pierre Nord, ‘L’Intoxication’. Quotation from Vladimir Volkoff, ‘La désinfor-
mation – arme de guerre’, Paris 1986.
21. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
21
centre, has faced the problem of a sovereign Ukraine, whose loca-
tion has left it suspended between the East and the West. Dugin
has been ostentatiously calling for Ukraine to be divided for years,
treating it as a seasonal and lame state. In his opinion, there are
peoples who represent opposing geopolitical orientations: ethnic
Great Russians and the culturally identical Little Russians, ori-
ented towards links with Russia versus the culturally distinct
Western Ukrainian people who are representatives of the West-
ern European cultural area. “Cultural differences do not always
coincide with territorial divisions; in this case the division line
will cut through the territory, the land. We have always wanted
this line to run as close to the west as possible, while the geopoliti-
cians in Washington are trying to find a way to push it as much
to the east as possible. This is what the Ukrainian issue is like.
Anyone who says it is not like this is either being diplomatic or is
not sufficiently informed,”20
he wrote in 2009.
He outlined three concrete strategies for the integration of
Ukraine already in 2013:
Scenario 1.
Ukraine is divided into two zones: western and south-eastern. He
argued that this was due to the risk of civil war which was alleg-
edly imminent in Ukraine.
Scenario 2.
This scenario envisages a complicated game with a pragmatic
Ukrainian government aimed at convincing it to join the Eura-
sian integration project either under duress of circumstances or
tempted by promises of political, economic and energy benefits
(in Dugin’s opinion, this would be a bloodless scenario, possible to
implement during a socio-economic crisis in Ukraine).
20
‘Dugin radzi – bracia Ukraińcy, podzielcie się’ (http://www.eprudnik.pl/
dugin-radzi; http://kresy24.pl/45590/podział-ukrainy-juz-przesadzony).
22. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
22
Scenario 3.
This is a “vanguard” scenario as defined by Dugin or, to use Cold
War terminology, a “subversive scenario”. It envisages using
Western Ukrainian nationalists. “Western Ukrainians by defi-
nition and in line with the traditional classification do not share
the values of liberalism, individualism, tolerance, multicultural-
ism, human rights ideology and other post-modernist standards
predominant in modern Western society. Ukrainian nationalism
is the main obstacle to the implementation of the Eurasian inte-
gration project. However, the attempt has to be made to turn the
poison into a cure and the enemy into a friend, since the Eurasian
Union is conceived of as being a model which respects the tradi-
tion and the cultural distinctiveness of individual communities
and peoples”21
.
The internal crisis in Ukraine, as a consequence of the Euromaid-
an, has been viewed by both Dugin and Panarin as a turning point
giving Russia a sudden stimulus to embark on its ‘geopolitical
march’ as Dugin put it.
21
Александр Дугин, ‘Евразийский проект и его украинская проблема’
(http://odnako.org/magazine/material/evraziyskiy-proekt-i-ego-ukrains-
kaya-problema/)
23. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
23
II. Information warfare in geopolitical
practice
1. ‘The technology of victory’
DuringtheformalmeetingheldattheKremlinon18March2014on
the occasion of the incorporation of Crimea into the Russian Fed-
eration, President Putin spoke about “unprofessional and cynical
Western moves destabilising the situation in Ukraine” and con-
trasted it to “peaceful action taken by Russia.” Along with care-
fully selected members of both houses of parliament, those pre-
sent at the meeting also included the heads of the secret service,
members of the Security Council, diplomats led by Sergey Lavrov,
the two leading representatives of geopolitics: Dugin and Panarin,
as well as Dmitry Kiselev and other representatives of the media
who had served the government well, secret service veterans, in-
cluding Yevgeny Primakov, and representatives of cultural and
academic circles. All politicians and officials who had contributed
to the success of the ‘Crimean operation’ were present there. This
was symbolic confirmation of the fact that secret and open sabo-
tage and diplomatic channels as well as a successful media strate-
gy had been in play in taking control over Crimea and its annexa-
tion. On the same day, Professor Panarin addressed a note entitled
‘The Technology of Victory’ to his discussion group on VKontakte
portal (Panarin VK, 18 March 2014), in which he instructed his
students as follows:
1. “It should be especially strongly emphasised that, in compari-
son to August 2008, Russia took many precautions in Crimea to
prevent the planned violent scenario from being implemented.
2. Russia has found a recipe to counteract the colour revolutions
which take the form of political coups.
3. The world has been offered an alternative path of develop-
ment, which is based on spiritual and ethical values.
24. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
24
4. The Spirit of Valour has become crystallised: it has been pos-
sible to direct the accumulated impulse of Berkut’s valour into
the right channel.
5. Russia’s comprehensive actions on all fields of the counterac-
tion of information (diplomatic, financial and economic, mili-
tary, etc.) have been conducted in close coordination with and
directed personally by Vladimir Putin.”
Panarin consistently classified the Crimean operation as an ele-
ment of ‘defensive’ information warfare. He admitted that this had
been a combined (media, diplomatic, financial-economic and mili-
tary), planned and coordinated operation. He suggested indirect-
ly and metaphorically that there should be a consolidation of the
Russian-speaking population of Ukraine, emphasising as he did so
Berkut’s engagement and ‘valour’ in this operation. He emphasised
in the header of his ‘Technology of Victory’ note that Russia had not
encountered any major obstacles while implementing its plans.
Representatives of the Russian media and secret services have
made statements in a similar vein. Dmitry Kiselev announced
on Channel 1 and on Rossiya-24 TV stations that “Barack Obama
turned grey with fear.” He also boasted that “Russia is the only
power capable of turning the United States into radioactive dust.”
General Aleksandr Mikhailov, former head of the FSB’s Direc-
torate for Contacts with the Public, summed up the operation
by stating the precise date of the opponent’s defeat: 16 March
(the date of the Crimean referendum)22
. He specified the key el-
ements of the ‘Crimean’ information war: the psychological fac-
tor, President Putin’s personal involvement, blackmail and sanc-
tions. “Information warfare has a multitude of components, both
in real life and in virtual reality, elements of blocking the oppo-
22
‘Генерал-майор Михайлов об инфвойнах: Cобака лает, караван идет, но
мы не верблюды’ (http://www.pravda.ru/news/society/21-03-2014/1201182-
war-0/?m...).
25. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
25
nent’s influence and elements of pressure (creating influence),”
he concluded. The quotations provided above confirm the
opinion expressed by Western theoreticians: the balance of
profits and losses sustained as a consequence of information
warfare is inessential; instead, it is important how this re-
sult is presented. The propaganda message was clear: President
Putin fulfilled his plan with success; and this was success on the
global scale.
2. Propaganda as the basic instrument of information
operations
Influence blocking and the application of pressure are notions
used in information struggle technology and social control. Spets
propaganda, as we may see for ourselves, is the key instrument of
this struggle: recent Russian information battles make clear ref-
erences to those fought during the Cold War. They have also been
conducted in line with the sociotechnical principles of successful
propaganda, such as the principle of massive and long-lasting
impact (the ‘orange plague’ and ‘Banderivtsy’ propaganda stereo-
types have been incessantly reiterated since 2003), the principle
of desired information (Russians and Russian-speaking people
expect that their rights should be protected, so they believed the
manipulated information that the Russian language had been
banned), the principle of emotional agitation (bringing the
recipients of the message to a condition in which they will act
without much thought, even irrationally), the clarity principle
(the message is simplified, uses black-and-white terms, and is full
of loaded keywords, such as Russophobe), the principle of sup-
posed obviousness (causing the propaganda thesis to be associ-
ated with created political myths: the Russian spring equals pat-
riotism, Banderivtsy equals fascism, Maidan equals chaos, etc.).
Given Russian reality, where the state controls most of the tra-
ditional media (television, radio and newspapers), propaganda
techniques can be used without any major obstacles. The news
26. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
26
presented in them is moderated by political technology specialists,
who decide which information could help achieve certain goals,
and which should be blocked as harmful. The situation in online
social networking media, where the users themselves can create
information, is quite different. Independent information can be
found on blogs, discussion forums, Twitter, Facebook, etc. These
sources provide information in real time and have become influen-
tial opinion-forming media, since they enable interaction between
the users. Computer tools also enable automatic replication of in-
formation and propaganda memes to any posts and addresses.
3. Network propaganda operations
Social networking media are viewed as the main sector of ‘anti-
Russian’ propaganda since they offer the possibility to post alter-
native information and to exchange opinions in public. The portals
and online discussion groups on Runet are an object of organised
action, which has been a known fact for a long time23
. One example
of this action is the netwar portal http://rossia3.ru/. On 10 March,
Aleksandr Dugin posted a text entitled ‘The Rules of Polemics with
the Internal Enemy’, instructing that: “It is obvious that we have
two camps in our country: the patriotic camp (Putin, the people
and US) and the liberal-Western camp (THEY, you know who).
WE want a Russian Crimea and a Russian Ukraine, and oppose
the USA, NATO and liberalism. If necessary, we will also support
war (although the softer way is better to secure our strategic in-
terests). THEY declare themselves against war, for a free Ukraine
(free from us), against Putin (as a patriot), for liberalism, the ‘civi-
lised West’, the USA and the EU. We are Russians and we support
Russians, while THEY are against Russians. A system of synonyms
to be used in polemics should be developed. However, it should be
kept in mind that such synonyms need to be symmetrical. For ex-
23
See for example: Анна Полянская, Андрей Кривов, Иван Ломко, ‘Вирту-
альное око старшего брата. Попытка исследования’ (2003) – royallib.ru,
gramoty.com; ‘Цепные собаки зоны Ру’, Новая газета, 23 October 2009;
‘Где живут тролли. И кто их кормит’, Новая газета, 7 September 2013.
27. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
27
ample, THEY call us ‘patriots’, and WE in response use the terms
‘liberals’ and ‘Westerners’ (Russian западники). If THOSE WHO
ARE NOT US call us ‘nationalists’, communists’, ‘Soviet’, then our
response will be: ‘agent of US influence’ and ‘fifth column’. If they
use the term ‘Nazi’ or ‘Stalinist’, our cold-blooded response should
be ‘spy’, ‘traitor’, ‘how much did the CIA pay you?’ or ‘death to spies’.
If THEY start immediately from the ‘Russian fascist’ or ‘Stalinist’
level, let novice but aggressive polemists respond to them. Such ar-
guments are used by intellectually limited people, so entering into
a discussion with them is a waste of time. An automatic patriotic
trolling software, demotivators, memes and virus video showing
Navalny in front of the US embassy or the ugly mugs of the editors
of Echo Moskvy or similar visual agitation materials for beginner
level patriots could also be used against them.”
The analysis of this instruction and opinions expressed by par-
ticipants of the ‘information front’ online provide even greater
grounds for the conclusion that the rules of online propaganda are
the same as the ones used in traditional media. Net propaganda is
based on the disinformation, manipulation, information fabrica-
tion,verbalprovocationandintimidationtechniquesdescribedby
Panarin. Emotional and hateful language is used in online news
and polemics. They contain numerous obscenities and abusive vo-
cabulary, such as ‘pederast’ or ‘liberast’. Biased and tendentious
interpretations of events are also highly prominent in them. The
cult of Putin as Russia’s successful leader and defender is clearly
visible. The picture of the world is simplified and painted in black
and white (where the diabolic West is black, and Russia is white).
The image of the ideological opponent is clear and deprived of
empathy. The opponent is discredited not only ideologically but
also aesthetically (‘that Bandera creep’, ‘the editors’ ugly mugs’).
Propaganda also performs discrediting (opponents) and the ac-
crediting (inspirer) functions. These functions have an impact on
its role in image-building (PR), agitation and propaganda. It needs
to be stated in this context that Russian strategic innovations
concern primarily the ‘organisational component’: since
28. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
28
there is no civil society in Russia, informational ‘spetsnazes’
(as defined by Panarin) are formed by polittechnologists and so-
called ‘opinion leaders’. The aforementioned ‘netwar portal’ is
at the same time the portal of the Eurasian Youth Union, a para-
military youth organisation founded by Dugin in 2008. Network
Headquarters is its chief authority.
4. ‘The Dugin network’
The netwar portal http://rossia3.ru/ is linked to the International
Eurasian Movement’s portal http://evrazia.org/ and the netwar
portal of the National Bolshevik Party http://nbf.rossia3.ru. This
in turn contains links to http://nb-info-ru, i.e. the information
portal of the National Bolshevik Party and its numerous network
clones [http://nppinfo.com, http://nbpinfo.com, http://nazbol.
org, http://нацболру.рф, http://nbkurs.ru], and to http://oprich-
nsk.narod.ru (the website of Ivan the Terrible Brotherhood’s
‘Oprichnina’) and http://patriot-af.livejournal.
The news and analytical portal evrazia.org contains links to oth-
er portals of the Eurasian Movement (http://evrazia.info/), Vehi
TV portal (http://vehi.tv/index.php?module=main); Eurasia TV
portal (http://www.evrazia.tv/) and Knigi Evrazii portal (http://
www.evrazia-books.ru/). All of them contain links to Dugin’s
publications and publish recent announcements made by the
leader and his associates.
In turn, Dugin’s academic achievements can be accessed on the
websites http://konservatizm.org/ and http://ru-neokons.live-
journal.com/ (the site of the Centre for Neoconservative Stud-
ies), the analytical portal http://geopolitika.ru and the multi-
media portal http://www.socium.tv/node/40. His articles and
announcements are also tweeted and posted to social networking
services (Twitter, Facebook, Odnoklassniki, VKontakte), where
he has created his discussion groups. Dugin was an especially ac-
tive opinion leader during the Russian intervention in Crimea.
29. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
29
His geopolitical analyses provided grounds for all the theses put
forward by official propaganda: for example, he claimed that the
de-Russification problem had emerged in Ukraine, and appealing
that Russian patriotism should be accorded the rank of ‘scientific
patriotism’ (such as that of ‘scientific communism’), etc.
The extensive network of online contacts has helped Dugin gain
a great number of fanatic supporters (judging from the opinions
expressed by them online), which are grouped into a form of ‘spir-
itual colonies’ – from fascism-inclined ‘Natsbols’ through sociol-
ogy and philosophy students from Moscow University to foreign
fans of his fourth theory and Eurasianism (for example, the Pol-
ish portal xportal.pl). They form separate chains of information
impact, and these chains form a homogenous communication
network. They are mobilised to act, and their online actions are
extremely dynamic, aggressive and uncompromising.
5. Network institutionalisation
There is a huge gap between online civil society and information
spetsnazes. Instead of spontaneously formed discussion groups,
these are organised and hierarchical structures controlled by
headquarters and commissioners. Part of the formal and infor-
mal movements and organisations which share Dugin’s views
established the ‘Russian Spring’ Coalition on 13 March 2014. The
founding declaration was signed by: Valery Korovin (Centre for
Geopolitical Expertise), Aleksandr Notin (head of the Cultural and
Education Association ‘Pereprava’), Aleksandr Bovdunov (federal
commissioner of the Eurasian Youth Union), Vladimir Khomya-
kov (co-president of the Velikoye Otechestvo party), Andrei Ko-
valenko (leader of the Eurasian Youth Union and the Natsional-
ny Kurs party), Alexey Zhilin (leader of the Conservative-Right
Association), Aleksandr Shtilmark (head of the Black Hundreds
organisation), Anton Yermolayev (leader of the National Alli-
ance), Aleksandr Matyukhin (leader of the Samoderzhavnaya
Rossiya movement) and Dragan Stanojevic (leader of the United
30. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
30
Serb Diaspora of Eurasia). The list of signatories proves that this
is quite an eclectic alliance: of conservative radicals with leftists,
nationalists and monarchists, and of experts with militants.
Institutionalised forms of operation of the organisations which fit
in with the Eurasian ideological trend make it possible to use the
so-called ‘swarm technology’ online. The network headquar-
ters guides ‘its’ people, controls them, corrects their statements
and gives them instructions. They are used for the Kremlin’s po-
litical purposes, motivated by the patriotic mission. This technol-
ogy is also successful because it has massive coverage: Dugin’s
network is just one of a multitude of similar ‘swarms’ which sing
the Kremlin’s propaganda songs written for many voices. In this
context, it is worth mentioning the portal which specialises in
the information warfare topic – http://ruxpert.ru. A long list of
pro-Kremlin internet forums (http://aftershoc; http://avanturist.
org; http://vmestepobedim.org; http://kontra20.ru; http://odna-
ko.org, http://ruska-prawda.com, http://politrash.ru) and blogs
written by so-called ‘patriots’ (see for example: http://nstarikov.
ru/blog/9558) can be found on this portal.
A great deal of attention has recently been given to Russian dias-
pora portals which have joined in Russia’s information warfare
(http://baltija.eu, http://glagol.in.ua, http://imperiya.by and oth-
ers). Yuri Baranchik, an ethnic Russian from Belarus, who until
recently presented himself as an administrator of the imperiya.
by portal, now signs his texts as “executive director of the Infor-
mation Warfare Institute, Moscow.” Many new news agencies
and portals have been created. For example, the agencies Rex,
ostkraft.ru, cominf.org and probably also regcomment.ru, zapa-
drus.su, iines.org and stoletije.ru originated from Regnum, the
news agency targeted at countries in the near abroad and Russia’s
north-western neighbours. They are linked in that they share the
31. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
31
same group of experts (opinion leaders), a long list of whom can be
found on IA Rex website24
.
6. Innovations in real life
Innovations can also be observed in real life. Disinformation
through action is an equivalent of verbal disinformation used for
propaganda purposes. For example, two ‘peace marches’ were seen
in Moscow on 17 March 2014: a demonstration of opponents of the
incorporation of Crimea and a ‘peaceful’ demonstration, as Rus-
sian television branded it, held by the paramilitary organisation
‘The Essence of Time’ led by the fascist-leaning Stalinist, Sergey
Kurginyan. Participants of the ‘competitive’ peace march were
wearing red jackets with military-styled shoulder boards, with
stars and the letters SV embroidered on them (standing for “The
Essence of Time”, which is Суть Времени in Russian). Around
15,000 people participated in this demonstration according to es-
timates made by the daily, Moskovsky Komsomolets. Other media
reported that the office of the Moscow mayor had granted consent
to a demonstration of 4,000 people. Young people and war veter-
ans were marching in equal columns – they evidently hold drills
before such events. After the parade, the participants of the march
stopped at Revolution Square to listen to a speech by Kurginyan.
Among what he said was: “The government in Kyiv is formed by
Bandera scum, who extend their dirty hands as a Nazi salute. (…)
There will be no Maidan in Moscow. We shall not allow this.”
The so-called ‘nice men’, the armed military officers wearing
uniforms without insignia, who came to Crimea at night between
1 and 2 March, were also engaged in active disinformation. They
occupied the airport in Sevastopol in order to defend it, as they ex-
plained, from an “air assault by Bandera commandos from Kyiv.”
The airport’s press service announced in the morning that the
“soldiers were very nice, and when they had made sure that the
24
See: http://www.iarex.ru/experts/ – accessed on 26 March 2014.
32. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
32
airport was under no risk of air assault, they apologised and left
the airport.” When this news was spread across the globe, they
came back to the airport and occupied other strategic facilities in
Crimea. The ‘nice men’ have also been used in propaganda as an
example of bloodless solutions to the problems in Crimea. Presi-
dent Putin has also mentioned them: “Around 100 people were
killed during the ‘peaceful Maidan’, while no one was even injured
at the time of the so-called ‘military intervention’ in Crimea.”
Some of the elements designed to reinforce propaganda (the red
jackets, Saint George ribbons and the ‘flag holiday’) belong to the
symbolic and socio-cultural sphere which unites Russians and
the Russian-speaking citizens of the countries which emerged
following the collapse of the USSR.
33. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
33
Conclusion
State policy
The incorporation of Crimea and the information warfare that
accompanied it were an effect of the policy aimed at strengthen-
ing the state, reconstructing Russia’s spheres of influence and
mobilising the public; this has been consistently applied for years
now. It has also been conducted in tandem with the policy out-
lined in the Information Security Doctrine in 2000, which lists
among the key threats “the spread of disinformation about Russia
and the federal state authorities.” The presidential programmes
launched over the past few years have also been used to neutral-
ise ‘information warfare’ waged against the Russian Federation.
These programmes include “Building a positive image of the Rus-
sian Federation,” “Improving Russian information security” and
“Building a single information space in Russia”, and have been
employed by President Putin to serve the purposes of reinforc-
ing the civil identity of the multi-ethnic population of the Russian
Federation25
.
The external dimension of this policy is an effect of the Kremlin’s
belief that attempts are being made to influence the processes
taking place in Russia and the post-Soviet area. The ‘scientific’
grounds for this belief are provided by the geopolitical doctrine
which calls for informational aggression to be directed mainly
against Russia’s geopolitical opponents (the West – above all, the
USA and NATO).
This policy is also strongly influenced by the power elite whose
careers started in the secret services; they have adopted a strate-
gy of rivalry with the external world. Manifestations of this strat-
egy include: the act on non-governmental organisations funded
by foreign entities, which must be listed in the register of ‘foreign
25
Kremlin.ru, 12 February 2013, volgapress.ru, 9 February 2013.
34. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
34
agents’ (2012), the anti-gay act (2013), and above all the consistent
building of the scientific and research base dealing with informa-
tion warfare, as well as developing the base to ensure organisa-
tional, media, ideological, legislative, diplomatic, social, academic
and culture circles’ along with other support.
An old product in new packaging
The recently observed Russian information and network warfare
should be viewed as a product of traditional political technologies
which have been in use for years and which were inherited from
the USSR. The contemporary Russian informational geopolitics,
which uses in its theoretical deliberations a kind of ‘ideologi-
cal newspeak’, clearly draws upon Soviet psychological warfare
and Soviet mental stereotypes. It had to take into consideration
new media tools (the Internet). However, these innovations pri-
marily concern the organisation of activity within the network.
Propaganda remains the key instrument of information war-
fare. Its distinctive features are language (the language of emo-
tions and judgments, and not of facts), content (compliance with
the Kremlin’s official propaganda) and function (discrediting the
opponent). One might wonder whether this instrument could
make it possible for Russia to launch a new ideological crusade in
the West. The Russian propaganda message is rather incredible
and easy to verify in the era of new technologies. Furthermore,
the propagated ideas are not appealing. However, the ideological
newspeak based on disinformation falls on fertile socio-cultural
ground in the East.
Russia’s allies
The Russian-speaking diaspora, who have maintained cultural
and emotional bonds with Russia, was Russia’s main ally during
the Crimean operation. The linguistic space where Russian is
used was also one of the factors which contributed to the success-
ful action. This is also a convenient information and media space,
35. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
35
and one receptive to Russian propaganda. Furthermore, the post-
Soviet area (including Ukraine) is also thoroughly reconnoitred
and permeated with the aid of agents of influence originating
from the multitude of Russian diaspora organisations. The view-
point of Russian-speaking citizens of Ukraine facilitated Russia in
the achievement of its goals during the Crimean operation. They
have been won over as a consequence of long-lasting propaganda
backed with sabotage actions in Crimea. However, Russia has re-
sorted to military solutions, forcing those unconvinced into obe-
dience, even here, where the public is receptive to its ideas.
The Western public is less receptive to Russian disinformation:
they have not been convinced by Russian argumentation that the
annexation has saved Crimea from the cruelty of “Banderivtsy
and fascists from the Maidan.” They are fully aware that the ‘new’
project of ‘conservative revolution’, i.e. de-Americanisation of the
world, including Europe, being promoted by Russia, is unattrac-
tive, nothing new and in fact means setting the partition lines be-
tween the spheres of influences.
It is however worth noting the fact that the message addressed to
the West is modified and spread via specialist media (The Voice of
Russia and TV RT). The official websites of Russian institutions,
for example the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which interprets
current affairs in a more sophisticated manner, are also targeted
at the Western audience. Disinformation provided here has been
and will continue to be more difficult to decipher. In the case of
the Voice of Russia radio station and TV RT, disinformation is also
spread by local opinion leaders. Different wording is used here,
but manipulation is also inherent in this wording (“Russians have
the right to be patriots, as well,” “the government wants Russia
to be rich and free,” “the power of Putin and the Kremlin is based
on the people’s choice”). This wording draws upon generally re-
spected values. Russians also play on the various motivations of
various social groups in the West (using pacifists’ fear of war, pol-
iticians’ fear of unpredictability and entrepreneurs’ fear of losses;
36. POINTOFVIEW05/2014
36
and explaining to experts why Western models will not work for
example in Ukraine). Furthermore, public opinion is not aware of
the fact that they are the object of a planned and coordinated in-
formation struggle.
The future of information warfare
Russian information warfare is set to continue since Putin’s new
doctrine has crystallised. This doctrine is geopolitical, Eurasian,
anti-liberal and oriented towards rivalry with the West and Rus-
sia’s dominance in Eurasia. For this reason, the key tasks of ra-
tional public debate is and will continue in the immediate future
to be to set limits on the space available to Russian political myths
and ideologised propaganda actions, and to explain the mecha-
nisms and goals of such actions.