Ukraine is commonly seen as being a separated country, dominated by two different cultural and political communities. The first one identifies with the “Western” world, whereas the second is strongly oriented towards Russia. In her newest text, “Language, Identity, Politics – the Myth of Two Ukraines”, Dr. Joanna Fomina is explaining the misleading nature of this concept.
According the theory of the two Ukraine’s one is pro-European, shares values of liberal democracy, strives to join the European Union in order to “return to Europe” and above all: is communicating in the Ukrainian language. The symbolic centre of this Ukraine is Lviv. The second feels nostalgia for the Soviet Union, is closely connected to contemporary Russia, opposes the West and has no respect for values associated with it. This groups language is Russian and their “capital” is Donetsk.
As Dr. Joanna Fomina is demonstrating in her text “Language, Identity, Politics – The Myth of two Ukraines”,this narration is not appropriate. Her argument is supported by the use of empiric data concerning among others attitudes towards Ukrainian and Russian language and viewpoints on democracy throughout different regions in Ukraine.
The author do not question the fact that a certain separation in Ukrainian society can be observed. However she highlight that the theory of the two Ukraine’s is not suitable to give a proper view of the situation in the country, but on the contrary does not reveal most significant differences.
The Separatist War in Donbas: A Violent Break-up of Ukraine?DonbassFullAccess
This document analyzes the conflict in Donbas, Ukraine between pro-Russian separatists and the Ukrainian government. It notes that there are conflicting narratives about what caused the conflict and how it has unfolded. The study aims to determine why Ukraine experienced this violent conflict in Donbas by examining the roles and perspectives of different actors, including separatists, the Yanukovych government, Maidan opposition, Russia, the US, and the EU. It also analyzes a survey on public support for separatism in Donbas compared to other regions that was commissioned by the author. The conflict involved both a civil war and direct Russian military intervention and has international significance.
This document summarizes the results of a survey on national information policy in Ukraine in the face of Russian aggression, with a focus on the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Some key findings include: less than 1% of Ukrainians consider Russian television an objective news source, while 31.1% consider Ukrainian television objective; over 40% of Ukrainians feel nostalgia for the Soviet era but over 60% do not want it to return; and the government's information policy in Donetsk and Luhansk needs to be more sensitive to regional differences and build trust through focusing on facts rather than political stances.
Claims of some officials at the state as well as local levels are perceived as state policy directions. However, some messages of state representatives do not correspond to the social and political situation and do not support public reconciliation in the frontline zone.
This document summarizes the results of a survey conducted in December 2016 across both parts of the Donbas region in Ukraine - the Kyiv-controlled areas and the occupied territories of the self-declared Donetsk and Luhansk People's Republics. The survey finds that:
1) Personal contacts remain strong across the frontline, with over half of respondents in the occupied territories reporting friends or family in the Kyiv-controlled areas.
2) Identities in both parts of Donbas are mixed, with Ukrainian citizenship previously the most commonly reported identity. Some respondents reported feeling more Russian or Ukrainian as a result of the conflict, while most reported no change.
3) Views differ most on the
This document summarizes information about Russia Direct, an analytical publication that provides news, analysis, and research on international affairs related to Russia. It delivers content to over 50,000 people monthly through its online platform and publishes monthly digital reports and quarterly print editions. It aims to improve dialogue between Russian and international experts and decision-makers through hosted events and a community of contributors from both Russia and other countries.
Signs of hate speech are detected in the print media on both sides of the demarcation line. However, the monitored “DPR” public editions use this speech much more often. At present, these are just isolated cases on the territory controlled by Ukrainian government.
The absolute leader in using hate speech is Novorossiya edition. Its material is extremely saturated with words, which experts attributed to those who show signs of hate speech or hostility. The publications of the “DPR” organization claiming to have an “official” status use such speech much less and formally.
The limited use of hate speech from Ukrainian regional media may be a consequence of the journalists’ and editors’ position; while working on the conflict area, they are trying to use non-conflictual vocabulary. One more factor is the owners’ of these media influence and their vision of ways to stop the conflict. Trends in the limited use of hate speech in regional Ukrainian media in the Donetsk region may not correspond to the situation at the national level.
The document summarizes life in the Donetsk region of Ukraine two years after the signing of the Minsk agreements, which aimed to return control of the region from separatists to Ukraine. It finds that separate healthcare, education, media and economic systems have developed under the control of opposing sides, dividing society. While some ties remain, movement between sides is restricted and the conflict continues to negatively impact infrastructure and public services. Recommendations include restoring transportation and making it easier for students and goods to cross borders, to help integrate the region if the conflict ends.
The Separatist War in Donbas: A Violent Break-up of Ukraine?DonbassFullAccess
This document analyzes the conflict in Donbas, Ukraine between pro-Russian separatists and the Ukrainian government. It notes that there are conflicting narratives about what caused the conflict and how it has unfolded. The study aims to determine why Ukraine experienced this violent conflict in Donbas by examining the roles and perspectives of different actors, including separatists, the Yanukovych government, Maidan opposition, Russia, the US, and the EU. It also analyzes a survey on public support for separatism in Donbas compared to other regions that was commissioned by the author. The conflict involved both a civil war and direct Russian military intervention and has international significance.
This document summarizes the results of a survey on national information policy in Ukraine in the face of Russian aggression, with a focus on the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Some key findings include: less than 1% of Ukrainians consider Russian television an objective news source, while 31.1% consider Ukrainian television objective; over 40% of Ukrainians feel nostalgia for the Soviet era but over 60% do not want it to return; and the government's information policy in Donetsk and Luhansk needs to be more sensitive to regional differences and build trust through focusing on facts rather than political stances.
Claims of some officials at the state as well as local levels are perceived as state policy directions. However, some messages of state representatives do not correspond to the social and political situation and do not support public reconciliation in the frontline zone.
This document summarizes the results of a survey conducted in December 2016 across both parts of the Donbas region in Ukraine - the Kyiv-controlled areas and the occupied territories of the self-declared Donetsk and Luhansk People's Republics. The survey finds that:
1) Personal contacts remain strong across the frontline, with over half of respondents in the occupied territories reporting friends or family in the Kyiv-controlled areas.
2) Identities in both parts of Donbas are mixed, with Ukrainian citizenship previously the most commonly reported identity. Some respondents reported feeling more Russian or Ukrainian as a result of the conflict, while most reported no change.
3) Views differ most on the
This document summarizes information about Russia Direct, an analytical publication that provides news, analysis, and research on international affairs related to Russia. It delivers content to over 50,000 people monthly through its online platform and publishes monthly digital reports and quarterly print editions. It aims to improve dialogue between Russian and international experts and decision-makers through hosted events and a community of contributors from both Russia and other countries.
Signs of hate speech are detected in the print media on both sides of the demarcation line. However, the monitored “DPR” public editions use this speech much more often. At present, these are just isolated cases on the territory controlled by Ukrainian government.
The absolute leader in using hate speech is Novorossiya edition. Its material is extremely saturated with words, which experts attributed to those who show signs of hate speech or hostility. The publications of the “DPR” organization claiming to have an “official” status use such speech much less and formally.
The limited use of hate speech from Ukrainian regional media may be a consequence of the journalists’ and editors’ position; while working on the conflict area, they are trying to use non-conflictual vocabulary. One more factor is the owners’ of these media influence and their vision of ways to stop the conflict. Trends in the limited use of hate speech in regional Ukrainian media in the Donetsk region may not correspond to the situation at the national level.
The document summarizes life in the Donetsk region of Ukraine two years after the signing of the Minsk agreements, which aimed to return control of the region from separatists to Ukraine. It finds that separate healthcare, education, media and economic systems have developed under the control of opposing sides, dividing society. While some ties remain, movement between sides is restricted and the conflict continues to negatively impact infrastructure and public services. Recommendations include restoring transportation and making it easier for students and goods to cross borders, to help integrate the region if the conflict ends.
This document summarizes an article that examines the position of ethnic minorities in Armenia in light of recent constitutional reforms. It notes that Armenia has a very small non-Armenian population of under 3% belonging to groups like Yezidis, Assyrians, Russians, and others. The recent Armenian constitution recognizes the rights of ethnic minorities to preserve their culture, religion, and language. However, providing public education in minority languages remains challenging given Armenia's history and Russian influence. The document also provides historical context on Armenia's relations with ethnic minorities and the shared hardships that have fostered cultural understanding and respect between Armenians and some minority groups.
General Electric in Russia (Business Ethics project)Aliaksey Narko
1) The program would establish that all GE employees in Russia are equal and should respect each other regardless of differences.
2) Employees would be responsible for doing their jobs carefully to protect GE's reputation.
3) The program would promote using the newest technologies to reduce pollution and protect the environment, even if Russian laws allow more pollution.
4) Violence, discrimination, or conflict between employees based on religion, gender, age, or other attributes would be prohibited.
5) Bribery and corruption would be strictly forbidden and punished. Employees would also be barred from sharing confidential company information with competitors.
The war in Donbas and the annexation of Crimea are comprehensively studied in this Monograph. The research is conducted from the perspective of national security of Ukraine. Russia’s military aggression is described as a stress-test for global and national security, and as a catalyst for Ukraine’s foreign policy restart. Authors also analyze reasons and consequences of a temporary loss of control of some of Ukrainian territories. Particular emphasis is put on the position of Ukraine and approaches of the EU and Russia in the Minsk process for resolving the situation in Donbas.
Reintegration terms and recovery priorities for Donbas are outlined. The ways to overcome social consequences of Russian military aggression against Ukraine are defined. Authors provide prognoses for development of situation in Donbas and Crimea with focus on possible scenarios of the future of Ukraine in a globalized world. The research is intended for politicians, political analysts, senior civil servants. The study results will be useful for national security researchers, as well as for conscious citizens.
IDPs of Donbas in the mirror of the Ukrainian press and TVRestoring Donbass
Newspapers "Golos Ukrainy" and "Uriadovy Courier" and channel "Pershiy natsіonalny", which work on account of the taxpayers' money, illuminate the news about displaced persons from the ATO area. However, it does not provide useful information for internally displaced persons themselves. Such conclusions were made by experts of the public initiative "Restoring Donbas" based on monitoring of February Ukrainian print media and television materials.
Russians (Russkiye) in Ukraine: Mythicizing the Myths presentation New Yorkyevtukh
The document discusses myths related to Russians (Russkiye) in Ukraine. It identifies several myths, including that development in Ukraine depends on how national minorities view consolidation processes; interpretations of "pro-Russian" and "pro-Russian" ideology; and claims that Russkiye face pressure from Ukrainian national forces. It notes politicians, publicists, and pro-Russian researchers in both Ukraine and Russia promote these myths. The document also examines attitudes toward ethnic diversity in Ukraine and language policies.
In October 2012, Russian bloggers actively discussed many social and political topics on platforms like LiveJournal and Twitter. Some of the most discussed topics included the election of an opposition coordination committee, President Putin's birthday, and criticism of the government for issues like corruption and the Pussy Riot case. Analysis of blog posts showed that 62-69% of messages criticized the government, indicating stable opposition sentiment in the blogosphere. Bloggers quickly shifted between topics but maintained criticism of the lack of real opposition and the government's influence over elections and civil society.
This document summarizes a master's thesis about conflict potential and the role of youth in the Ferghana Valley region. The valley is located at the borders of Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan and has a risk of conflict due to cross-border issues related to borders drawn by Stalin. Socioeconomic conditions are worst in Tajikistan, followed by Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, with high unemployment especially among youth. In June 2010, ethnic violence broke out in southern Kyrgyzstan's Osh region, where over 400 people died. While the violence occurred along ethnic lines, the underlying causes included poor socioeconomic conditions and a power vacuum after Kyrgyzstan's revolution in
International far-right groups and Russian state media attempted to smear Sweden's reputation internationally in the lead up to the 2018 Swedish election. While some discussions of influence campaigns occurred on fringe platforms like 4chan, there was little evidence these efforts directly impacted the Swedish election. The most active disinformation campaign alleged election fraud, spreading before results. Overall, the Swedish far-right is isolated online, relying on a small number of nationalist news sites. The report recommends improving public diplomacy, promoting civil society cooperation across Scandinavia, prioritizing digital literacy, and increasing transparency of social media companies.
The document provides background information on Popasna, Ukraine and summarizes key events regarding its occupation and liberation during the 2014 conflict. It describes how Popasna came under the control of pro-Russian separatist forces in May 2014 but was liberated by Ukrainian troops on July 22, 2014. However, Popasna remained strategically important and faced repeated artillery attacks from separatists using Grads and other rocket launchers throughout the remainder of 2014, resulting in civilian casualties and property damage. The document lists numerous specific dates of artillery attacks on the city during this period.
A ghost in the mirror russian soft power in ukrainePim Piepers
Russia views maintaining influence over Ukraine as an existential imperative, as many in Russia's political elite see Ukraine as part of Russia's identity. Russia relies on national myths and narratives to try to bind Ukraine to a "common future" with Russia and other post-Soviet states. These narratives are translated into influence through channels like the Orthodox Church, media, business networks, and NGOs. Russia also achieves influence by mobilizing constituencies around issues like language and shared history. However, Russia's socio-economic model limits its capacity to act as an attraction, so it relies more on symbolic resources and identity politics.
This document summarizes research on how the Ukraine crisis has impacted the context surrounding the Transnistrian separatist conflict in Moldova. The researcher analyzed newspaper articles about Transnistria from Russian and English sources in the year before and after the 2014 Euromaidan protests in Ukraine. The analysis found attention to Transnistria increased significantly in both Russian and English sources after Euromaidan. While English sources portrayed Transnistria as a worrisome region for Moldova, Russian sources characterized Transnistria as threatened by Moldova and Ukraine's relations with the EU and NATO. The preliminary conclusion is that the Ukraine crisis made a reemergence of conflict in Transnistria seem more likely to Western audiences, while Russia sees
The paper presents the contemporary information policy implemented by
the Ukrainian government. The survey answers the question about the new role of information policy in the state authorities’ activities. The research focuses on the executive branch of power, due to its impact on the internal and external image of Ukraine.
The analysis was conducted at the strategic, institutional and operational levels, and
concerned the content of messages.
The Ukrainian power has gradually been restoring the TV broadcast infrastructure in the Donetsk region. On December 5, President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko opened the restored TV tower on Mount Karachun in Slovyansk. The tower was destroyed during battles for the town in the summer of 2014. The coverage of the tower signal will make it possible to improve analog broadcasting on the territory of the Donetsk region controlled by the Ukrainian government. In addition, the tower will provide a signal of a better quality in the areas along the frontline, for example, in Torestk (Dzerzhinsk) which is located on the demarcation line. We would like to remind the readers that when the conflict in the Donbas began, the areas controlled by the Russian Federation were left without Ukrainian TV broadcasting as a number of TV broadcasting facilities were seized and destroyed.
claimed that the launching of this tower would allow to watch Ukrainian TV even in
Horlivka.
This document provides an overview of Russia, including its history, culture, and people. It discusses how Russia was founded by Viking Rurik in the 9th century and various tribes were united under Christianity. It describes daily life in Russia including typical meals, holidays, sports, and family structure. The document also covers Russian language, environmental issues, education system, and current social problems such as deforestation and HIV/AIDS epidemic.
This document presents an innovative methodology for assessing Russian propaganda and information activities. It describes quantitative and narrative analyses of propaganda messages along with the Bohush Pyramid of Influence method. Word clouds and examples of common propaganda narratives are shown. The methodology is aimed at the vast, efficient, and diversified nature of Russian disinformation. Recommendations include acknowledging that symmetrical responses are not possible, focusing on high-quality information, analyzing activities by level of influence, increasing discussion and awareness of disinformation at multiple levels, and conducting sociological surveys.
The Havighurst Center - Miami Orientation 2021Elizabeth Walsh
The Havighurst Center for Russian & Post-Soviet Studies was established in 2000 through a generous donation from Walter E. Havighurst. It is located at Miami University and focuses on research, teaching, and programming related to Russia, Eastern Europe, and Eurasia. The Center has eight core faculty members and provides undergraduate students opportunities to study abroad, obtain fellowships, and interact with international scholars through various events and programs hosted by the Havighurst Center.
This document summarizes the humanitarian crisis occurring along the 500km separation line between Ukrainian forces and Russian-backed separatists in eastern Ukraine. It estimates that around 100,000 civilians still live in frontline areas that see daily fighting, with troops and military equipment mixed in with civilian areas and homes. Both sides are said to violate a ceasefire agreement and use heavy weapons near civilian populations. The document calls on all sides to better separate troops from civilians and withdraw heavy weapons to reduce risks to civilians from the ongoing conflict.
El documento habla sobre el diseño de embalaje para el transporte. Explica que el embalaje protege y agrupa productos durante su manipulación, transporte y almacenamiento. También describe los diferentes tipos de materiales, formas y etiquetado que debe tener un embalaje, así como las pruebas y condiciones que debe cumplir para resistir riesgos como la humedad, vibraciones e impactos durante la distribución.
La Unión Europea ha acordado un embargo petrolero contra Rusia en respuesta a la invasión de Ucrania. El embargo prohibirá las importaciones marítimas de petróleo ruso a la UE y pondrá fin a las entregas a través de oleoductos dentro de seis meses. Esta medida forma parte de un sexto paquete de sanciones de la UE destinadas a aumentar la presión económica sobre Moscú y privar al Kremlin de fondos para financiar su guerra.
La educación y las Ciencias Sociales, están llamadas a colaborar de manera
urgente y primordial con la construcción de una nueva nación es necesario
propiciar ambientes de reflexión, análisis crítico, ajustes progresivos y
propositivos que ayuden, a las y los jóvenes a afrontar las problemáticas de hoy
y del futuro.
This document provides instructions for quickly connecting, parameterizing, and starting up an Omron E5CC temperature controller. It describes connecting temperature sensors, control outputs for heating/cooling devices, and setting basic parameters like sensor type and PID/ON-OFF control mode. The document also gives an overview of accessing advanced settings and provides answers to common questions about initial startup and configuration.
This document summarizes an article that examines the position of ethnic minorities in Armenia in light of recent constitutional reforms. It notes that Armenia has a very small non-Armenian population of under 3% belonging to groups like Yezidis, Assyrians, Russians, and others. The recent Armenian constitution recognizes the rights of ethnic minorities to preserve their culture, religion, and language. However, providing public education in minority languages remains challenging given Armenia's history and Russian influence. The document also provides historical context on Armenia's relations with ethnic minorities and the shared hardships that have fostered cultural understanding and respect between Armenians and some minority groups.
General Electric in Russia (Business Ethics project)Aliaksey Narko
1) The program would establish that all GE employees in Russia are equal and should respect each other regardless of differences.
2) Employees would be responsible for doing their jobs carefully to protect GE's reputation.
3) The program would promote using the newest technologies to reduce pollution and protect the environment, even if Russian laws allow more pollution.
4) Violence, discrimination, or conflict between employees based on religion, gender, age, or other attributes would be prohibited.
5) Bribery and corruption would be strictly forbidden and punished. Employees would also be barred from sharing confidential company information with competitors.
The war in Donbas and the annexation of Crimea are comprehensively studied in this Monograph. The research is conducted from the perspective of national security of Ukraine. Russia’s military aggression is described as a stress-test for global and national security, and as a catalyst for Ukraine’s foreign policy restart. Authors also analyze reasons and consequences of a temporary loss of control of some of Ukrainian territories. Particular emphasis is put on the position of Ukraine and approaches of the EU and Russia in the Minsk process for resolving the situation in Donbas.
Reintegration terms and recovery priorities for Donbas are outlined. The ways to overcome social consequences of Russian military aggression against Ukraine are defined. Authors provide prognoses for development of situation in Donbas and Crimea with focus on possible scenarios of the future of Ukraine in a globalized world. The research is intended for politicians, political analysts, senior civil servants. The study results will be useful for national security researchers, as well as for conscious citizens.
IDPs of Donbas in the mirror of the Ukrainian press and TVRestoring Donbass
Newspapers "Golos Ukrainy" and "Uriadovy Courier" and channel "Pershiy natsіonalny", which work on account of the taxpayers' money, illuminate the news about displaced persons from the ATO area. However, it does not provide useful information for internally displaced persons themselves. Such conclusions were made by experts of the public initiative "Restoring Donbas" based on monitoring of February Ukrainian print media and television materials.
Russians (Russkiye) in Ukraine: Mythicizing the Myths presentation New Yorkyevtukh
The document discusses myths related to Russians (Russkiye) in Ukraine. It identifies several myths, including that development in Ukraine depends on how national minorities view consolidation processes; interpretations of "pro-Russian" and "pro-Russian" ideology; and claims that Russkiye face pressure from Ukrainian national forces. It notes politicians, publicists, and pro-Russian researchers in both Ukraine and Russia promote these myths. The document also examines attitudes toward ethnic diversity in Ukraine and language policies.
In October 2012, Russian bloggers actively discussed many social and political topics on platforms like LiveJournal and Twitter. Some of the most discussed topics included the election of an opposition coordination committee, President Putin's birthday, and criticism of the government for issues like corruption and the Pussy Riot case. Analysis of blog posts showed that 62-69% of messages criticized the government, indicating stable opposition sentiment in the blogosphere. Bloggers quickly shifted between topics but maintained criticism of the lack of real opposition and the government's influence over elections and civil society.
This document summarizes a master's thesis about conflict potential and the role of youth in the Ferghana Valley region. The valley is located at the borders of Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan and has a risk of conflict due to cross-border issues related to borders drawn by Stalin. Socioeconomic conditions are worst in Tajikistan, followed by Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, with high unemployment especially among youth. In June 2010, ethnic violence broke out in southern Kyrgyzstan's Osh region, where over 400 people died. While the violence occurred along ethnic lines, the underlying causes included poor socioeconomic conditions and a power vacuum after Kyrgyzstan's revolution in
International far-right groups and Russian state media attempted to smear Sweden's reputation internationally in the lead up to the 2018 Swedish election. While some discussions of influence campaigns occurred on fringe platforms like 4chan, there was little evidence these efforts directly impacted the Swedish election. The most active disinformation campaign alleged election fraud, spreading before results. Overall, the Swedish far-right is isolated online, relying on a small number of nationalist news sites. The report recommends improving public diplomacy, promoting civil society cooperation across Scandinavia, prioritizing digital literacy, and increasing transparency of social media companies.
The document provides background information on Popasna, Ukraine and summarizes key events regarding its occupation and liberation during the 2014 conflict. It describes how Popasna came under the control of pro-Russian separatist forces in May 2014 but was liberated by Ukrainian troops on July 22, 2014. However, Popasna remained strategically important and faced repeated artillery attacks from separatists using Grads and other rocket launchers throughout the remainder of 2014, resulting in civilian casualties and property damage. The document lists numerous specific dates of artillery attacks on the city during this period.
A ghost in the mirror russian soft power in ukrainePim Piepers
Russia views maintaining influence over Ukraine as an existential imperative, as many in Russia's political elite see Ukraine as part of Russia's identity. Russia relies on national myths and narratives to try to bind Ukraine to a "common future" with Russia and other post-Soviet states. These narratives are translated into influence through channels like the Orthodox Church, media, business networks, and NGOs. Russia also achieves influence by mobilizing constituencies around issues like language and shared history. However, Russia's socio-economic model limits its capacity to act as an attraction, so it relies more on symbolic resources and identity politics.
This document summarizes research on how the Ukraine crisis has impacted the context surrounding the Transnistrian separatist conflict in Moldova. The researcher analyzed newspaper articles about Transnistria from Russian and English sources in the year before and after the 2014 Euromaidan protests in Ukraine. The analysis found attention to Transnistria increased significantly in both Russian and English sources after Euromaidan. While English sources portrayed Transnistria as a worrisome region for Moldova, Russian sources characterized Transnistria as threatened by Moldova and Ukraine's relations with the EU and NATO. The preliminary conclusion is that the Ukraine crisis made a reemergence of conflict in Transnistria seem more likely to Western audiences, while Russia sees
The paper presents the contemporary information policy implemented by
the Ukrainian government. The survey answers the question about the new role of information policy in the state authorities’ activities. The research focuses on the executive branch of power, due to its impact on the internal and external image of Ukraine.
The analysis was conducted at the strategic, institutional and operational levels, and
concerned the content of messages.
The Ukrainian power has gradually been restoring the TV broadcast infrastructure in the Donetsk region. On December 5, President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko opened the restored TV tower on Mount Karachun in Slovyansk. The tower was destroyed during battles for the town in the summer of 2014. The coverage of the tower signal will make it possible to improve analog broadcasting on the territory of the Donetsk region controlled by the Ukrainian government. In addition, the tower will provide a signal of a better quality in the areas along the frontline, for example, in Torestk (Dzerzhinsk) which is located on the demarcation line. We would like to remind the readers that when the conflict in the Donbas began, the areas controlled by the Russian Federation were left without Ukrainian TV broadcasting as a number of TV broadcasting facilities were seized and destroyed.
claimed that the launching of this tower would allow to watch Ukrainian TV even in
Horlivka.
This document provides an overview of Russia, including its history, culture, and people. It discusses how Russia was founded by Viking Rurik in the 9th century and various tribes were united under Christianity. It describes daily life in Russia including typical meals, holidays, sports, and family structure. The document also covers Russian language, environmental issues, education system, and current social problems such as deforestation and HIV/AIDS epidemic.
This document presents an innovative methodology for assessing Russian propaganda and information activities. It describes quantitative and narrative analyses of propaganda messages along with the Bohush Pyramid of Influence method. Word clouds and examples of common propaganda narratives are shown. The methodology is aimed at the vast, efficient, and diversified nature of Russian disinformation. Recommendations include acknowledging that symmetrical responses are not possible, focusing on high-quality information, analyzing activities by level of influence, increasing discussion and awareness of disinformation at multiple levels, and conducting sociological surveys.
The Havighurst Center - Miami Orientation 2021Elizabeth Walsh
The Havighurst Center for Russian & Post-Soviet Studies was established in 2000 through a generous donation from Walter E. Havighurst. It is located at Miami University and focuses on research, teaching, and programming related to Russia, Eastern Europe, and Eurasia. The Center has eight core faculty members and provides undergraduate students opportunities to study abroad, obtain fellowships, and interact with international scholars through various events and programs hosted by the Havighurst Center.
This document summarizes the humanitarian crisis occurring along the 500km separation line between Ukrainian forces and Russian-backed separatists in eastern Ukraine. It estimates that around 100,000 civilians still live in frontline areas that see daily fighting, with troops and military equipment mixed in with civilian areas and homes. Both sides are said to violate a ceasefire agreement and use heavy weapons near civilian populations. The document calls on all sides to better separate troops from civilians and withdraw heavy weapons to reduce risks to civilians from the ongoing conflict.
El documento habla sobre el diseño de embalaje para el transporte. Explica que el embalaje protege y agrupa productos durante su manipulación, transporte y almacenamiento. También describe los diferentes tipos de materiales, formas y etiquetado que debe tener un embalaje, así como las pruebas y condiciones que debe cumplir para resistir riesgos como la humedad, vibraciones e impactos durante la distribución.
La Unión Europea ha acordado un embargo petrolero contra Rusia en respuesta a la invasión de Ucrania. El embargo prohibirá las importaciones marítimas de petróleo ruso a la UE y pondrá fin a las entregas a través de oleoductos dentro de seis meses. Esta medida forma parte de un sexto paquete de sanciones de la UE destinadas a aumentar la presión económica sobre Moscú y privar al Kremlin de fondos para financiar su guerra.
La educación y las Ciencias Sociales, están llamadas a colaborar de manera
urgente y primordial con la construcción de una nueva nación es necesario
propiciar ambientes de reflexión, análisis crítico, ajustes progresivos y
propositivos que ayuden, a las y los jóvenes a afrontar las problemáticas de hoy
y del futuro.
This document provides instructions for quickly connecting, parameterizing, and starting up an Omron E5CC temperature controller. It describes connecting temperature sensors, control outputs for heating/cooling devices, and setting basic parameters like sensor type and PID/ON-OFF control mode. The document also gives an overview of accessing advanced settings and provides answers to common questions about initial startup and configuration.
Este documento discute a importância da comunicação digital na educação, comparando ferramentas síncronas e assíncronas como chat e e-mail. Ele explica como o Gmail oferece funcionalidades avançadas e é compatível com diferentes navegadores. Também descreve como o e-mail permite a comunicação rápida e barata com pessoas em todo o mundo, e dá dicas sobre o uso apropriado de ferramentas digitais como redes sociais.
El documento habla sobre las lecciones que se pueden aprender de los gansos que vuelan en formación. Algunas de las lecciones son que volar en formación aumenta el alcance del vuelo, compartir la dirección del grupo permite llegar más rápido al destino, y permanecer unidos y apoyarse mutuamente hace que el esfuerzo sea menor y las metas más fáciles de alcanzar. Otra lección es la importancia de compartir el liderazgo, ayudarse unos a otros, especialmente a los débiles o enfermos, y
El documento presenta cuatro capítulos que narran la historia de Sylvia, una madre, y sus hijos August y Hybrid. August decide irse a estudiar a la Universidad de Aurich pero tiene dudas sobre dejar a su madre. Más tarde, August trae a su madre y a Hybrid a vivir con él, comprando una casa con un jardín de rosas rojas y amarillas que le recuerdan a su madre. Un hombre llamado James empieza a mostrar interés en Sylvia.
Pretendo extender las características de la Economía Colaborativa, que han provocado su irrupción imparable en muchos ámbitos, al sector de la energía, clave para el desarrollo y bienestar de una sociedad.
Como corolario, es imposible no fijarse en el marco regulador tan singular del sector en España.
Me parece pertinente la designación "Energía colaborante" (Sharing Energy), como equivalente a la expresión inglesa Sharing Economy aplicada a la economía.
Presentación memoria de labores Comite San Lucas Toliman Todos Por El Lago At...Armando Castellan
El documento describe las actividades de un comité voluntario en San Lucas Tolimán, Guatemala. El comité ha llevado a cabo varios proyectos comunitarios como instalar basureros, construir áreas para lavar ropa, apoyar investigaciones sobre el lago, realizar campañas de limpieza, siembras de árboles, educación sobre el cuidado de animales domésticos, y entregar ayuda a damnificados por el huracán Agatha. El comité trabaja de forma transparente y con el apoyo de donantes, autoridades locales y volunt
Este documento describe la expansión internacional de las multinacionales españolas desde mediados de los 90, con grandes adquisiciones en sectores como la banca, las telecomunicaciones, la electricidad y la construcción. Destaca que empresas como Santander, Telefónica, Iberdrola y ACS obtienen ahora la mayor parte de sus ingresos en el extranjero, lo que demuestra su éxito internacional.
Este documento explica el servicio de Fotos en Streaming de iCloud de Apple. Permite almacenar hasta 1,000 de las últimas fotos tomadas en dispositivos Apple en la nube para poder acceder a ellas y compartirlas desde otros dispositivos. Las fotos se sincronizan automáticamente entre dispositivos y con la biblioteca de fotos en iPhoto de Mac. El servicio es opcional y las fotos pueden eliminarse individualmente de iCloud sin afectar a las copias locales.
Este documento presenta conceptos informáticos básicos como hardware, software, ordenador, programa, magnitudes analógicas y digitales, comunicación y codificación, sistema binario, conceptos de electrónica digital, sistemas y subsistemas. También describe la evolución histórica de los ordenadores desde el ábaco hasta la primera generación de ordenadores basados en válvulas de vacío como el ENIAC. Finalmente, introduce conceptos básicos sobre hardware como CPU, memoria, unidades de control y ALU.
Este documento proporciona un tutorial paso a paso para crear un modelo básico en ETABS. El tutorial comienza explicando el proyecto de ejemplo, que es un edificio de cuatro pisos irregular. Luego, guía al usuario a través de 12 pasos para construir el modelo, incluyendo la definición de la grilla, la adición de objetos estructurales como columnas y vigas, la asignación de cargas, y la ejecución y revisión del análisis. El tutorial también introduce conceptos como la definición de listas de secciones auto
Breve presentación donde se resume qué hace Tele Mail y cómo lo hace.
Marketing directo, transpromo, impresión de dato variable, impresión transaccional, billing, todo para la captación y fidelización del cliente, y la comunicación efectiva.
http://www.telemail.com
The concept and the practice of Impact Investing—or the placement of capital with
intent to generate positive social impact beyond fi nancial return—have grown and
matured signifi cantly over the past fi ve years. In 2008, the Monitor Institute took stock
of the emerging industry and characterized it as being on the precipice of passing from
a stage of “uncoordinated innovation” into one of “marketplace building.” Since 2008,
the Rockefeller Foundation has sought to help build that marketplace as well as hold
it accountable for its social and environmental impact goals. We have helped to build
networks, develop social impact ratings and reporting standards, cultivate new and
larger intermediaries and contribute to research and enabling policy environments.
“Industry building” is not often the remit of foundations, but our rationale for doing
so was clear: a functioning impact investing industry has the potential to complement
government and philanthropy by unlocking signifi cant resources to address the world’s
most pressing problems and to improve the lives of poor and vulnerable people.
Four years later, and as part of our commitment to learning and accountability within
the Foundation and to our partners and stakeholders, we undertook an independent
evaluation of our work in this arena. In March 2012, we presented to our Board the
results of this evaluation, undertaken by E.T. Jackson and Associates. It highlighted
a number of early successes and remaining challenges, many of which will shape our
activities in the months and years to come. As part of its evaluation, E.T. Jackson also
undertook a global scan of impact investing activity over the past four years so that
we could assess our progress in relation to the evolution of the broader fi eld. We
believe the results of the scan will also be informative for a number of other current
and future industry participants, and we are proud to contribute it to the growing
body of evaluative knowledge and research in this fi eld.
It is clear from our evaluation and scan, and from the growing body of research on
impact investing, that there exists great momentum and inspiring leadership in this
dynamic fi eld. More signifi cantly, there are promising signs here that together we can
play an important role in bringing about a more sustainable, resilient and equitable
future for humankind. We are honored to work with all of you on this journey.
El documento lista los nombres de tres integrantes, Gregory Contreras, Francisco Romero y Néstor Ramírez, que tendrán un protagonismo importante en los últimos progresos y adelantos alcanzados en diez áreas tecnológicas emergentes: Wireless Sensor Networks, Ingeniería inyectable de tejidos, Nano-células solares, Mecatrónica, Sistemas informáticos Grid, Imágenes moleculares, Litografía Nano-impresión, Software fiable, Glucomicas y Criptografía Quantum.
Social Media Branding: Roche, Novartis and WeledaLaura Pelizzari
The document provides an analysis of the quality of relationship building on social media for three Swiss brands: Roche, Novartis, and Weleda. It evaluates each brand on seven variables: social presence, dialog/customer engagement, sentiment/advocacy, support/value, innovation, leadership, and linking value/community. For each variable, it assigns a score from 1 to 10 based on an assessment of the brand's social media activities. The analysis aims to provide an overview of social media branding strategies for the three companies and insights into the healthcare industry's use of social media.
Seguridad en los videojuegos - GoD ModeZink Security
El documento presenta una agenda sobre seguridad en videojuegos que incluye una presentación, antecedentes, distintos ámbitos (web y escritorio) y recomendaciones para el desarrollo seguro. Se analizan amenazas comunes como suplantación de identidad, robo de cuentas y trampas. También se discuten medidas para proteger juegos web como validación de parámetros en el servidor y para juegos de escritorio como protección contra vulnerabilidades de código.
Los estudiantes aprendieron mucho sobre la prehistoria a través de su proyecto. Aprendieron sobre los animales que convivieron con los primeros humanos como el mamut, el gliptodonte y el brontoterio. También aprendieron sobre cómo vivían los humanos primitivos, incluyendo dónde vivían (cuevas, chozas), qué comían (carne, pescado, frutos), cómo se vestían y adornaban, e inventos importantes como el fuego y la rueda. Además, aprendieron sobre la evolución humana desde los primer
Intercultural CommunicationRunning head INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICA.docxmariuse18nolet
Intercultural Communication
Running head: INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION
Intercultural Communication
Student Name
University of Phoenix
Don Case - COM/360
Date
Intercultural Communication
The distinction of the ideology is one of the main reasons of disagreements and conflicts in the intercultural communications. In one cultures the purpose of interaction is more important than a dialogue in others – the situation is contrary. When we say ideology we mean the concept of reality that is shared by special concerning culture or an ethnic accessory group of people. Even the countries that have the same history or the same roots may have poor intercultural communication because of some stereotypes or bias. The best example is the relations between Russia and Ukraine.
If to consider the last years, a special trim can be observed in the relations of Russia and Ukraine in all of the questions connected with the Russian-Ukrainian relations. Geographically it divides the country into east and western part and with time the situation only gets worse. This is mostly the problem. Not only language and geography split the country but also the world outlook principle as well. The main problem of the Ukrainian authority today is how to connect these differently looking at the world and destiny parts of the country through a prism of the Russian-Ukrainian relations. The actions of the Ukrainian authority at the process of solving this problem are quite contradictory. On the one hand, there is an understanding of necessity to move toward Russia, but on the other hand, the movement seems to be in an opposite direction.
First, it concerns the gas conflict between Russia and Ukraine. The intense relations between these two countries in the sphere of gas relations have already become a bad tradition. The misunderstanding level between them frequently leads to faults with the deliveries of the Russian gas to Ukraine and as consequence, reduction of gas transit to Europe. However, the new conflict in a gas question that became ripe at the beginning of 2009 was avoided.
Another negative direction in the actions of Ukraine is a propagation of “Holodomor” and blaming it on Russia.
Earlier the theme of Holodomor was one of the irritants in the relations of Russia and Ukraine, along with a language question and a problem round the Black Sea fleet, but it has become a reason for the diplomatic war. United Nations General Assembly became the theater of was where Kiev tries to bring a question on consideration the Holodomor in Ukraine in 1932-1933. In the end of October the Ukrainian delegation has extended among the members of the United Nations General Assembly draught resolution which has suggested to mention the 75th anniversary of holodomor in Ukraine.
The Russian side was very opposed to this initiative. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine has accused Moscow of preventing “to recognize the Holodomor of 1932-1933 in Ukraine by the international .
The aim of the paper is to explore the cultural context of the conflict in
eastern Ukraine. From this perspective, the conflict in Donbas has to be seen not
only in the context of a political game, socio-economic transition and geopolitical
interests, but also in the light of a cultural conflict rooted in history. According to
Ukrainian researcher Mykola Riabchuk, Ukraine is divided, not between ethnic Russians and Ukrainians, but between two different types of Ukrainian identity. These
profound differences have been exacerbated by the events of the “Euromaidan” and,
subsequently, the violent conflict between the separatist forces of the self-declared
Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics on the one hand and the post-revolutionary
Ukrainian government on the other. This article focuses on how the cultural divisions
of Ukrainian society have been used since the beginning of Ukrainian independence
by the political elite as a tool of symbolic politics, contributing to the mass mobilization of Ukrainian society and the outbreak of a violent conflict.
This literature review summarizes the author's interview with a friend from Ukraine about cultural differences between the U.S. and Ukraine. Some key differences discussed include greater poverty and less freedom of speech in Ukraine. Traditional Ukrainian culture places importance on things like embroidered clothing, dumplings and pierogi for food, and Orthodox Christian holidays. The author learned about challenges in Ukraine like limited resources and Russian political influence, and is grateful for freedoms like education and speech in the U.S. The review covers topics like values, foundations, language, dress, food, media and politics in Ukraine.
National information policy in the face of russian aggression: regional aspectDonbassFullAccess
This document summarizes the results of a survey on national information policy in Ukraine in the face of Russian aggression, with a focus on the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Some key findings include: less than 1% of Ukrainians consider Russian television an objective news source, while 31.1% consider Ukrainian television objective; over 40% of Ukrainians feel nostalgia for the Soviet era but over 60% do not want it to return; and the government's information policy in Donbas needs to be more sensitive to regional differences and build trust through focusing on facts rather than politicization.
This document provides information about a toolkit called "Be the Messenger" that was created as part of a project funded by the Visegrad Fund. It lists the authors and partner organizations involved in the project from Poland, Czech Republic, Hungary, and Slovakia. The toolkit contains materials on including cultural diversity in discourse and traces of cultural diversity in Slovak history. It discusses challenges like fear of unknown cultures and negative political rhetoric, as well as the role of education in fostering understanding and respect for diversity.
A little hope: Linguistically supporting Ukrainian refugees in their transition to host countries
Andrew Wittmaier,
Department of English, Arizona State University, The United States of America
The refugee crisis in Ukraine creates a significant number of concerns for nations around the world. One major concern involves how to support the flood of millions of refugees crossing their borders, particularly for neighboring countries. In every case, though refugees need significant support in many areas, learning the language of commerce and communication in their host country often proves essential to success. In this case, Ukrainians bring L1 to this need to learn what is necessary to understand in the cultural context. Ukrainians has undergone both significant oppression (Kazakevych, 2016) and significant revivals (Palko, 2019). In addition, it is continually in competition with Russia seeking dominance in the Ukrainian culture (Bueiko & Moga, 2019). These contexts, as well as others, must be explored to establish safe spaces to learn language for refugees. For creating safe places for Ukrainians to practice dynamic bilingualism, teachers and leaders can improve the sustainability of Ukrainians’ lives within their borders. Understanding these cultural and historical contexts may also lead to eased tensions between the natives that their countries are hosting Ukrainians. This paper reviews the research relating to the cultural context of Ukrainian. In reviewing the cultural context, the results indicate that Ukrainians struggle with their historical connections with Russian speakers, in such a way that they are able to speak bilingually in Ukrainian and Russian but do not like to mix these two, and that they are working in multiple ways to create a more “pure” Ukrainian. This research regards all these contexts individually. Then, at the end of the paper, they are explored as they relate directly to the classroom. Recommendations are provided to show how to support and utilize these cultural contexts as countries around the world prepare to receive Ukrainian refugees and teach them their languages of commerce and communication.
The Seventh International Conference on Languages, Linguistics, Translation and Literature
11-12 June 2022 , Ahwaz
For more information, please visit the conference website:
WWW.LLLD.IR
Pocket guidebook elections in ukraine ukr crisimediacentre-052014Dmytro Lysiuk
The document provides a historical overview of key dates in modern Ukrainian history from independence in 1991 through 2014. It then summarizes recent public opinion polls showing strong Ukrainian support for national unity and ties to Europe over Russia, despite Russian claims. Finally, it outlines some tangible achievements of Ukraine's interim government since February 2014, including signing an EU Association Agreement and reforms.
The document summarizes the findings of a human rights monitoring organization in Eastern Ukraine called "Shore of Peace". It documents over 6,000 victims of the conflict, including 3,030 deaths, 1,379 released from captivity, 278 hostages, and 599 people still missing. The monitoring found evidence of 51 people being shot dead in captivity and 15 being tortured to death. Interviews revealed evidence of extrajudicial killings, torture, and human rights violations against both military and civilian victims. The report provides recommendations to better investigate and prosecute human rights crimes, and to improve support for victims and their families.
The document summarizes the tensions between Russia and Ukraine since Ukrainian independence in 1991. It discusses Ukraine's divisions along ethnic, linguistic, and religious lines that have complicated its national identity. It describes Russian influence on Ukrainian politics and opposition by pro-Western groups, such as during the 2004 Orange Revolution. The conflict escalated after Russia annexed Crimea in 2014 and supported separatists in eastern Ukraine. Resolving the conflict will require addressing issues like Russian influence over post-Soviet states, Ukraine's sovereignty, the status of disputed regions, Ukrainian national identity, and international alliances.
The article examines the stages of introducing the state language into the
broadcasts of national, regional and local radio stations. The legislative regulation
pertaining to the use of Ukrainian in radio broadcasts and music content of radio
organizations in 2004–2016 is examined. The author concludes that the development
of the language-based radio broadcasting is possible in the conditions of harmonious
interaction between radio stations, musicians/songwriters and the audience.
Results of the research conducted by the Gorshenin Institute with the support of Friedrich Ebert Stiftung. Edited by Matthes Buhbe, director of FES for Ukraine? Belarus and Moldova.
Language use and_language_policy_in_central_asiaBellamar Inc.
This document provides an overview of language use and policy in Central Asian countries including Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. It discusses the prevalence of different languages spoken, mother tongue identification, and language use in various spheres and demographics. Key facts presented include that Russian is the most widely spoken second language across Central Asia, though native languages like Kazakh, Kyrgyz, Tajik, and Uzbek are still predominantly used, especially in rural areas and among older generations. Language proficiency is tied to socioeconomic factors, with knowledge of Russian and foreign languages opening more opportunities.
This document discusses the importance of ethnonyms, or the names of ethnic groups, to a nation's identity and history. It argues that an ethnonym is a fundamental and unifying attribute of any ethnic community. The history of a nation is closely tied to the history of its ethnonym. An ethnonym performs an ideological function by symbolizing national unity and distinguishing one ethnic group from others. However, ethnonyms can also reflect national stereotypes. The document uses the example of negative stereotypes that some Russians associate with the ethnonym "Ukrainian." It stresses that the national name represents the voice of ancestors and is essential to a nation's morality, patriotism, and sense of historical memory and self-esteem.
The document discusses the ongoing conflict between Ukraine and Russia from the perspective of a dating coach who has witnessed divisions among her Russian and Ukrainian friends living abroad. When the Orange Revolution occurred in Ukraine in 2004, it divided opinions among those with ties to both countries. More recently, the events in Crimea in 2014 further divided views as the conflict escalated. However, among the author's social circle living in a western country, heated debates online eventually gave way to forgiveness and an agreement not to discuss politics in order to preserve friendships. The author believes that regular people in both countries wish for the conflict to end and prefer being allies, but propaganda has clouded opinions; however, among her Russian and Ukrainian friends living abroad, peace has been
This document provides an overview of the complex issues surrounding Ukrainian history, identity, and social cohesion. It touches on several key points:
1) Ukrainian history and identity are complicated questions without clear answers, as they involve differing perspectives on when the nation's history began, competing schools of historiography, shifting borders and ethnic groups over time.
2) Linguistic and ethnic identities in Ukraine are intertwined with political divisions, as Western and Central Ukraine identify more as Ukrainian while Eastern Ukraine has stronger Russian ties.
3) Since the conflicts in Crimea and the Donbas, national pride and identity have increased in Western and Central Ukraine, though opinions in Eastern Ukraine are more varied.
Presentation given at international conference on integration held on 16 - 17 November 2018 in Tallinn, Estonia. For more information: www.integrationconference.ee
The document outlines the methodology used in a study to document human rights violations related to illegal detention in eastern Ukraine, which included collecting testimonies from 150 former detainees through interviews and analyzing information from open sources, with the goals of documenting the scale of illegal detention, conditions faced, and making recommendations to address human rights issues.
"One Belt, One Road" Policy & the International Trade Supermicro
For thousands of years, the Silk Road was the way of trade and cultural exchanges between the Asian and European civilizations and has played an important role in promoting the progress of human civilization and promoting the prosperity and development of all countries along the route. In 2013, for the ancient Silk Road had a new goal - promote world peace and development, and provide regional economic and trade cooperation, strengthen exchanges between different civilizations, Chinese President Xi Jinping proposed to build a Silk Road Economic Belt "in twenty-first Century and "Maritime Silk Road" (referred to as "One Belt, One Road"), therefore the main initiatives, attracted the international attention. The thesis starts from the countries along the Silk Road in Ukraine, by introducing the overview of Ukraine, and the political and economic relations between Chinese and Ukraine in the eyes of the "Chinese Belt and Road Initiative" strategy, to analyze the "China Belt and Road Initiative" strategy implemented in Ukraine's advantages and risks, and reveal Ukraine in the area the way strategy is an important strategic geopolitical position.
Migrant Integration: The European Experience and Prospects for RussiaRussian Council
This working paper was prepared as part of the Russian International Affairs Council’s project International Migration Processes: Trends, Challenges and Prospects. Whereas Europe has dealt with mass influxes of immigrants since the 1950s, Russia only encountered this phenomenon relatively recently. Europe’s experience with migrant integration, which will be considered in this working paper, might be useful to Russia in resolving similar issues. The author identifies a range of specific programmes and measures to ease the process of including immigrants and their descendants into the host country’s social institutions, and he offers several recommendations regarding the prospects for integrating migrants in Russia.
Zukunft ungewiss – Ausbildungsperspektiven von Jugendlichen mit niedriger Sch...Bertelsmann Stiftung
In dieser Präsentation werden zentrale Ergebnisse der gemeinsam von der Deutsche Kinder- und Jugendstiftung (DKJS) und der Bertelsmann Stiftung (BSt) herausgegebenen Studie "Zukunft ungewiss – Ausbildungsperspektiven von Jugendlichen mit niedriger Schulbildung" vorgestellt.
Außerdem werden zur Kontextualisierung einige Daten und Fakten aus der Ausbildungsstatistik und weiteren Studien der Bertelsmann Stiftung präsentiert.
Zur Studie gelangen Sie hier: https://www.bertelsmann-stiftung.de/de/publikationen/publikation/did/zukunft-ungewiss-ausbildungsperspektiven-von-jugendlichen-mit-niedriger-schulbildung-all
Presentation of the study "Tech Giants in Healthcare" on October 5, 2022. Global tech corporations are increasingly penetrating the healthcare sector. Their activities and business segments show an enormous range. Politicians and society must agree on how best to integrate the digital players into existing healthcare systems while at the same time preserving the principle of solidarity.
The Open Jobs Observatory aims to fill gaps in labor market information by collecting and analyzing UK job postings data. It extracts skills, salaries, locations and other data from millions of job ads to provide insights on regional skill demands, high paying skills, skills required for jobs, and skills in "green" industries like sustainability. The Observatory shares its methodology and preliminary findings to demonstrate how novel data sources and analytics can improve understanding of labor market dynamics.
This document summarizes Kasper Kok's presentation on creating a dynamic, data-driven profession-skills ontology. It discusses Textkernel's AI capabilities for matching people and jobs, including semantic search, document understanding, and labor market intelligence. It then covers Textkernel's approaches to skill extraction from job descriptions, including list-based extraction from predefined skills (closed world) and context-based extraction using machine learning to discover new skills (open world). The presentation argues that a best approach combines the closed and open world methods with a taxonomy to map skills.
Vorstellung der Studie "Tech-Giganten im Gesundheitswesen" am 09.03.2022. Globale Technologiekonzerne dringen immer stärker in den Gesundheitsbereich vor. Ihre Aktivitäten und Geschäftsfelder weisen eine enorme Bandbreite auf. Politik und Gesellschaft müssen sich darauf verständigen, wie sich die Digitalkonzerne am besten in die bestehenden Gesundheitsstrukturen einbinden lassen und gleichzeitig das Solidarprinzip gewahrt bleibt.
101121_Digitale Transformation – Quo vadis berufliche Bildung?Bertelsmann Stiftung
Der Attraktivitätsverlust der dualen Ausbildung ist keine kurzfristige Mode – eher ein stabiler Trend, der sich nicht leicht umkehren lässt, so eine zentrale These des Vortrags. Zudem sei die Medienaffinität vieler Jugendlicher nicht gleichzusetzen mit Medienkompetenz – bei Letzterer sind wir international nur Mittelmaß. Um die Grundlage unserer Produktivität und unserer Wettbewerbsfähigkeit nicht zu gefährden, sind Eltern, Schulen, Betriebe, Verbände und Politik dringend zum Handeln gefordert.
Volkswirtschaftliche Auswirkungen einer Ausbildungsgarantie. Simulation einer...Bertelsmann Stiftung
In Österreich gibt es seit vielen Jahren eine Ausbildungsgarantie. Diese beinhaltet, dass jede:r ausbildungswillige Jugendliche bis 25 Jahre ein Angebot für eine Ausbildung erhält. Was würde passieren, wenn in Deutschland ein Modell mit ähnlicher Wirkungsweise eingeführt würde?
Ein Vortrag von Susanne Forstner, Zuzana Molnárová und Mario Steiner vom Institut für Höhere Studien (IHS), Wien, am 19. August 2021 zu einer Studie im Auftrag der Bertelsmann Stiftung.
Mehr zur Studie erfahren Sie hier: https://www.bertelsmann-stiftung.de/de/themen/aktuelle-meldungen/2021/august/ausbildungsgarantie-bringt-pro-jahr-bis-zu-20000-zusaetzliche-fachkraefte
#showyourskills – Anwendungsworkshop zu den Kompetenz- und BerufekartenBertelsmann Stiftung
In dem Anwendungsworkshop zu den Kompetenz- und Berufekarten wurden die Kartensets und ihre Einsatzmöglichkeiten von den Beraterinnen Barbara Brem und Ramona López vorgestellt. Sie setzen die Karten seit Jahren in der Arbeitsmarktberatung ein und ließen uns an ihren Erfahrungen mit der Arbeit rund um die Kompetenz- und Berufekarten teilhaben.
Mehr als vier Millionen Erwerbspersonen in Deutschland eint das Problem, dass sie keine Kompetenznachweise haben – sie gelten als formal Geringqualifiziert. Hierzu zählen sowohl Migrant:innen als auch Personen, die in Deutschland aufgewachsen sind. Um ihre Kompetenzen sichtbar zu machen, haben wir vier praxisorientierte Instrumente entwickelt: Kompetenz- und Berufekarten, meine-berufserfahrung.de und MYSKILLS.
Im ersten Teil der Präsentation gibt Sonja Schmöckel vom Bundesministerium für Arbeit, Familie und Jugend in Wien einen kompakten Einblick in die Funktionsweise und die Ausgestaltung der Ausbildungsgarantie in Österreich.
In den folgenden Folien gibt Dr. Mario Steiner vom Institut für Höhere Studien in Wien einige Einschätzungen zur Ausbildungsgarantie aus volkswirtschaftlicher Sicht.
Den abschließenden dritten Teil bildet eine Präsentation von Alexander Hölbl vom österreichischen Bundesministerium für Digitalisierung und Wirtschaftsstandort. Er referiert über Ergebnisse und Wirkungen der Ausbildungsgarantie.
Arbeitsmarktbedarfsanalyse zu beruflichen Kompetenzen und TeilqualifikationenBertelsmann Stiftung
Teilqualifizierungen können helfen, Menschen ohne Berufsabschluss aber mit Berufserfahrung in den Arbeitsmarkt zu integrieren. Denn die Mehrheit der deutschen Unternehmen (81,2 Prozent) ist bereit, Teilqualifizierten auch ohne Berufsabschluss eine Chance zu geben. Das zeigen die zentralen Ergebnisse unserer repräsentativen Unternehmensbefragung.
ETAPP ist ein vom Bundes¬ministerium für Bildung und Forschung gefördertes Projekt. Es hat die wich¬tige Aufgabe, alle Teilqualifikationen (TQ) bundesweit auf einheitliche Standards festzulegen, um so Unternehmen im Kampf gegen den Fachkräftemangel zu unterstützen. Gleichzeitig sollen sie arbeitsuchende und beschäftigte Erwachsene unkompliziert bei ihrer Qualifizierung weiterbringen – egal, wo in Deutschland.
Am 3. Juni 2020 hielt unser Experte Marcus Eckelt im Rahmen der öffentlichen Vorlesungsreihe Open BTU an der Brandenburgisch Technischen Universität Cottbus–Senftenberg die Online-Vorlesung "Was Corona für den Ausbildungsmarkt bedeutet". Darin erläutert er:
* Wie die duale Ausbildung in der nachschulischen Bildung systemisch eingebettet ist,
* welche quantitative Bedeutung die verschiedenen Bildungsteilsysteme haben sowie
* weshalb insbesondere Jugendliche mit maximal Hauptschulabschluss und Kleinstunternehmen vom absehbaren Rückgang der Ausbildungsverträge in Folge der Corona-Pandemie betroffen sind.
Ausgewählte Ergebnisse und Schlussfolgerungen aus dem Ländermonitor beruflich...Bertelsmann Stiftung
Bei der Jahrestagung der Sektion der Berufs- und Wirtschaftspädagogik der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Erziehungswissenschaft (DGfE) tauschten sich vom 25. bis zum 27. September 2019 in Graz mehr als 300 Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftler über aktuelle Forschungsprojekte und -entwicklungen aus.
Erstmals mit einem eigenen Beitrag auf dieser Konferenz vertreten war das Projekt Chance Ausbildung der Bertelsmann Stiftung. Claudia Burkard und Marcus Eckelt präsentierten zentrale Ergebnisse des eine Woche zuvor erschienenen Ländermonitors berufliche Bildung 2019 sowie die bildungspolitischen Schlussfolgerungen aus Sicht der Bertelsmann Stiftung.
Hervorgehoben wurde:
* Die Übergangschancen unterscheiden sich zwischen den Ländern deutlich. Bei ganz unterschiedlichen Voraussetzungen erreichen einige Länder Werte um die 80 Prozent bei der Vermittlung in vollqualifizierende Ausbildung.
* Die Passungsprobleme nehmen deutlich zu und es kommt zu einer Verschiebung der relativen Gewichtung zwischen den Ursachen; diese können eigenschaftsbezogen (in einem BA-Bezirk gibt es gleichzeitig unvermittelte Bewerber*innen und unbesetzte Ausbildungsplätze in einem Beruf), regional (unvermittelte Bewerber*innen und unbesetzte Ausbildungsplätze in einem Beruf befinden sich in unterschiedlichen BA-Bezirken) sowie berufsfachlich (unvermittelte Bewerber*innen und unbesetzte Stellen kommen nicht im gleichen Beruf vor) sein.
* Das Schulberufssystem wächst nur noch leicht. Innerhalb des Schulberufssystems kam es jedoch zu massiven Verschiebungen: Schulische Berufsausbildungen im Bereich Gesundheit, Erziehung und Soziales sind stark expandiert. Spiegelbildlich dazu gingen schulische Ausbildungen in Berufen mit Affinität zum dualen System zurück.
* Das gestiegene Ausbildungsplatzangebot hat die Übergangschancen der Jugendlichen insgesamt verbessert. Schüler*innen mit maximal Hauptschulabschluss haben jedoch weiterhin große Probleme bei der Ausbildungsplatzsuche.
Mehr zum Ländermonitor berufliche Bildung finden Sie hier: https://www.bertelsmann-stiftung.de/de/unsere-projekte/laendermonitor-berufliche-bildung/
The presentation shows the key findings and qualitative learnings of the #SmartHealthSystems study. 17 countries have been compared with regard to the digitalization of their respective healthcare systems. Further study results at https://smarthealthsystems.de/en
Weiterbildungssituation in den östlichen Bundesländern und aktuelle Herausfor...Bertelsmann Stiftung
Die Leiterinnen und Leiter der Volkshochschulen diskutierten am 12. und 13.03.2019 im Potsdam über aktuelle Herausforderungen und Zukunftsfragen der Weiterbildung. In diesem Rahmen stellten wir die Ergebnisse des aktuellen Deutschen Weiterbildungsatlas für die östlichen Bundesländer vor.
Die Ergebnisse des Deutschen Weiterbildungsatlas finden Sie hier: https://kreise.deutscher-weiterbildungsatlas.de/
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4. 4
Language,Identity,Politics-theMythofTwoUkrainesPolicyBrief
This study is published within a se-
ries of policy briefs on Europe and
its neighbours in the east and
south. In this series we publish pa-
pers commissioned or produced by
the Bertelsmann Stiftung in cooper-
ation with regional partners in the
framework of our work in this field
This policy brief is the product of
the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s cooper-
ation with the Warsaw-based Insti-
tute of Public Affairs (ISP).
The narrative of two Ukraines – the
existence of two separate cultural-
political communities within one
Ukrainian state – has accompanied
the relatively short history of inde-
pendent Ukraine from the very be-
ginning. Articulated by Mykola
Ryabchuk more than twenty years
ago1 and seemingly logical and
reasonable, it has become the fa-
vourite narrative of many Ukrainian
and international commentators
and analysts. One of these
Ukraines is pro-European, shares
liberal democracy values, wants to
join the European Union, “return to
Europe” and, what is very im-
portant, speaks Ukrainian. The
symbolic centre of this Ukraine is
Lviv. The other is nostalgic about
the Soviet Union, has close rela-
tions with contemporary Russia, is
hostile towards the West and does
not share “western” values. The
language of this other Ukraine is
Russian and its “capital” is Do-
netsk. Taking on board this narra-
tive simply means equating one’s
1
M. Ryabczuk, Two Ukraines?, East European
Reporter, vol. 5, no. 4, 1992.
2
M. Ryabczuk, Ukraine: One State, Two Coun-
tries? With Comments, Institute for Human Sci-
region of residence, political views,
and preferred language.
Ryabchuk himself already repudi-
ated this simplistic account some
time ago.2 However, the tale of two
Ukraines is still very popular and of-
ten uncritically reiterated and ex-
ploited in political games. One
could watch its new version after
the eruption of protests against the
suspension of signing of the asso-
ciation agreement with the EU by
former president Yanukovych.
Many commentators presented the
battle for Maidan as a conflict be-
tween the Russian-speaking East
and Ukrainian-speaking West. Cur-
rently, the same narrative is em-
ployed by president Putin, who jus-
tifies his intervention in Ukraine by
the need to protect the “Russian-
speaking” population against the
allegedly nationalistic Ukrainian-
speaking government and its chau-
vinistic supporters.
The tale of two Ukraines equates
language, national identity, region
of residence, and political orienta-
tion of all Ukrainian citizens. The
available empirical data, presented
in the text, demonstrates that there
are indeed some correlations be-
tween the preferred language, re-
gion of residence, and political
views, the perceptions of the neigh-
bouring states as well as prefer-
ences as to the future of their coun-
try. However, the situation is far
from being as unambiguous and
ences, available at: http://www.iwm.at/read-lis-
ten-watch/transit-online/ukraine-one-state-two-
countries/, accessed on March 10, 2014
5. 5
Language,Identity,Politics-theMythofTwoUkrainesPolicyBrief
unequivocal as the narrative of two
Ukraines would suggest. Although
the political attitudes of the popula-
tions of Lviv and Donetsk differ, it
does not imply that the preferred
language determines ethnic/na-
tional identity or geopolitical
choices. The language situation is
exceptionally complex, and the
boundaries along which the linguis-
tic dividing lines run are very
blurred. What follows, the tale of
two Ukraines, even though catchy
and attractive, does not reflect the
real diversity (linguistic, ethnic, or
political) of Ukrainian society. It
cannot justify the claim for the divi-
sion or even federalisation of the
Ukrainian state. What is more, irre-
spective of the region of residence,
the majority of the population of
Ukraine is sceptical of any divi-
sions, including federalisation, of
their country and believe that
Ukraine is their only home country.
Language preference, region of
residence, and national identity
The claim about two Ukraines can
be easily invalidated by juxtaposing
declarations about national iden-
tity, mother tongue, and the lan-
guage used in everyday situations.
These indicators are very differ-
ently distributed. A considerably
larger percentage of the Ukrainian
population speaks Russian than
claims Russian identity. In other
words, a large share of people who
identify themselves as ethnic
Ukrainians are Russophones.
An analysis of the empirical data,
indeed, illustrates certain tenden-
cies: a larger share of “easterners”
speak Russian, and “westerners” –
Ukrainian. Yet, the linguistic situa-
tion is more complex. Depending
on how the question about the lan-
guage is worded we can even
sometimes get diametrically differ-
ent answers. What is more, the
majority of Ukrainians are at
least passively bilingual – even if
they do not use one of the lan-
guages in everyday situations,
they understand it perfectly well. It
is not infrequent that while having a
conversation, one person speaks
Ukrainian and the other – Russian.
Besides, especially in central
Ukraine, many people speak so-
called “surzhik”, a combination of
Russian and Ukrainian. Yet, when
asked about their reliance on
surzhik, people may deny it and
claim that they actually speak ei-
ther Russian or Ukrainian.
According to census results (2001),
68% claim that their mother tongue
is Ukrainian and 30% – Russian.
There are also considerable re-
gional differences. In Lviv Oblast,
for example, as many as 95% con-
sider Ukrainian as their native lan-
guage, whereas in Donetsk Oblast
the figure is only 24%. Notably,
72% of the residents of the capital
claim that their mother tongue is
Ukrainian and only 25% that it is
Russian.
Yet, when we ask about the lan-
guage that respondents find easier
to speak, the situation is somewhat
6. 6
Language,Identity,Politics-theMythofTwoUkrainesPolicyBrief
different, and in Kyiv it is diametri-
cally different. When we compare
the census results and opinion
polls, it turns out that a considera-
ble share of Ukrainians consider
Ukrainian their mother tongue, yet
claim it is easier for them to speak
Russian.
Graph 1. Language preferences of
Ukrainians*
*The question was: “What language is it
easier for you to communicate in?”
Source: IPA opinion poll results, 20133
What is more, when respondents
were given more options, the lin-
guistic situation looks even more
complicated. Except for the west of
Ukraine, about 10% of the Ukrain-
ian population admit speaking
surzhik, and about 20% claim that
they speak both Russian and
Ukrainian at home, depending on
the situation. It is also noteworthy
that Russian is usually the pre-
3
The opinion poll was conducted by GfK
through telephone interviews on a sample of
1,000 adult respondents in June 2013. An addi-
tional 300 interviews were conducted in West-
ern Ukraine in order to better analyse the atti-
tudes of the inhabitants of this region. The anal-
ferred language of ethnic minori-
ties. For example, Crimean Tartars
predominantly speak Russian in
everyday situations.
Graph 2. Language used in everyday
conversations at home
Source: IPA opinion poll results, 2013
The research results demonstrate
that the preferred language is not
equivalent to ethnic identity, which
is particularly clear in the case of
the population in the east and south
of Ukraine. The juxtaposition of the
poll results regarding language and
ethnic identity demonstrates that a
considerable share of people who
prefer to use Russian in everyday
life consider themselves Ukrainian.
In the east, 72% claim to be Ukrain-
ian, yet only 6% claim that it is eas-
ier for them to speak Ukrainian.
ysis of the results was published as a report en-
titled “Poland – Ukraine, Poles – Ukrainians. A
Look Across the Border”, Joanna Fomina, Jo-
anna Konieczna-Sałamatin, Jacek Kucharczyk,
Łukasz Wenerski, IPA, Warsaw, 2013, available
at: http://www.isp.org.pl/publikacje,25,638.html
7. 7
Language,Identity,Politics-theMythofTwoUkrainesPolicyBrief
The situation in the south of the
country looks similar.
Graph 3. Declared nationality – regional
differences
Source: IPA opinion poll results, 2013
Notwithstanding any linguistic, po-
litical, or cultural differences, the
vast majority of Ukrainians con-
sider Ukraine their motherland.
Even in the south of the country,
88% believe that Ukraine is their
home country. This conviction is
even more popular among resi-
dents of the allegedly pro-Russian
east – 93% share this belief, in
comparison to the traditionally pat-
riotic west and centre (99%).
Graph 4. Do you consider Ukraine your
motherland?
Source: Razumkov Centre, opinion poll re-
sults, 2013
What is more, a dominating major-
ity of Ukrainians demonstrate patri-
otic feelings for Ukraine. Only 18%
in the south and 15% in the east do
not consider themselves patriots of
Ukraine.
Graph 5. Do you consider yourself a
patriot of Ukraine?
Source: Razumkov Centre, opinion poll re-
sults, 2013
In other words, even people who
prefer speaking Russian and/or live
in the east or south of the country
still predominantly consider
Ukraine their motherland and have
patriotic feelings for their country.
8. 8
Language,Identity,Politics-theMythofTwoUkrainesPolicyBrief
There are some correlations be-
tween language preferences and
region of residence on the one
hand, and national identity and pat-
riotism on the other, yet the results
by no means justify the “two
Ukraines” theory .
Language and values and atti-
tudes towards democracy
According to the two Ukraines nar-
rative, the Ukrainian-speaking pop-
ulation of Ukraine shares demo-
cratic values, and supports reforms
strengthening civic freedoms and
political rights, whereas the Rus-
sian-speakers are nostalgic about
the Soviet Union and do not mind
strong and centralised (authoritar-
ian) rule. Does such a division exist
in real life? We can check this on
the basis of the results of the sixth
edition of the World Value Survey –
an opinion poll conducted in
Ukraine in 2011 and 2012, i.e. dur-
ing the presidency of Viktor Yanu-
kovych.
The respondents were asked to as-
sess on the scale of 0 to 10 the im-
portance of living in a democratic
state. They were also asked about
the level of satisfaction about the
performance of democracy in their
own country. The results demon-
strate that there are no significant
differences between Russian- and
Ukrainian-speakers regarding de-
mocracy. The majority of Ukraini-
ans attached considerable im-
portance to living in a democrati-
cally governed state and were very
critical of the situation regarding
democracy in their own country, ir-
respective of whether they were
Russophones or Ukrophones.
Graph 6. Opinions on democracy as a
principle and as practice*
*The respondents were asked to assess
the importance of living in a democratic
state as well as satisfaction with the per-
formance of democracy in their own state
on a scale of 0 to 10.
Source: World Values Survey:
http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/
The respondents were also asked
about their support for democratic
and authoritarian forms of govern-
ment. The juxtaposition of the re-
sults demonstrates the internal di-
lemma of Ukrainians who on one
hand want to live in a democrati-
cally governed state, yet on the
other – long for a single strong
leader who will put their country in
order. Yet, the difficulty in choosing
either a democratic or an authori-
tarian form of governance was
faced by both Russian and Ukrain-
ian speakers alike. Needless to
say, it results from dissatisfaction
with the successive government
9. 9
Language,Identity,Politics-theMythofTwoUkrainesPolicyBrief
brought to power as a result of
(more or less) free elections.
Graph 7. Support for democratic and
authoritarian forms of governance
Source: World Values Survey:
http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/
The views of the Russian- and
Ukrainian-speaking population of
Ukraine do not differ considerably
regarding their trust towards the
authorities. People who prefer to
speak Russian in everyday life only
trusted the government under for-
mer president Yanukovych slightly
more often – the difference with
their Ukrainian-speaking fellow citi-
zens was just eight percentage
points. Slightly fewer people ex-
pressed trust in the parliament, with
the difference between the two
groups being just three percentage
points.
Graph 8. Confidence in parliament and
government
Source: World Values Survey:
http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/
The claim that Viktor Yanukovych
and the Party of Regions, although
disliked by the Ukrainian-speaking
population, enjoyed widespread
support and trust from Russian-
speakers is easily refuted on the
basis of these results. These re-
sults also demonstrate that we
should not jump to conclusions that
there are considerable differences
in political attitudes between peo-
ple according to linguistic dividing
lines.
Language and region of resi-
dence and geopolitical choices
of Ukrainians
So-called “multi-vector” orientation
in terms of geopolitics – assigning
relatively the same significance to
relations with the EU and Russia –
has been characteristic for both
Ukrainian politics and the attitudes
of Ukrainian society for the whole
period of independence. It has al-
ways been difficult for Ukrainians to
make a decided choice between
the west and the east. The reasons
for this state of affairs include the
geographical position, history, as-
sessments of (unfinished) systemic
10. 10
Language,Identity,Politics-theMythofTwoUkrainesPolicyBrief
transformation after regaining inde-
pendence, and the impact of the
mass media.
The already cited IPA opinion poll
(2013) demonstrates that the ma-
jority of Ukrainians would like to
see their country intensively coop-
erating with both the EU and Rus-
sia. The dominant group, 42% of
respondents, believed that intensi-
fication of relations both with the
EU and Russia was in the interest
of their state. However, among
those who were able to make an
unequivocal choice between the
two geopolitical options, the sup-
porters of the EU prevailed.
Twenty-seven per cent believed
that closer relations with the EU
were in the interest of Ukraine,
whereas the unequivocally Rus-
sian option was chosen by only
17%.
Graph 9. Opinions on closer
cooperation with European Union
Source: IPA opinion poll results, 2013
Graph 10. Opinions on closer
cooperation with Russia
Source: IPA opinion poll results, 2013
The majority of Ukrainians, irre-
spective of the language they
speak, believed that closer ties with
both the EU and Russia were im-
portant for the economic develop-
ment of Ukraine. The majority of
Russian-speakers and Ukrainian-
speakers also believed that inte-
gration with the EU is in the interest
of Ukraine. What is significant,
however, is that not only did the
majority of Russian-speakers be-
lieve that also closer ties with Rus-
sia were in the interest of Ukraine,
but also almost half of the Ukrain-
ian-speakers.
Thus, the “multi-vector” option was
the most popular choice among the
majority of Ukrainians, irrespective
of the language they speak. Yet,
when people were asked to make a
choice between integration with
Russia and integration with the EU,
regional differences emerged. Pre-
dictably the west and the centre
tended to choose the European
vector of integration, and the east –
the Russian one. What is signifi-
cant, however, is that the residents
of the south were divided in their
opinions regarding geopolitical
choices of their country – 45%
11. 11
Language,Identity,Politics-theMythofTwoUkrainesPolicyBrief
wanted their country to join the EU,
and 41% – to join the Customs Un-
ion of Russia, Kazakhstan, and
Belarus.
Graph 11. Supporters of the Eastern
and Western vectors of Ukraine's
integration – according to the two
Ukraines claim
Source: IPA opinion poll results, 2013
Graph 12. Supporters of the Eastern
and Western vectors of Ukraine's
integration – according to linguistic
differences
Source: IPA opinion poll results, 2013
Map 1. Supporters of the Western and Eastern direction of integration – regional
differences
73% supporters of the accession of Ukraine to the European Union
41% supporters of the accession of Ukraine to the customs union with Russia, Belarus
and Kazakhstan
Source: IPA opinion poll results, 2013
supporters of the ac-
cession of Ukraine to
the European Union
rs of the accession of
Ukraine
supporters of the
accession of
Ukraine to the cus-
toms union with
Russia, Belarus
and Kazakhstan
12. 12
Language,Identity,Politics-theMythofTwoUkrainesPolicyBrief
An interesting tendency can be ob-
served regarding the differences
between the south-east and the
centre-west. The latter is much
more supportive of integration with
the EU (66%) than the south-east
is of integration with Russia (49%),
whereas, irrespective of the pre-
ferred language, a larger share of
Ukrainians preferred integration
with the EU – 45% among Russo-
phones and 62% among Ukro-
phones – than with Russia (40%
and 16%, respectively).
Language and the perception of
Poland
Poland is often perceived by both
other EU member-states and its
eastern neighbours as a country
that strongly supports the pro-west-
ern and pro-European orientation
of Ukraine. At the same time, in
Russian propaganda, Poland is of-
ten presented as a country that is
trying to forcefully make Ukraine
join the EU. According to the two
Ukraines claim, thus, we could ex-
pect that the perception of Poland
would be different depending on
the language preferred and the re-
gion of residence of the respond-
ents.
IPA research results demonstrate
that Poland enjoys a very positive
perception across Ukrainian soci-
ety. Neither preferred language nor
region of residence were of signifi-
cance regarding the perception of
how the Polish state functions.
Both the population in the east and
the west believed that the Polish
government takes good care of its
citizens and that Poles can fully en-
joy their rights and civil liberties.
Taking into account that Poland is
an EU member state most fre-
quently visited by Ukrainians, to a
certain extent these results can be
extrapolated to the whole of the
EU.
Graph 13. Opinions on the situation in
Poland – regional differences
Source: IPA opinion poll results, 2013
Graph 14. Opinions on the situation in
Poland – differences according to
language preference
Source: IPA opinion poll results, 2013
13. 13
Language,Identity,Politics-theMythofTwoUkrainesPolicyBrief
Region of residence and views
on federalisation and separa-
tism
The narrative about two Ukraines is
often employed to justify the pro-
posals for the political division of
Ukraine, either federalisation or a
split into two separate political enti-
ties, or uniting parts of Ukraine with
another state (Russia). However,
public opinion is predominantly
hostile to any such changes, both
in the west and in the east. More
than half of the population in all the
regions – with 53% in the east be-
ing the lowest score – are critical of
the idea of the federalisation of
Ukraine. This goes against the
grain of popular perceptions about
the widespread desire of eastern
Ukrainians to see their region as
part of a federation rather than the
unitary state of Ukraine. What is in-
teresting, about 20% (with some re-
gional differences) find it hard to
answer a question on the federali-
sation of Ukraine. These citizens
are easy to persuade either one
way or the other. In addition, many
may simply want greater decentral-
isation of the state, and not federal-
isation.
Graph 15. Support for the idea of
Ukraine as a federal state
Source: Razumkov Centre, opinion poll re-
sults, 2013
The idea of splitting Ukraine into
two states enjoys even less sup-
port. More than 70% of Ukrainians
in all regions do not support sepa-
rating parts of Ukraine by creating
a state covering the south-east re-
gions. The greatest difference is
between the east and the west,
which is only nine percentage
points.
Graph 16. Support for the idea of
creating two independent states (the
south-eastern oblasts vs. the western
and central oblasts)
14. 14
Language,Identity,Politics-theMythofTwoUkrainesPolicyBrief
Source: Razumkov Centre, opinion poll re-
sults, 2013
Separatist tendencies are not pop-
ular in Ukraine, irrespective of the
region of residence. Only 5% in the
east and 13% in the south would
like their oblast to create an inde-
pendent state, separate from
Ukraine.
Graph 17. Support for separating one’s
native oblast and creating an
independent state
Source: Razumkov Centre, opinion poll re-
sults, 2013
Joining Russia is almost equally
unpopular. The vast majority of
Ukrainians, irrespective of how
close to Russia they live, does not
want their oblast to join Russia –
more than 70% in all regions. For-
saking Ukraine for the sake of Rus-
sia is popular among not more than
14% of the residents of the south-
east. These results are especially
significant in the face of the
pseudo-referendum, engineered
by the Russian authorities in Cri-
mea.
Graph 18. Support for the idea of
separating the south-eastern regions of
Ukraine and forcing them to unite with
Russia?
Source: Razumkov Centre, opinion poll re-
sults, 2013
Finally, despite the fact that the re-
search shows that regional differ-
ences between the east and the
west are not that significant and do
not justify the claim about two
Ukraines, this narrative has be-
come relatively popular also within
Ukrainian society itself, especially
in the east and south. One third of
Ukrainians living in the east and
south believe that the differences
between the two parts of Ukraine
are so significant that they may re-
sult in the division of Ukraine in the
15. 15
Language,Identity,Politics-theMythofTwoUkrainesPolicyBrief
future. This conviction is consider-
ably less popular in the centre and
especially in the west – this opinion
is shared by 16% and 10%, respec-
tively. It appears that the impact of
the Russian media is key here to
understanding these regional dif-
ferences. The Russian media have
been promoting the idea of the “na-
tionalistic” west that is so different
from the east of Ukraine. As a re-
sult, the belief in some insurmount-
able differences between the east-
erners and westerners is twice as
popular in the east as it is in the
west of Ukraine. Yet, it is significant
that despite such propaganda, the
majority of Ukrainians, including
the east and south, deny that a two-
state solution is possible.
Graph 19. Belief that the split of
Ukraine is possible due to
irreconcilable differences between
regions*
* The question was: “Do you believe in the
existence of deep political contradictions,
language and cultural barriers, and eco-
nomic disparity between the citizens of the
western and eastern regions of Ukraine
that in future may result in the separation
of these regions and/or the creation of
separate independent states on Ukraine’s
territory, or make those regions unite with
other states?”
Source: Razumkov Centre, opinion poll re-
sults, 2013
Crimea – poles apart?
Once we have seen that the differ-
ences between the populations of
the east and the west of Ukraine
are not that considerable, the ques-
tion arises whether Crimea is poles
apart from the rest of Ukraine. It is
often emphasised that Crimea only
joined Ukraine in the 1950s and
has never become really Ukrainian
in spirit. Crimea is also the native
land of the Crimean Tartars, who
make up 16% of the peninsula’s
population, according to the 2001
census.
The Crimean population, compris-
ing a considerable group of ethnic
Russians who settled there during
the communist times as well as
families of the Black Sea Fleet
members, is indeed much more fa-
vourably oriented towards Russia
than towards the EU. According to
the results of an opinion poll, con-
ducted in Crimea in May 2013, sim-
ilarly to the east of the country, 53%
of the Crimean population would
rather see Ukraine join the union
with Russia, Kazakhstan, and Bel-
arus than the EU (supported by
17%), if they had to make a single
choice. It is also noteworthy that
one third of the population did not
support any of the two options.
16. 16
Language,Identity,Politics-theMythofTwoUkrainesPolicyBrief
Graph 20. Support for joining the
European Union and the Customs
Union with Russia*
* The questions was: “If Ukraine was able
to enter only one international economic
union, which entity should it be?”
Source: International Republican Institute,
2013
Yet, as the results of the poll
demonstrate, the population of Cri-
mea neither felt that Russian
speakers were in a disadvantaged
situation, nor the majority wanted
Crimea to change its country alle-
giance. The official motivation be-
hind Russia’s military intervention
and the following annexation of Cri-
mea was the protection of its Rus-
sian-speaking population, allegedly
suffering discrimination under
Ukrainian rule. However, an opin-
ion poll, conducted in Crimea in
May 2013, demonstrates that only
six per cent of the population
claims that the status of the Rus-
sian language was one of the three
issues most important to them per-
sonally.
What is more, the majority of the
Crimean population supported the
status quo – autonomy within
Ukraine. Twelve per cent wanted to
have Crimean Tatar autonomy –
the percentage is close to the share
of Crimean Tatars in the population
of the peninsula, whereas annexa-
tion by Russia was supported by
less than one-fourth of the popula-
tion.
Graph 21. Opinions on the status of
Crimea (in %)
Source: International Republican Institute,
2013
An even more recent opinion poll
shows that although a rather con-
siderable share of the Crimean
population would like to see
Ukraine and Russia join into one
state, it is not the majority of the
population. According to the results
of the poll conducted in February
2014, several weeks before the ref-
erendum, only 41% believed that
Russia and Ukraine should unite
into one state.
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Language,Identity,Politics-theMythofTwoUkrainesPolicyBrief
It is likely that Russian media prop-
aganda has convinced more peo-
ple of the threats following the
change of central government in
Ukraine, and thus the support for
separating Crimea from Ukraine
and joining Russia has increased.
Yet, it is hard to believe that Crime-
ans have changed their minds en
masse within such a short period of
time – according to the results of
the Crimean referendum presented
by the Russian side, more than
90% voted for joining Russia.
The analysis of the turnout dynam-
ics during the referendum, the re-
sults of earlier opinion polls, the
fact that Russian citizens were al-
lowed to take part in the referen-
dum, the boycott of the referendum
by Crimean Tartars (12-16% of the
population) and the turnout in some
places exceeded 100%, all point to
the fact that the results of the refer-
endum have been considerably
manipulated. What is more, there
was no space for balanced infor-
mation campaign showing pros and
cons of joining Russia. The referen-
dum was prepared within three
weeks during a considerable politi-
cal crisis in the country with the
presence of Russian troops in the
peninsula. A referendum under the
barrel of a Kalashnikov can hardly
be called free and fair.
All in all, the public opinion poll re-
sults show that Crimea is not signif-
icantly different from the rest of
Ukraine and even the territorially
modified version of the two
Ukraines’ claim is not justified.
What is more, support for economic
integration with the Russian-led
customs union is not tantamount to
separatist tendencies and the de-
sire to become part of Russia.
Conclusions
It goes without saying that Ukrain-
ian society is diverse in terms of
language and culture as well as at-
titudes and opinions regarding the
future of their state. However, all
explanations based on the divi-
sions according to language prefer-
ences are considerable simplifica-
tions and do not reflect the real sit-
uation, but rather impose precon-
ceived notions, which are largely
unfair to Ukrainians and dangerous
in terms of the future of the Ukrain-
ian state. Ukrainians may not agree
on many issues, yet, Ukrainian so-
ciety does not consist of two mono-
liths or two internally coherent cul-
tural-political communities. There-
fore, the widely-used category of
“Russian speakers” is largely irrel-
evant as an explanation of socio-
political divisions within Ukrainian
society.
To sum up:
Both ethnic Russians and
Ukrainians often choose to
speak Russian. Many Ukrain-
ian patriots with strongly pro-
western views may speak Rus-
sian at home and in everyday
situations.
Both Russian- and Ukrainian-
speakers were strongly critical
of the former president Viktor
18. 18
Language,Identity,Politics-theMythofTwoUkrainesPolicyBrief
Yanukovych and the govern-
ment of the Party of Regions.
The majority of Ukrainians be-
lieve that close cooperation
with both the European Union
and Russia is in the interest of
their state. Yet, when they
need to make a single geopo-
litical choice, the majority pre-
fer the European vector of inte-
gration, irrespective of the lan-
guage they speak.
Whereas, when people are
forced to make a single choice
between European integration
and the Russia-led customs
union, regional differences re-
surface. The population in the
west and centre prefer the EU
and the east prefers the Rus-
sian model of integration. Pub-
lic opinion in the south is di-
vided.
Irrespective of the region of
residence or the preferred lan-
guage, the majority of Ukraini-
ans would like to live in a dem-
ocratic state.
After several of years of Viktor
Yanukovych’s rule, the major-
ity of Ukrainians, irrespective
of their preferred language,
were critical of his presidency
and the government of the
Party of Regions.
A decisive majority of Ukraini-
ans also have a very positive
perception of the situation in
Poland. Irrespective of the pre-
ferred language or region of
residence, Ukrainians believe
that the Polish state takes
good care of its citizens and
Poles enjoy their rights and
civil liberties.
The majority of Ukrainians, ir-
respective of the language
they speak or the region they
live in, do not share separatist
sentiments. They do not sup-
port either the idea of creating
two states or separating their
region or oblast from Ukraine
and making it independent or
joining Russia.
Support for close economic co-
operation with Russia is not
tantamount to the desire to join
the Russian state in any region
of Ukraine.
Even in Crimea, less than one
quarter of the whole population
would like to see their region
join Russia. The majority sup-
ported the status quo – Crimea
being part of Ukraine and hav-
ing an autonomous status.
The overwhelming majority of
Ukrainians, irrespective of lan-
guage or region of residence,
consider themselves patriots of
Ukraine and see Ukraine as
their motherland.
Dr. Joanna Fomina is a sociologist
in the European Studies Unit of
the Polish Academy of Sciences
and IPA associate expert.