1. Election 2019- Rise of BJP and
Downfall of Congress (1989-2019)
Submitted By : Yash Raj Chandak
Submitted To : Mr. Praveen Sain
Class : 12 Humanities
2. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I would like to express my special thanks of gratitude to my teacher
Mr. Praveen Sain, director ma’am Mrs. Meera Singh and principal Mr.
Sisir Kumar Patra who gave me this golden opportunity to do this
wonderful project on the topic “Election 2019- Rise of BJP and
Downfall of Congress(1989-2019)”, which helped me in doing a lot of
research work and dive deep into the subject. I am really thankful to
them. Secondly, I would also like to thank my parents and friends who
helped me a lot in finishing this project within the limited time. I am
making this project not only for marks but also for enhancing my
knowledge.
THANKS AGAIN TO ALL WHO HELPED ME
3. PREFACE
Title Page No.
Title Page 01
Acknowledgement 02
Index 03
Preface 04
BJP 05
INC 09
Rise of BJP 12
BJP Marketing Stratgies 19
Election 2014 22
Election 2019 26
BJP > CONGRESS 29
Conclusion 40
Bibliography 41
4. PREFACE
Bhartiya Janta Party leader Narendra Modi’s election juggernaut in the 2014 Lok Sabha
polls is an example of how to prepare and successfully implement a marketing,
branding campaign loaded with efforts to attain efficient governance and
administrative system alongwith reaching the best for India. BJP made Narendra Modi
its face in order to gain popularity which led to massive opening of vote bank for the
same. After the 2014 elections, the government worked hard enough, made some
courageous and bold moves in order to eradicate mishappenings and corruption, which
led to it gaining trust in the eyes of people. The people voted BJP to power again in
2019, where it left no stone unturned to slap congress on the face by clearly
highlighting the malpractices used by the party to gain power. This led to the downfall
of INC and rise of BJP. This case study touches upon the same and clearly shows how
BJP laid down stratergies in order to pave away a path for itself in order to conquer
India and estabilish efficient governance.
5. BHARTIYA JANATA PARTY (BJP)
The Bharatiya Janata Party is a political party in India, and one of
the two major Indian political parties alongside the Indian
National Congress. Since 2014, it has been the ruling political
party in India under Shri Narendra Modi, the incumbent Indian
prime minister. The BJP is aligned with right-wing politics, and its
policies adhere to Hindutva, a Hindu nationalist ideology. It has
close ideological and organisational links to the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). As of March 2023, it is the country's
largest political party in terms of representation in the Parliament
of India as well as state legislatures. The official ideology of the
BJP is integral humanism, first formulated by Deendayal
Upadhyaya in 1965. The party advocates social conservatism and
a foreign policy centred on nationalist principles. Major actions
include criminalising the practice of triple talaq, major foreign
policy changes and revoking Article 370 of the Indian
constitution, which granted autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir,
and also abrogating its statehood.
6. HISTORY OF THE PARTY
The party's origins lie in the Bhartiya Jana Sangh, which was founded in 1951 by Indian politician Shyama
Prasad Mukherjee. After The Emergency of 1975–1977, the Jana Sangh merged with several other political
parties to form the Janata Party; it defeated the then-incumbent Indian National Congress in the 1977
general election. After three years in power, the Janata Party dissolved in 1980, with the members of the
erstwhile Jana Sangh reconvening to form the modern-day BJP. Although initially unsuccessful—winning only
two seats in the 1984 general election, it grew in strength on the back of the movement around Ram
Janmabhoomi in Uttar Pradesh. Following victories in several state elections and better performances in
national elections, the BJP became the largest political party in the Parliament in 1996; however, it lacked a
majority in the lower house of Parliament, and its government, under its then-leader Atal Bihari Vajpayee,
lasted for only 13 days. After the 1998 general election, the BJP-led coalition known as the National
Democratic Alliance (NDA) under prime minister Vajpayee formed a government that lasted for a year.
Following fresh elections, the NDA government—again headed by Vajpayee—lasted for a full term in office;
this was the first non-Congress government to do so. In the 2004 general election, the NDA suffered an
unexpected defeat, and for the next ten years, the BJP was the principal opposition party. Narendra Modi,
then the chief minister of Gujarat, led the party to a landslide victory in the 2014 general election. Modi has
since led the NDA government as Indian prime minister, including being re-elected in the 2019 general
election. As of December 2022, the alliance governs 16 Indian states and union territories.
7. MAJOR BJP LEADERS
Syama Prasad Mukherjee Atal Bihari Vajpayee Lal Krishna Advani Narendra Modi
8.
9. INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS (INC)
The Indian National Congress (INC) is one of the two major political
parties in India, along with its main rival the Bharatiya Janata Party. It is a
"big tent" party whose platform is generally considered to lie in the
centre to centre-left of Indian politics. On social issues, it advocates
secular policies that encourage equal opportunity, right to health, right
to education, civil liberty, and support social market economy, and a
strong welfare state. Being a centre-left party, its policies predominantly
reflected balanced positions including secularism, egalitarianism,
and social stratification. The INC supports contemporary economic
reforms such as liberalisation, privatisation and globalization. A total of
61 people have served as the president of the INC since its
formation. Sonia Gandhi is the longest-serving president of the party,
having held office for over twenty years from 1998 to 2017 and again
from 2019 till 2022. Mallikarjun Kharge is the current serving President.
The party's campaign emphasised social inclusion and the welfare of the
common masses—an ideology that Gandhi herself endorsed for
Congress during her presidency—with slogans such as Congress ka
haath, aam aadmi ke saath ("Congress hand in hand with the common
man"), contrasting with the NDA's "India Shining" campaign.
10. HISTORY OF THE PARTY
After Indian independence in 1947, Congress emerged as a catch-all and secular party, dominating Indian
politics for the next 20 years. The party's first Prime Minister, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, led the Congress to
support socialist policies by creating the Planning Commission, introducing Five-Year Plans, implementing a
mixed economy, and establishing a secular state. After Nehru's death and the short tenure of Lal Bahadur
Shastri, Indira Gandhi became the leader of the party. In 1969, the party suffered a major split, with a faction led
by Indira Gandhi leaving to form the Congress (R), with the remainder becoming the Congress (O). The
Congress (R) became the dominant faction, winning the 1971 general election with a huge margin. However,
another split occurred in 1979, leading to the creation of the Congress (I), which was recognized as the
Congress by the Electoral Commission in 1981. Under Rajiv Gandhi's leadership, the party won a massive
victory in the 1984 general elections, nevertheless losing the election held in 1989 to the National Front. The
Congress then returned to power under P. V. Narasimha Rao, who moved the party towards an economically
liberal agenda, a sharp break from previous leaders. However, it lost the 1996 general election and was
replaced in government by the National Front. Manmohan Singh formed a government post-winning 2004
general elections. Subsequently, the UPA again formed the government after winning the 2009 general
elections, and Singh became the first Prime Minister since Nehru in 1962 to be re-elected after completing a full
five-year term. However, in the 2014 general election, the Congress suffered a heavy defeat, winning only 44
seats of the 543-member Lok Sabha (the lower house of the Parliament of India). In the 2019 general election,
the party again suffered a heavy defeat, winning only 52 seats in the Lok Sabha. In the 17 general elections
since independence, it has won an outright majority on seven occasions and has led the ruling coalition a
further three times, heading the central government for more than 54 years.
12. BJP’s Rise : Confluence of Factors
The BJP’s rise to power can be attributed partly to Advani’s organisational skills, as well as the party’s return to
the Hindutva agenda while keeping the liberal image of Vajpayee alive in popular memory. What further helped
the party was the fact that the electorate wanted a change from the long years of Congress rule. Slogans like
“Party with a difference” and an appeal to the electorate to give the BJP a chance captured the confidence of the
electorate. A little over six years of the Vajpayee government, between 1998 and 2004, established the party as
a credible alternative to the Congress. However, the BJP-led NDA lost the next two general elections due to
various factors, making way for a Congress-led coalition, the United Progressive Alliance (UPA), to run the
government until a series of scams, high inflation and unemployment and policy paralysis grounded it in the
2014 elections. This time, the BJP was led by Modi, a four-time chief minister of Gujarat and the party’s prime
ministerial candidate. He managed to capitalise on the popular discontent against the UPA government and won
the party a majority, on its own, in Lok Sabha. The last time a party had won a majority on its own was when the
Congress won 404 seats in the 1984 elections that followed the assassination of Indira Gandhi. Ever since Modi
became prime minister on 26 May 2014, the BJP has been working like a well-oiled electoral machine. It has won
one state election after another and is dominating the national discourse like no other party has done in recent
memory.
13. (1) MODI – SHAH PARTNERSHIP
The rise of Modi has also marked the rise of Amit Shah as BJP president. Rajnath Singh, who headed the party in the
run-up to the 2014 electoral victory, reportedly wanted to continue in the post and stay out of the government. But
this was not acceptable to Modi as that could have meant a dual power centre. Rajnath Singh had an excellent rapport
with the RSS and that is why Modi did not want him to continue. The name of party General Secretary J P Nadda, a
politician from Himachal Pradesh, was brought into contention and the RSS was agreeable to him. The move was made
to juxtapose Shah against Nadda. Modi resolved it by inducting Singh and Nadda into his cabinet and appointing Shah,
his old and trusted colleague from Gujarat, as party president. This was an exception to the long-held convention that
the prime minister and the party president should come from different states. Shah has galvanised the party, bringing
in a certain ruthlessness and unprecedented administrative acumen in the way the organisation is run. It is said that
his party colleagues are more “in awe” of him than admiring. Upon taking charge, Shah introduced many changes in
the party’s administrative style and structure. He modernised the party set-up and developed a system that rewards
individuals who deliver. He ushered in a corporate-style system of vertical heads for programmes, in contrast to the
horizontal nature of the party under the previous presidents. For Shah and the party, elections are “nothing less than
war”. His advice to party colleagues after taking charge was: Elections are to be fought with clarity of mind and with
the single objective of victory. He enjoys the total support of Modi, stands firm in his decisions and brooks no
interference from any leader. Shah has also developed closer working relations with the RSS, as a result of which the
RSS leadership and functionaries are playing a bigger role in running the oganisation.
14. (2) CENTRALISED DECISION MAKING
Earlier, all major policy decisions of the party were taken after broad-based consultation among top leaders in what
was described as the “core group concept”. Decision-making is now centralised, with all the important decisions
being made at the level of Modi and Shah, which are then conveyed to the others at the appropriate party fora. In
the earlier system, over half-a-dozen central leaders were involved in deliberations and decision-making. In matters
relating to particular states, important state leaders were taken into confidence; today decisions are merely
conveyed to them. The RSS, parent ideological organisation of the Sangh Parivar, was established by KB Hedgewar
on the principle of “ek chalak anuvartitva (follow one leader)”, which was continued by his successor MS Golwalkar.
Later, the third RSS chief Balasaheb Deoras introduced the concept of “sah chalak anuvartitva (follow many
leaders)” and “sarv samaveshak (inclusive leadership)”. Apparently, the Modi-Shah duo prefers the Hedgewar-
Golwalkar model of leadership and decision-making. Senior leaders such as former Deputy Prime Minister LK Advani
and former party chief and union minister Murli Manohar Joshi have been sidelined from the decision-making
processes and made members of a newly constituted committee, the ‘Margdarshak Mandal’, which has not even
met. Former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee (now deceased) and Prime Minister Modi have also been part of
this committee. The new style of centralised decision-making is less time-consuming. The party’s command
structure has helped the party to implement its policies and programmes effectively, as loyalty can be commanded
from the top.
15. (3) EMPHASIS ON YOUNG AND HINDUTVA HARDLINERS
The party’s emphasis is on young leaders. In the states where the BJP has won assembly elections, relatively
unknown and low-profile leaders have been picked up as chief ministers. Most of them were handpicked by the
prime minister and are assumed to be loyal to him. Some examples are Manohar Lal Khattar in Haryana,
Devendra Fadnavis in Maharashtra, Raghubar Das in Jharkhand, Biplab Dasgupta in Tripura—all of whom have an
RSS background. All these new leaders, whether in the government or in the party, are Hindutva hardliners. All
those from the non-RSS background, brought into the party during the Vajpayee-Advani era, have been neglected
or pushed out. These include Yashwant Sinha, Arun Shourie, Varun Gandhi and Sunil Shastri. By making Hindutva
the motivational force of the party and bringing in its followers to key positions in the party as well as in the state
governments, the party’s top leadership is getting a harder grip on the party’s organisation. Decisions being
made at the top rungs of leadership are being effectively implemented. At the same time, the new leadership is
proving useful in keeping alive the momentum of militant nationalism and the underlying narrative of upholding
the majority community’s core interests, thus helping the party in its electoral quests.
16. (4) THE MODI ASPECT
Pitching a specific leader as a driver of change and to mobilise voters' support is hardly a new political strategy. After
all, the BJP had projected L.K. Advani and Atal Bihari Vajpayee its prime ministerial candidates in the past (remember
the Ab ki baari Atal Bihari slogan in 1996?). The Congress party's projection of Indira Gandhi as the country's tallest
leader with its 'Indira lao desh bachao' tagline in the 1970s is another such example. But the personal rhetoric had
been tied, and sometimes made subservient, to the political parties to which these leaders belonged. With his
landslide win in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, Narendra Modi had rewritten the rules of the game and redefined
Indian politics. Brand Modi has not only captured popular imagination but also trumped Brand BJP. How did it
happen? David Aaker, American marketing guru and author of several books on branding, wrote in an April 2012 blog
post that every person has a brand that affects how the person is perceived and whether he or she is liked and
respected. This brand, he says, can be actively managed with discipline and consistency over time, or it can be
allowed to drift. Modi and his marketing team showed oodles of both once he was anointed the BJP's prime
ministerial candidate on September 13 last year. In fact, they had been at it from much before. Modi's transformation
over the past year from a regional, right-wing politician to a decisive leader with a clear development agenda, the
one best suited to take India forward is nothing short of extraordinary. Senior BJP leaders Piyush Goyal and Ajay
Singh handled the overall media strategy, and a task force was constituted to handle Modi's campaign in Varanasi.
Advertising legends such as Ogilvy & Mather's Piyush Pandey, McCann Worldgroup's Prasoon Joshi and Sam Balsara
of Madison World lent their skills at various levels. Advertising agency Soho Square, part of the WPP Group, handled
television, radio and print campaigns with catchy slogans such as "Ab ki Baar Modi Sarkar".
17. STONES TO TURN : THE MODI GAME
Modi's team faced three main challenges when it set out to project him as the country's next prime minister. One, the
three-time Gujarat chief minister was a regional brand trying to go national. Two, the 63-year-old was seeking to connect
with the youth considering that this year's election had almost 150 million first-time voters. Modi, who rarely chooses to
speak in English, was trying also to connect with the urban, middle-class audience that is becoming more politically
conscious. Finally, and most importantly, he carried the taint of the 2002 anti-Muslim riots in Gujarat. The one event that,
perhaps, helped Modi the most in making a mark on the national scene was the shifting in 2008 of Tata Motors' factory
for the Nano minicar from West Bengal to Gujarat. Farmers in West Bengal, backed by firebrand politician Mamata
Banerjee, now the state's chief minister, had been protesting land acquisition for the plant by Tata Motors. Modi provided
the company land and other incentives almost overnight. In the process, he also established himself as a champion for
industry and development. According to Y.L.R Moorthi, Professor of Marketing at the Indian Institute of Management,
Bangalore, there is a difference between a regional brand going national and a politician going national. He says Modi was
known outside Gujarat even before he decided to move beyond the state, just as Nitish Kumar and J. Jayalalithaa, chief
ministers of Bihar and Tamil Nadu, respectively, are known. But these regional leaders didn't venture out of their home
states in the recent elections. Modi did. And he did it at a massive scale - he attended more than 5,000 events and 470
political rallies across the length and breadth of the country.
18. MASTERMIND MODI
On February 6, 2013, more than six months before he was named as the BJP's choice for the prime minister's post, Modi
addressed students at Delhi's Shri Ram College of Commerce. He talked about Gujarat's model of development. He
spoke passionately about the need for speed in government decision-making and about the need to improve skills of the
youth to accelerate economic growth. That speech won him many young admirers. One of them is the second-year
student Sulabh Newatia, who says he decided to cast his vote for the BJP after listening to Modi's speech. "I see him as a
visionary who can take the nation forward," says the 19-year-old from Kolkata. Modi, an excellent orator, has delivered
scores of similar speeches since then. He highlighted slowing economic growth, high inflation and lack of new jobs -
issues which immediately resonate with young and urban voters - while blaming the Congress-led United Progressive
Alliance government for the problems. After the elections were announced, his marketing team bombarded voters with
print, television and radio advertisements with the same themes. It reached voters through text messages and Modi's
recorded voice seeking votes for himself. It also tapped into social media platforms such as Facebook, YouTube and
Twitter - Modi has about four million Twitter followers - to magnify the impact of the advertising and branding
campaign. The impact of this relentless campaigning has been felt across different age groups, geographies and sections
of society, says political analyst Manisha Priyam. "I have even heard young children, far removed from such debate,
mentioning the word 'NaMo'," she says, referring to a sobriquet for Narendra Modi. The carefully crafted moniker also
appeals to the traditional Hindus - the BJP's main vote bank - because of its religious connotation, as the Sanskrit word
Namo is used as a salutation reserved for the Hindu gods.
21. SLOGANS
1.अबकी बार, मोदी सरकार
2.अच्छे ददन आएं गे
3.सबका साथ, सबका दिकास
4.साल एक, शुरुआत अनेक
5.मेरा देश बदल रहा है, आगे बढ़ रहा है
6.साथ है, दिश्वास है, हो रहा दिकास है
7.साफ दनयत, सही दिकास
8.काम करे जो, उम्मीद उसी से हो
9.मै भी चौकीदार
22. ELECTION 2014
General elections were held in India in nine phases from 7 April to 12 May 2014 to elect the members of the 16th Lok
Sabha. With 834 million registered voters, they were the largest-ever elections in the world until being surpassed by the
2019 elections. Around 23.1 million or 2.7% of the total eligible voters were aged 18–19 years. A total of 8,251
candidates contested the 543 elected Lok Sabha seats. The average election turnout over all nine phases was around
66.40%, the highest ever in the history of Indian general elections. The results were declared on 16 May, 15 days before
the 15th Lok Sabha completed its constitutional mandate on 31 May 2014. The counting exercise was held at 989
counting centers. The Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) received 31% of the vote and won 282 seats, while its National
Democratic Alliance won a total of 336 seats. The BJP's vote share was the lowest by a party winning a majority of seats
since independence, The BJP won 31.0% votes, while NDA's combined vote share was 38.5%. However, the governing
coalition had the largest majority since the 1984 elections, and it was the first time since 1984 that a party had won
enough seats to govern without the support of other parties. In contrast, the result was the worst-ever performance by
the Indian National Congress(INC), which had ruled India for most of its post-independence history. The INC received
19.3% of the vote and won only 44 seats, with its wider alliance, the United Progressive Alliance, winning a total of just
59.In order to become the official opposition party in India, a party must have 55 seats; as a result, there was no official
opposition party.
23.
24. THE SCENARIO AFTER 2014 ELECTIONS
The 2014 general election dealt the Congress an electoral punch that knocked the wind out of its sails. It also
threw up a leader in Narendra Modi that was reminiscent of Indira Gandhi with a larger than life image and that
resulted in a tectonic shift of political equilibrium in Delhi from the middle of the centre ideological pinning of the
Congress to the right wing brand of politics of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) which rolled out a new political
discourse promising to usher in a new India free from the Congress. In the aftermath of these elections, journalistic
and academic narratives focussing on the decline of the Congress party in the country’s political arena abounded
and red flags were raised within the party circles to arrest its terminal downslide and save it from being
marginalised. The party went into a huddle but internal dissensions and lack of visionary strategies failed to revive
its electoral fortunes. It lost the state elections held in 2015-2016 in quick succession and conceded the remaining
political space to the BJP which was on a roll. The recent assembly elections held in Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand,
Punjab, Manipur and Goa in March were a kind of a referendum on demonetisation undertaken by Modi and a
midterm appraisal of the BJP government. The issue of demonetisation created a sharp political divide and
provided the Congress the much needed opportunity not only in stopping the saffron juggernaut but also in
reversing its losing streak and making a political U-turn.
25. The electorate of Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand handed the saffron party one of the biggest state election mandates in
independent India. The Congress registered a consolation win in Punjab and emerged as the largest party in Manipur and
Goa (in terms of seats, but lagged behind the BJP in terms of popular votes) but still lost the opportunity to form the
government in the smaller states. This was largely due to poor negotiations by the party’s state interlocutors and the flip flop
by its national leadership. The declining wheel turned a full circle and the Congress is in power now in only six states---
Karnataka, Himachal Pradesh, Punjab, Mizoram and Meghalaya on its own and in Bihar as a junior partner in an alliance. On
the other hand, the BJP has extended its political reach and rules in 17 states either on its own or in alliance. The electoral
map of India has turned almost saffron signalling the rise of the BJP as a dominant player in the country’s politics. The
electoral shrinkage of the Congress after the elections in the above mentioned five states has once again started the debate
in the public domain over its imminent decline with some over-enthusiastic political observers even writing obituaries and
penning requiems. The Congress under Nehru was an omnibus party which co-opted the ideological shades of the
rightcentre-left and built a consensus to rule India giving no leeway to political parties of left and right orientation to spread
their political and electoral wings. The leadership and party organisation were in equilibrium and equally strong with no
major opposition to challenge its supremacy. The ascendancy of Indira after a tough fight with right leadership in the
Congress and subsequent expulsion paved the way for centre to left policies making her one of the most popular leader of
her time. The charismatic leadership of Indira weakened the party rank and file and she banked on centralised and
authoritative decisions to rule the country and maintain the single party dominance of the Congress. The party at present
does not have a strong leader and workable structure and its ideological agenda of leftist-welfareist policies for the poor has
been hijacked by the BJP which is using it cleverly to position itself as the single dominant party in Indian politics. The
Congress needs to rewrite its ideological agenda and open the entry gates of the party for people with rightist views within
its broad spectrum of secular politics to counter the BJP surge in the country. The party can revive itself by rebuilding the
party organisation by repopulating its cadres with foot soldiers and flag bearers at the grassroots level and set up realistic
goals to do a political rebound in the distant future.
26. ELECTIONS 2019
General elections were held in India in seven phases from 11 April to 19 May 2019 to elect the members of
the 17th Lok Sabha. Votes were counted and the result was declared on 23 May. Around 912 million people
were eligible to vote, and voter turnout was over 67 percent – the highest ever, as well as the highest ever
participation by women voters. The Bhartiya Janta Party received 37.36% of the vote, the highest vote
share by a political party since the 1989 general elections, and won 303 seats, further increasing its
substantial majority. In addition, the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) won 353 seats.The BJP
won 37.76% of votes, while the NDA's combined vote was 45% of the 603.7 million votes that were
polled. The Indian National Congress won 52 seats, failing to get 10% of the seats needed to claim the post
of Leader of the opposition. In addition, the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) won 91 seats,
while other parties won 98 seats. Legislative Assembly elections in the states of Andhra Pradesh, Arunachal
Pradesh, Odisha and Sikkim were held simultaneously with the general election, as well as by elections of
twenty-two seats of the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly.
27.
28. India’s 2019 general election was undeniably a watershed moment in the country’s post–independence political
history. Despite concerns about a slumping economy, the baggage of anti–incumbency, and greater opposition
coordination, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) of Prime Minister Narendra Modi cruised to victory, attaining a
second consecutive single–party majority in the Lok Sabha (lower house of Parliament). Indeed, it was the first
time that a non–Congress government had been brought back to power since 1947. And the BJP did so in an
election that saw voter turnout hit an all–time high (67.2 percent) and in which the party dominated its opponents
on nearly every score.1 According to survey data compiled by the Lokniti Program of the Center for the Study of
Developing Societies (CSDS), the BJP triumphed in both rural and urban areas, across Hindu caste groups,
among voters of all classes, and in all four corners of the country. Milan Vaishnav is a senior fellow and director of
the South Asia Program and the host of the Grand Tamasha podcast at Carnegie, where he focuses on India's
political economy, governance, state capacity, distributive politics, and electoral behavior. The BJP’s 2014 and
2019 general election victories, coupled with the party’s meticulous expansion at the state–level and approaching
majority in the Rajya Sabha (indirectly–elected upper house of Parliament), firmly establish it as the central pole
around which politics in India now revolves. If the party’s victory in 2014 raised doubts about the resilience of
India’s coalition–based “third party system,” the 2019 election decisively shattered the idea that 2014 was a “black
swan” election — a lone aberration rather than the dawn of a new era. Under the watchful gaze of Modi and party
president Amit Shah, the BJP amply demonstrated its electoral vigor, organizational robustness, fundraising
prowess, and narrative–shaping ability. It has also shown its ability to flex its ideological muscle. The twin forces of
Hindu nationalism and what Suhas Palshikar calls a “new developmentalism” constitute the two pillars of its
ideological vision for a Naya (new) India. Both factors helped propel the party back to power, and both have also
AFTERMATH OF ELECTIONS 2019
29. HOW BJP HAS AN UPPER HAND OVER INC
The recent developments after 2019 and efficient and powerful moves
made by BJP has established itself on the global page and defeated the
chance of congress taking over the power in the centre. BJP has made a
lot of efforts in developing the economy by the methods of
disinvestment, privatisations, currency revaluation, FDIs, FPIs,
Revaluation of Revenue and Capital Expenditure. The government also
fought pandemic and became the only nation with such a large
population to have a successful vaccination drive despite exporting
vaccines at affordable rates to other nations. Apart from dealing with
problems at the global stage, it also fought with the internal issues
regarding the party and disputes with the opposition. Some recent
developments include:
30. India improved its stance on the global level under the Minister of External Affairs Dr. S Jaishankar. India’s firmness over
the steps taken by the nation and reluctance to follow the West in its blind decisions made India develop herself as a
strong and powerful nation, instead of her previous submissive image. Jaishankar’s brave and fearless attitude showed
India’s potentials on the global stage where he clearly highlighted that India may not wage a war, but her returns might
not let a nation see the next day.
31. One of the landmark decisions by the BJP government was On August 1, 2019, the
government passed the Triple Talaq Bill despite resistance from the Opposition. The decision
brought huge relief to Muslim women who were forced to terminate a relationship by their
husbands saying talaq three times. This is one of the biggest example of BJP being a SECULAR
government by resorting for rights of Muslim women as well.
32. The government nullified Articles 370 and 35(A) of the Indian Constitution on August 5, 2019, which gave
Jammu & Kashmir its special status and the mandate to define its domicile rules. The government followed it
with the bifurcation of the erstwhile state into two Union territories. According to Modi, there has been
unprecedented peace and progress in the region since the landmark decision. However, many political
parties opposed the decision and a number of leaders were placed under house arrest. The internet was
down for months in the two Union territories.
33. In another major terrorist attack on the Indian Army in 2019, terrorists killed 40 CRPF
jawans in Pulwama. This time, the Indian Air Force carried out an air strike in Balakot of
Pakistan Occupied Kashmir on February 26 and bombed terror launch pads there.
However, Wing Commander Abhinandan Varthaman crashed in PoK and was taken
captive by the Pakistan forces. He was later released by Pakistan.
34. The government announced the merger of 10 state-owned banks on April 1, 2020, to
form four big banks. The objective of the move was to provide relief from rising non-
performing assets (NPAs) and better banking facilities to consumers. The merged banks
included United Bank, Oriental Bank of Commerce, Allahabad Bank, Syndicate Bank,
Corporation Bank and Andhra Bank.
35. The government implemented the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) on January 10,
2020. The move sought to amend the definition of an illegal immigrant for Sikh, Hindu,
Buddhist, Parsi, and Christian immigrants from Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangladesh,
who have lived in India without documentation. There were widespread protests across
the country against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA).
36. One Rank One Pension (OROP) was a nearly 4-decade-old demand of the Indian Armed Forces. According
to it retired soldiers of the same rank, who have retired after serving the same period of service, will
receive the same pension. On November 7, 2015, the order of One Rank, One Pension was issued. Its
benefits were given to all the Armed Forces personnel and their families who retired before July 1, 2014.
Rs 10,795 crore was paid as arrears.
37. Another success of the NDA government was achieved with the mantra of Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, and
Sabka Vishwas. There was a broad agreement towards ending the Bodo crisis that has been going on for
more than 50 years. In this, the territorial integrity of Assam was ensured and a special package of Rs 1500
crore was given for the development of the Bodo region.
38. PM Modi laid the foundation stone of the Ram Mandir in August 2020 which was expected to be built by
2023. The construction of Ram Mandir in Ayodhya was the manifesto and polls promise by the BJP. The
party campaigned for more than 3 decades for the temple.
39. PM Narendra Modi inaugurated the new building of the parliament this week. The building is in triangular
shape spread over around 10-15 acres of land. He revived the Sangol- which he believes is the symbol of
transfer of power, but the INC opposes by saying that Jawahar Lal Nehru used it merely as a walking stick!
40. CONCLUSION
In conclusion, this project has been a significant endeavor that has yielded valuable
insights and outcomes. Through meticulous research, diligent analysis, and effective
implementation, I have successfully addressed the objectives set forth at the beginning of
this project. Throughout the project, I have demonstrated a deep understanding of the
subject matter and applied my knowledge. My findings have shed light on the incumbent
government’s attitude. The results obtained from my research and implementation have
proved the title correct, and I have achieved the desired outcomes. I have encountered
challenges along the way, but I have displayed resilience and adaptability, finding creative
solutions to overcome obstacles. Overall, this project has been a rewarding and
enriching experience. It has not only deepened my understanding of the subject
matter but has also honed my critical thinking, problem-solving, and project
management skills.
