The document summarizes structural factors that contribute to poverty in Milwaukee such as declining population, rising utility costs, and substandard housing stock. It also discusses economic transformations like the loss of manufacturing jobs in the late 20th century that disproportionately impacted black workers and communities. Welfare reform in the 1990s removed thousands of families from assistance roles. Low-income housing became big business while fair housing policies faced political resistance. The cycle of evictions in Milwaukee perpertuated poverty and lack of opportunity.
Muhammad Saud Kharal
PhD in Social Science,
Department of Sociology Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya Indonesia
Muhammad Saud Kharal
PhD in Social Science,
Department of Sociology Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya Indonesia
Women in iran and the middle east 6 february 2013Lilly Gundacker
Pari Namazie, PhD is a Human Resource Consultant and Trainer. In 2012 she made a presentation to the WiN-IAEA group at the United Nations in Vienna and in February 2013 she came to WFWP-Austria to speak about Women in Post Revolutionary Iran. With kind permission, here is her presentation. Thank you Pari.
The Informal Economy: Definitions, Theories and Policies Dr Lendy Spires
Introduction It was widely assumed during the 1950s and 1960s that, with the right mix of economic policies and resources, low-income traditional economies could be transformed into dynamic modern economies. In the process, the traditional sector comprised of petty trade, small-scale production, and a range of casual jobs would be absorbed into the modern capitalist or formal economy and, thereby, disappear.
This perspective was reflected in the prediction by W. Arthur Lewis, in the 1954 essay for which he received a Nobel Prize in Economics, that economic development in developing countries would, in the long-term, generate enough modern jobs to absorb surplus labour from the traditional economy. This would lead to a turning point when wages would begin to rise above the subsistence level: what is referred to even today as the “Lewis Turning Point” (Lewis 1954). This perspective was reinforced by the successful rebuilding of Europe and Japan after World War II and the expansion of mass production in Europe and North America during the 1950s and 1960s.
By the mid- 1960s, however, the optimism about the prospects for economic growth in developing countries began to give way to concerns about persistent widespread unemployment. This led development economist Hans Singer to argue in 1970 that he saw no sign of the “Lewis Turning Point” in developing countries. In sharp contrast with the historical experience in developed countries, unemployment and under-employment of various kinds were on the rise in developing countries, even those that were growing economically.
Singer attributed this trend to an imbalance resulting from technological advances: an imbalance between limited creation of jobs due to the extensive use of capital-intensive technology and significant growth in the population—and labour force—due to technological progress in health and disease control. He predicted a persistent “dangerous” dualism in labour markets with high levels of casual and intermittent employment, as well as disguised or open unemployment. He also warned of an employment crisis due to acute land shortage in overcrowded farming communities and an acute job shortage in overcrowded urban communities (Singer 1970).
Towards a Sustainable and Socially Just Transformation Reflections on Karl Po...STEPS Centre
A presentation by John Thompson, David Manuel-Navarrete, Maja Göpel and Moritz Remig at the Resilience 2014 conference in Montpellier, France on 7 May 2014.
Are there effect of the size of political parties to the Democracy Index values as reported by the Economist Intelligence Unit....find out about Nigeria and other African countries
V. The Lived Experience of the Great DepressionA Hoove.docxjessiehampson
V. The Lived Experience of the Great Depression
A Hooverville in Seattle, Washington between 1932 and 1937. Washington State Archives.
In 1934 a woman from Humboldt County, California, wrote to First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt seeking a job for her husband, a surveyor, who had been out of work for nearly two years. The pair had survived on the meager income she received from working at the county courthouse. “My salary could keep us going,” she explained, “but—I am to have a baby.” The family needed temporary help, and, she explained, “after that I can go back to work and we can work out our own salvation. But to have this baby come to a home full of worry and despair, with no money for the things it needs, is not fair. It needs and deserves a happy start in life.”14
As the United States slid ever deeper into the Great Depression, such tragic scenes played out time and time again. Individuals, families, and communities faced the painful, frightening, and often bewildering collapse of the economic institutions on which they depended. The more fortunate were spared the worst effects, and a few even profited from it, but by the end of 1932, the crisis had become so deep and so widespread that most Americans had suffered directly. Markets crashed through no fault of their own. Workers were plunged into poverty because of impersonal forces for which they shared no responsibility. With no safety net, they were thrown into economic chaos.
With rampant unemployment and declining wages, Americans slashed expenses. The fortunate could survive by simply deferring vacations and regular consumer purchases. Middle- and working-class Americans might rely on disappearing credit at neighborhood stores, default on utility bills, or skip meals. Those who could borrowed from relatives or took in boarders in homes or “doubled up” in tenements. The most desperate, the chronically unemployed, encamped on public or marginal lands in “Hoovervilles,” spontaneous shantytowns that dotted America’s cities, depending on bread lines and street-corner peddling. Poor women and young children entered the labor force, as they always had. The ideal of the “male breadwinner” was always a fiction for poor Americans, but the Depression decimated millions of new workers. The emotional and psychological shocks of unemployment and underemployment only added to the shocking material depravities of the Depression. Social workers and charity officials, for instance, often found the unemployed suffering from feelings of futility, anger, bitterness, confusion, and loss of pride. Such feelings affected the rural poor no less than the urban.15
II. The Rise of the Suburbs
Levittown in the early1950s. Flickr/Creative Commons.
The seeds of a suburban nation were planted in New Deal government programs. At the height of the Great Depression, in 1932, some 250,000 households lost their property to foreclosure. A year later, half of all U.S. mortgages were in default. The foreclosure rate stood ...
Women in iran and the middle east 6 february 2013Lilly Gundacker
Pari Namazie, PhD is a Human Resource Consultant and Trainer. In 2012 she made a presentation to the WiN-IAEA group at the United Nations in Vienna and in February 2013 she came to WFWP-Austria to speak about Women in Post Revolutionary Iran. With kind permission, here is her presentation. Thank you Pari.
The Informal Economy: Definitions, Theories and Policies Dr Lendy Spires
Introduction It was widely assumed during the 1950s and 1960s that, with the right mix of economic policies and resources, low-income traditional economies could be transformed into dynamic modern economies. In the process, the traditional sector comprised of petty trade, small-scale production, and a range of casual jobs would be absorbed into the modern capitalist or formal economy and, thereby, disappear.
This perspective was reflected in the prediction by W. Arthur Lewis, in the 1954 essay for which he received a Nobel Prize in Economics, that economic development in developing countries would, in the long-term, generate enough modern jobs to absorb surplus labour from the traditional economy. This would lead to a turning point when wages would begin to rise above the subsistence level: what is referred to even today as the “Lewis Turning Point” (Lewis 1954). This perspective was reinforced by the successful rebuilding of Europe and Japan after World War II and the expansion of mass production in Europe and North America during the 1950s and 1960s.
By the mid- 1960s, however, the optimism about the prospects for economic growth in developing countries began to give way to concerns about persistent widespread unemployment. This led development economist Hans Singer to argue in 1970 that he saw no sign of the “Lewis Turning Point” in developing countries. In sharp contrast with the historical experience in developed countries, unemployment and under-employment of various kinds were on the rise in developing countries, even those that were growing economically.
Singer attributed this trend to an imbalance resulting from technological advances: an imbalance between limited creation of jobs due to the extensive use of capital-intensive technology and significant growth in the population—and labour force—due to technological progress in health and disease control. He predicted a persistent “dangerous” dualism in labour markets with high levels of casual and intermittent employment, as well as disguised or open unemployment. He also warned of an employment crisis due to acute land shortage in overcrowded farming communities and an acute job shortage in overcrowded urban communities (Singer 1970).
Towards a Sustainable and Socially Just Transformation Reflections on Karl Po...STEPS Centre
A presentation by John Thompson, David Manuel-Navarrete, Maja Göpel and Moritz Remig at the Resilience 2014 conference in Montpellier, France on 7 May 2014.
Are there effect of the size of political parties to the Democracy Index values as reported by the Economist Intelligence Unit....find out about Nigeria and other African countries
V. The Lived Experience of the Great DepressionA Hoove.docxjessiehampson
V. The Lived Experience of the Great Depression
A Hooverville in Seattle, Washington between 1932 and 1937. Washington State Archives.
In 1934 a woman from Humboldt County, California, wrote to First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt seeking a job for her husband, a surveyor, who had been out of work for nearly two years. The pair had survived on the meager income she received from working at the county courthouse. “My salary could keep us going,” she explained, “but—I am to have a baby.” The family needed temporary help, and, she explained, “after that I can go back to work and we can work out our own salvation. But to have this baby come to a home full of worry and despair, with no money for the things it needs, is not fair. It needs and deserves a happy start in life.”14
As the United States slid ever deeper into the Great Depression, such tragic scenes played out time and time again. Individuals, families, and communities faced the painful, frightening, and often bewildering collapse of the economic institutions on which they depended. The more fortunate were spared the worst effects, and a few even profited from it, but by the end of 1932, the crisis had become so deep and so widespread that most Americans had suffered directly. Markets crashed through no fault of their own. Workers were plunged into poverty because of impersonal forces for which they shared no responsibility. With no safety net, they were thrown into economic chaos.
With rampant unemployment and declining wages, Americans slashed expenses. The fortunate could survive by simply deferring vacations and regular consumer purchases. Middle- and working-class Americans might rely on disappearing credit at neighborhood stores, default on utility bills, or skip meals. Those who could borrowed from relatives or took in boarders in homes or “doubled up” in tenements. The most desperate, the chronically unemployed, encamped on public or marginal lands in “Hoovervilles,” spontaneous shantytowns that dotted America’s cities, depending on bread lines and street-corner peddling. Poor women and young children entered the labor force, as they always had. The ideal of the “male breadwinner” was always a fiction for poor Americans, but the Depression decimated millions of new workers. The emotional and psychological shocks of unemployment and underemployment only added to the shocking material depravities of the Depression. Social workers and charity officials, for instance, often found the unemployed suffering from feelings of futility, anger, bitterness, confusion, and loss of pride. Such feelings affected the rural poor no less than the urban.15
II. The Rise of the Suburbs
Levittown in the early1950s. Flickr/Creative Commons.
The seeds of a suburban nation were planted in New Deal government programs. At the height of the Great Depression, in 1932, some 250,000 households lost their property to foreclosure. A year later, half of all U.S. mortgages were in default. The foreclosure rate stood ...
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2. Structural Factors in the City
POPULATION
“Once America’s eleventh-largest city, Milwaukee’s population had fallen below
600,000, down from over 740,000 in 1960” (Desmond, 2016, p. 10).
UTILITIES
“Since 2000, the cost of fuels and utilities had risen by more than 50 percent,
thanks to increasing global demand and the expiration of price caps. In a typical
year, almost 1 in 5 poor renting families nationwide missed payments and received
a disconnection notice from their utility company” (p. 15).
“As much as $6 billion worth of power was pirated across American every year” (p.
15).
BUILDING CODE
“Sherrena knew her place on Thirteenth Street wasn’t up to code. She would say
almost no house in the city was, a commentary on the mismatch between
Milwaukee’s worn-out housing stock and its exacting building code” (p. 17).
3. Economic Transformations
JOBS
“Milwaukee used to be flush with good jobs. But throughout the second half
of their twentieth century, bosses in search of cheap labor moved plants
overseas or to Sunbelt communities, where unions were weaker or didn’t
exist. Between 1979 and 1983, Milwaukee’s manufacturing sector lost more
jobs than during the Great Depression—about 56,000 of them…[the]
unemployment rate climb[ed] into the double digits (p. 24).
Half of Milwaukee’s black workers held manufacturing jobs… and when plants
closed they were typically once located in the inner city.
“The black poverty rate rose to 28 percent in 1980. By 1990, it had climbed
to 42 percent” (p. 24).
4. Welfare Reform
In the 1990s, Milwaukee became “the epicenter of the antiwelfare crusade”
(p. 25).
Wisconsin Works (W-2) program was the first real work program in the history
of welfare… and it removed 22,000 Milwaukee families from the welfare rolls.
Clinton signed federal welfare reform into law 5 months later (1996)
5. Low-Income Housing: Big Business
“Since 1970, the number of people primarily employed as property managers
had more than quadrupled” (p. 28).
Related associations and service industries were created to support this new
business sector.
“Only three books offering apartment-management advice were published
between 1951 and 1975. Between 1976 and 2014, the number rose to 215” (p.
28).
6. Politics and Fair Housing
In the 1960s, Milwaukee was considered America’s most segregated city.
“A supermajority in both houses had helped President Johnson pass the Civil
Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, but legislators backed by
real estate lobbies refused to get behind his open housing law, which would
have criminalized housing discrimination” (p. 34).
It wasn’t until Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated that Congress took
housing into consideration and the Fair Housing Act was passed in 1968.
7. Housing Costs for the Poor
It’s not uncommon for 70 percent or more of poor families’ income goes to
housing costs.
Housing vouchers in Milwaukee (which were very hard to get) allowed poor
families to spend only 30 percent of their income on housing.
“Three of four families who qualified for assistance received nothing” (p. 59).
8. Insights from Jane Jacobs
“Disadvantaged neighborhoods with higher levels of ‘collective efficacy’—the
stuff of loosely linked neighbors who trust one another and share expectations
about how to make their community better—have lower crime rates” (p. 70).
When the poor are evicted, they move to another poor living arrangement.
Jacobs explained that this created “perpetual slums,” churning environments
with high rates of turnover and even higher rates of resentment and
disinvestment” (p. 70).
9. Legal Protections -- Vicious Cycle
“For many landlords, it was cheaper to deal with the expense of eviction than
to maintain their properties; it was possible to skimp on maintenance in
tenants were perpetually behind; and many poor tenants would be
perpetually behind because their rent was too high” (p. 75).
“Tenants able to pay their rent in full each month could take advantage of
legal protections designed to keep their housing safe and decent….but when
tenants fell behind, these protections dissolved” (p. 75).
Black families were most likely to be perpetually behind on rental payments.
10. Screening Tenants -- Pros & Cons
Consolidated Court Automation Programs (CCAP) catalogued speeding tickets,
child support disputes, divorces, evictions, felonies, etc. and the information
traced back decades.
“For people familiar with hunger and scarcity, addiction and prison, that
often meant being isolated from job networks and exposed to vice and
violence” (p. 90).
“Some landlords neglected to screen tenants for the same reason payday
lenders offered unsecured, high-interest loans to families with unpaid debt or
lousy credit….there was a business model at the bottom of every market” (p.
90).
11. Eviction Court
“Roughly 70 percent of tenants summoned to Milwaukee’s eviction court
didn’t come…some couldn’t miss work or couldn’t find child care or were
confused by the whole process or couldn’t care less or would rather avoid the
humiliation” (p. 96).
The majority of tenants in eviction court spent “at least half their household
income on rent. One-third devoted at least 80 percent to it” (p. 97).
“In a typical month, 3 in 4 people in Milwaukee eviction court were black. Of
those, 3 in 4 were women. The total number of black women in eviction court
exceeded that of all other groups combined” (pp. 97-98).
“Women from black neighborhoods made up 9 percent of Milwaukee’s population
and 30 percent of its evicted tenants” (p. 98)
12. Eviction Affects Future Life Chances
“For the chronically and desperately poor whose credit was already wrecked,
a docketed judgment was just another shove deeper into the pit. But for the
tenant who went on to land a decent job or marry and then take another
tentative step forward, applying for student loans or purchasing a first home—
for that tenant, it was a real barrier on the already difficult road to self-
reliance and security” (p. 103).