Journal of Personality and Social Psychology
1977, Vol. 35, No. 9, 677-688
Self-Reference and the Encoding of Personal Information
T. B. Rogers, N. A. Kuiper, and W. S. Kirker
University of Calgary, Canada
The degree to which the self is implicated in processing personal information
was investigated. Subjects rated adjectives on four tasks designed to force
varying kinds of encoding: structural, phonemic, semantic, and self-reference.
In two experiments, incidental recall of the rated words indicated that adjec-
tives rated under the self-reference task were recalled the best. These results
indicate that self-reference is a rich and powerful encoding process. As an
aspect of the human information-processing system, the self appears to func-
tion as a superordinate schema that is deeply involved in the processing, inter-
pretation, and memory of personal information.
Present research and theory in personality
appear to be placing more and more empha-
sis on how a person has organized his or her
psychological world. Starting with Kelly's
(1955) formulation of personal constructs,
we see a gradual emergence of a number of
avenues of inquiry that use this as their focal
point. In person perception, the concept of
lay personality theory stresses that the ob-
server's analytic network of expected trait
covariations is an integral part of how he
processes (and generates) interpersonal data
(Hastorf, Schneider, & Polefka, 1970). Bern
and Allen (1974), in their embellishment of
Allport's (1937) idiographic position, argue
that an important determinant of predictive
utility of trait measurement is the manner
in which the respondent has organized his or
her view of the trait being measured. These
authors see the overlap between the respond-
ent's and the experimenter's concept of the
trait as a necessary prerequisite of predic-
tion. Attribution theory (Jones et al., 1971)
is another example of this increased accent
on personal organization. Here the emphasis
is on how the subject explains past behavior
This research was supported by a grant from the
Canada Council. We would like to thank the fol-
lowing persons for their useful ideas and comments
on earlier drafts: F. I. M. Craik, E. J. Rowe, P. J.
Rogers, H. Lytton, J. Clark, J. Ells, C. G. Costello,
and especially one anonymous reviewer.
Requests for reprints should be sent to T. B.
Rogers, Department of Psychology, The University
of Calgary, Calgary, Alberta, Canada, T2N 1N4.
and how these explanations are organized in
an attributional network. The common
thread in all of these contemporary research
areas is the notion that the cognitions of a
person, particularly their manner of organ-
ization, should be an integral part of our
attempts to explain personality and behavior.
Of concern in the present article is the
construct of self and how it is implicated in
the organization of personal data. Our gen-
eral position is that the self is an extremely
active and powerful agent in the organizati.
Here is an in-depth presentation that overviews twenty two (22) qualitative data methods that can be used in marketing research. For more great FREE resources, join us on facebook today at www.facebook.comb2bwhiteboard.
Or visit our website: www.b2bwhiteboard.com
Mike PowellDigital VisionThinkstockLearning Objectives .docxARIV4
Mike Powell/Digital Vision/Thinkstock
Learning Objectives
After reading this chapter, you should
be able to:
• Describe the beginning of personality
psychology.
• Define personality and distinguish among
the related terms of character, trait, factor,
temperament, and mood states.
• Understand the importance of theory
construction as it is related to personality
psychology.
• Explain the importance of using scientific
methodology in the study of personality.
• Identify and describe ways to assess and
measure data and research.
• Identify and describe the tools and methods
used to collect data and conduct research.
• Be familiar with some of the ethical issues
related to psychological testing.
The Science of Personality 1
Chapter Outline
Introduction
1.1 Why Study Personality? An Overview of
the Major Theories
• Theoretical Perspectives on Personality
• The Early Beginnings of Personality Theory
• Applying Science to Personality
1.2 Defining Personality
• The Stability and Change of Personality
• Personality, Temperament, Character, Traits
and Factors, and Mood States
• Culture
• Nature and Nurture
• How Related Disciplines Have Contributed to
Personality
• Defining Normal
1.3 Theory: A Way of Organizing Complex
Phenomena
• Building and Characterizing a Theory
• Testing the Theoretical Components
• Convergence of Theories: Eclecticism,
Integration, and Unification
1.4 The Scientific Method
• Research Methods
• Peer Review
1.5 Measuring and Assessing
• Standard Error of Measure
• Reliability
• Validity
• Ethics and Cultural Bias in Psychometrics
• Tools of Assessment
Summary
Lec81110_01_c01_001-038.indd 1 5/20/15 9:18 AM
CHAPTER 1 1.1 Why Study Personality? An Overview of the Major Theories
Introduction
A judge is trying to determine whether a defendant is criminally insane. You read
about a celebrity who can’t seem to stop using drugs and getting into legal trouble
and wonder what it is about their character that leads to the repeating of such
mistakes. You wonder what makes people go out of their way to be kind or rude.
Major corporations try to identify the best leaders to hire or employees that will
stay with the company for a long time. Each of these questions (and many more)
fall within the domain of personality psychology. However, there is a lot more to
addressing these issues than simply formulating an opinion as to the answers.
Theories can be developed and scientific studies designed to test the theories and
maximize the prediction of outcomes. That is in essence the science of personal-
ity. In this chapter, the focus will be on how the scientific method is applied to the
study of personality and how it has resulted in the development of a wide range
of theoretical models.
1.1 Why Study Personality? An Overview of the Major Theories
In your everyday life, opportunities arise for you to consider the uniqueness of others. Some-times you have an encounter that leaves yo ...
Here is an in-depth presentation that overviews twenty two (22) qualitative data methods that can be used in marketing research. For more great FREE resources, join us on facebook today at www.facebook.comb2bwhiteboard.
Or visit our website: www.b2bwhiteboard.com
Mike PowellDigital VisionThinkstockLearning Objectives .docxARIV4
Mike Powell/Digital Vision/Thinkstock
Learning Objectives
After reading this chapter, you should
be able to:
• Describe the beginning of personality
psychology.
• Define personality and distinguish among
the related terms of character, trait, factor,
temperament, and mood states.
• Understand the importance of theory
construction as it is related to personality
psychology.
• Explain the importance of using scientific
methodology in the study of personality.
• Identify and describe ways to assess and
measure data and research.
• Identify and describe the tools and methods
used to collect data and conduct research.
• Be familiar with some of the ethical issues
related to psychological testing.
The Science of Personality 1
Chapter Outline
Introduction
1.1 Why Study Personality? An Overview of
the Major Theories
• Theoretical Perspectives on Personality
• The Early Beginnings of Personality Theory
• Applying Science to Personality
1.2 Defining Personality
• The Stability and Change of Personality
• Personality, Temperament, Character, Traits
and Factors, and Mood States
• Culture
• Nature and Nurture
• How Related Disciplines Have Contributed to
Personality
• Defining Normal
1.3 Theory: A Way of Organizing Complex
Phenomena
• Building and Characterizing a Theory
• Testing the Theoretical Components
• Convergence of Theories: Eclecticism,
Integration, and Unification
1.4 The Scientific Method
• Research Methods
• Peer Review
1.5 Measuring and Assessing
• Standard Error of Measure
• Reliability
• Validity
• Ethics and Cultural Bias in Psychometrics
• Tools of Assessment
Summary
Lec81110_01_c01_001-038.indd 1 5/20/15 9:18 AM
CHAPTER 1 1.1 Why Study Personality? An Overview of the Major Theories
Introduction
A judge is trying to determine whether a defendant is criminally insane. You read
about a celebrity who can’t seem to stop using drugs and getting into legal trouble
and wonder what it is about their character that leads to the repeating of such
mistakes. You wonder what makes people go out of their way to be kind or rude.
Major corporations try to identify the best leaders to hire or employees that will
stay with the company for a long time. Each of these questions (and many more)
fall within the domain of personality psychology. However, there is a lot more to
addressing these issues than simply formulating an opinion as to the answers.
Theories can be developed and scientific studies designed to test the theories and
maximize the prediction of outcomes. That is in essence the science of personal-
ity. In this chapter, the focus will be on how the scientific method is applied to the
study of personality and how it has resulted in the development of a wide range
of theoretical models.
1.1 Why Study Personality? An Overview of the Major Theories
In your everyday life, opportunities arise for you to consider the uniqueness of others. Some-times you have an encounter that leaves yo ...
Creativity Through Applying Ideas From Fields OtherThan One’.docxvanesaburnand
Creativity Through Applying Ideas From Fields Other
Than One’s Own: Transferring Knowledge From Social
Psychology to Industrial/Organizational Psychology *
Abstract
Subfields of psychology can be arguably characterized as
islands of unconnected knowledge. The underlying theme
of this paper is that these subfields have much to gain by
looking at and studying each other’s respective literature.
This paper explains how the field of industrial/organiza-
tional (I/O) psychology has benefited from theory and
research in social psychology, and suggests ways it can ben-
efit even more so. Specifically, moral development, the
group-serving bias, as well as inducing feelings of hypocrisy
so as to foster subsequent behaviour change are discussed.
Their potential for leading to further insight into existing
problems, refining existing theories, and for raising new
questions in I/O psychology is described.
Psychology is a behavioural science whose literature
has grown rapidly. However, psychology has often
failed to transfer knowledge across its subfields.
Scientists and practitioners within the subfields fre-
quently appear ignorant of ways they can benefit from
cross-subfield research. These subfields, whether bio-
logical, clinical, educational, social, or industrial, con-
tain interdependent ideas that should be shared in
order to advance psychology for all.
Since the authors are researchers of organizational
behaviour, this paper provides insights as to how trans-
ferring knowledge from social psychology has already
enriched the science and practice of I/O psychology.
In addition, new ideas as to how I/O psychology can
benefit from social psychology are explored.
Benefits of Reading Literature Other than One’s Own
The benefits of researching literature other than one’s
own are at least four-fold. First, sharing concepts
among psychology’s subfields allows researchers to
extend their work to other areas (i.e., generalization).
Second, it enables them to theorize and contextualize
their research so as to connect their findings within
larger conversations. Research designs often yield rela-
tively sterile pieces of data that contribute little to
knowledge and understanding when they are confined
to narrow disciplines, or kept within the borders of a
specific field (e.g., Locker, 1994; Sternberg &
Grigorenko, 2001). Third, it helps researchers to be
constructively critical of both the fields from which
they draw information and of that in which they work.
It can lead to proposals for using alternative method-
ologies in a particular program of research. Fourth, it
enables researchers to raise questions not previously
considered. Sharing knowledge across subfields may
even lead researchers who investigate the same phe-
nomenon, but who are in different areas of psycholo-
gy, and hence have different perspectives and instru-
ments, to interact with one another in ways that facili-
tate both knowledge creation and knowledge applica-
tion.
History
I/O .
Journal of Theoretical and PhilosophicalPsychologyWhat Is .docxtawnyataylor528
Journal of Theoretical and Philosophical
Psychology
What Is a Person? What Is the Self? Formulations for a
Science of Psychology
Raymond M. Bergner
Online First Publication, February 9, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/teo0000057
CITATION
Bergner, R. M. (2017, February 9). What Is a Person? What Is the Self? Formulations for a Science
of Psychology. Journal of Theoretical and Philosophical Psychology. Advance online publication.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/teo0000057
What Is a Person? What Is the Self? Formulations for a
Science of Psychology
Raymond M. Bergner
Illinois State University
This article offers solutions to two historically unresolved subject matter problems in
psychology: (a) What is a “person”? And, (b) what is the “self”? Part 1 of the article
presents Peter Ossorio’s (2006) Descriptive Psychologically based answer to the first of
these questions, an answer that comprises a paradigm case formulation of the concept
“person” itself, as well as a parametric analysis for describing individual persons. Part
2 of the article presents a new solution to the second question. The solution is a
disarmingly simple one in which “self” or “I,” consistent with actual usage, means
simply and essentially “this person”—this holistically considered, embodied, con-
scious, deliberate actor that I intend when I use the terms “I” or “me” or “myself”—as
opposed to “that person,” the specific individual I intend when I say “he” or “she” or
“herself.” The ways in which this formulation (a) uniquely possesses an empirical
grounding, (b) avoids many historical problems that have arisen in trying to delineate
the nature of the self, and (c) integrates the field of self psychology, are all demon-
strated. The article provides logical and empirical arguments in support of both of its
formulations, as well as for the importance of the science of psychology possessing
such formulations of its core subject matter.
Keywords: person, self, Descriptive Psychology, conceptual formulation, philosophy of
behavioral science
For a large class of cases—though not for all—in
which we employ the word “meaning” it can be de-
fined thus: the meaning of a word is its use in the
language.
—Ludwig Wittgenstein, 1953, #43
Imagine a biology instructor, on the opening
day of class, addressing her students as follows:
Welcome to vertebrate biology. In this class, we will
be discussing the biology of vertebrate organisms. Un-
fortunately, however, our field has so far come to no
consensus in the matter of how to define the term
“vertebrate.” So, in essence, we cannot articulate pre-
cisely and definitively the nature of our subject matter.
In other words, we cannot state the conceptual criteria
for correctly identifying one organism as a vertebrate
and another as an invertebrate. So, procedurally, as we
study the findings of different authorities in this area,
we will in each case just go along with the concep-
tion that each has explicitly or implicitly adopted,
even thou ...
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=b5qR4urr0vU&list=PLqJzTtkUiq54DDEEZvzisPlSGp_BadhNJ&index=11
A mental representation or cognitive representation is a hypothetical internal cognitive symbol that represents external reality[1], or else a mental process that makes use of such a symbol: "a formal system for making explicit certain entities or types of information, together with a specification of how the system does this”[3]. To define the “Human Mental Representation”, four concepts have been described; Similarity, Analogy, Relationships at the Heart of Semantic Web. Similarity is defined as “learning information about one is generally true of the other”, and this becomes more and more true as the probability that the two causal/source variables is the same increases. The relationships used identifying similarities differs between experts and novices, with novices using surface features and experts using deeper structural relationships. Similarly, people relied on similarity mappings when the relational roles were more complex.
The purpose of categorization is twofold, to be able to infer the properties of the entity and to adapt the category itself. This description is essentially Piaget’s theory of development through assimilation and accommodation. Communication is similar to categorization, but rather than resolving for oneself, the issue is resolving new or developing shared concepts between people, which relates to many of the psycholinguistic conceptual grounding discussions (i.e., Herb Clark). Analogy is a special kind of similarity. Two situations are analogous if they share a common pattern of relationships among their constituent elements even though the elements themselves differ across the two situations. Typically, one analog, termed the source or base, is more familiar or better understood than the second analog, termed the target” (p. 117). Therefore, theoretical models of analogical inference need to focus on binding and mapping.
We explained the “Knowledge Representation”, and in the end, We provided the examples of “ Ontology and Knowledge Base” from Relationships at the Heart of Semantic Web p:15 [2].
References:
1- Chapters: 2, 3, 4, 6, Book: The Cambridge Handbook of Thinking and Reasoning (pp. 117-142). New York: Cambridge University Press. By By: Keith J. Holyoak and Robert G. Morrison
2- Relationships at the Heart of Semantic Web: Modeling, Discovering, and Exploiting Complex Semantic Relationships, Book Title: Enhancing the Power of the Internet. By Amit Sheth, Ismailcem Budak Arpinar, Vipul Kashvap
3- Marr, David (2010). Vision. A Computational Investigation into the Human Representation and Processing of Visual Information. The MIT Press. ISBN 978-0262514620
Literature Survey on Identification of Author’s Trait Using Textual DataEditor IJMTER
Trait theory is a major approach to the study of human personality. Personality is the branch
of psychology which is concerned with providing a systematic account of the ways by which we can
differentiate one-another. Individuals differ from one another in a variety of ways: their anatomical and
physiognomic characteristics, their personal appearance, grooming, manner of dress, their social
backgrounds, roles and other demographic characteristics, their effect on others or social stimulus value
and their temporary states, moods, attitudes and activities at any given moment in time. Since human
tendencies are largely dependent on environmental and situational consistencies. In proposed work we
study various researches has been done to identify the trait of author’s.
Social Cognitive Theory
*
Originator
Albert Bandura, Ph.D. Bandura obtained his Ph.D. from the University of Iowa in 1952. In 1953, Bandura was offered a position at Stanford University.
*
Approximate Year of Origin
The Social Cognitive Theory (SCT) stemmed from the Social Learning Theory (SLT), which has a rich historical background dating back to the late 1800's. Albert Bandura first began publishing his work on SLT in the early 1960's. In 1986, Bandura officially launched the SCT with his book Social Foundations of Thought and Action: A Social Cognitive Theory.
*
Circumstances that led to the development of the Theory
The SCT has its origins in the discipline of psychology, with its early foundation being laid by behavioral and social psychologists. The SLT evolved under the umbrella of behaviorism, which is a cluster of psychological theories intended to explain why people and animals behave the way that they do.
*
Behaviorism
Behaviorism, introduced by John Watson in 1913, took an extremely mechanistic approach to understanding human behavior. According to Watson, behavior could be explained in terms of observable acts that could be described by stimulus-response sequences (Crosbie-Brunett and Lewis, 1993; Thomas, 1990). Also central to behaviorist study was the notion that contiguity between stimulus and response determined the likelihood that learning would occur.
*
Stimulus-response pathwayAre there some mediating factors between stimulus and response that regulate behavior? rewards or punishmentsFeedback Habit Freud's instinctTolman's cognitions
*
The ‘Social Self'
William James in 1890, whose notion of the 'social self' laid the foundation for the modern SLT tenet of the interaction between personal factors and the environment.
Kurt Lewin (1890-1947), who extended Gestaltist's field theory by initiating a shift in psychology from a focus on the individual to a focus on processes between individuals
*
Adler
Alfred Adler (1870-1937) posited that a person's behavior is purposeful and motivated by a pursuit of goals.
the importance of one's perception of, and attitude toward, the environment as significant influences on behavior.
*
Tolman: Cognitions
In the 1930's, unobservable variables (or cognitions) played a mediating role between stimulus and response introduced the term expectancy.
*
Expectation = that something will happen
Expectancy= what will happen
The Social Learning Theory (SLT)
The Social Learning Theory (SLT) was officially launched in 1941 with Miller and Dollard's publication of Social Learning and Imitation.
Their SLT incorporated the principles of learning: reinforcement, punishment, extinction, and imitation of models.
Their book was written to explain how animals and humans model observed behaviors, which then became learned through environmental reinforcements.
*
This work expanded on the reciprocal relationship between environment and .
KATIES POST The crisis case I chose to discuss this week is th.docxdonnajames55
KATIE'S POST:
The crisis case I chose to discuss this week is the Tennessee Valley and the Kingston ash slide. On December 22, 2008, Tennessee Valley Authority who uses coal to generate electricity, had one of their containment pods that holds sludge from the ash wall begin to leak. The leak then caused the wall to eventually crumble. The leak then flowed into the Emory River that is located nearby. The river flowed into a nearby community, destroyed several houses, and forced families to evacuate the area.
Chapter 5 discusses the importance of organization members accepting that crisis can start quickly and unexpectedly. Two months before the leak, TVA was informed of a wet spot located on one retaining wall that suggested a leak was present. The moisture was eroding the structure's integrity, but TVA continued to add ash to the pond. TVA organization leaders ignored the warning signs of a potential crisis. TVA then accepted blame for the spill and began dredging the Emory River shortly after the incident. No other independent party was allowed to assess the dredging plan before it launched. If TVA's plan failed, the organization would have been at fault once again.
Upon further investigation of the crisis, lawyers were able to identify six primary failures in TVA's systems, controls, standards, and culture. “Lack of clarity and accountability for ultimate responsibility, lack of standardization, training, and metrics, siloed responsibilities and poor communication, lack of checks and balances, lack of prevention priority and resources, and being reactive instead of proactive” (Ulmer, Sellnow,& Seeger, 87).
Unfortunately, this unintentional crises could have been avoided had the proper crisis management, quality assurance, and procedures been put in place. TVA's negligence cost people their homes, polluted the river, and the uncertainty of long-term health conditions from being exposed to the ash's toxins. "The community was not able to locate reliable information about potential short- and long-term health effects, uncertainty about the extent of environmental damage, and feared plummeting property values" (Ritchie, Little, & Campbell, 179). TVA was at fault for several things, but the most significant fault they did not consider is the risk of storing large volumes of fly ash near the Emory River that flowed into a nearby community.
Ulmer, R. R., Sellnow, T. L., & Seeger, M. W. (2017). Effective crisis communication: Moving from crisis to opportunity. Sage Publications.
Ritchie, L. A., Little, J., & Campbell, N. M. (2018). Resource Loss and Psychosocial Stress in the Aftermath of the 2008 Tennessee Valley Authority Coal Ash Spill. International journal of mass emergencies and disasters, 36(2), 179.
.
Kate Chopins concise The Story of an Hour. What does Joseph.docxdonnajames55
Kate Chopin's concise "The Story of an Hour".
* What does Josephine represent in the story? What does Richards represent?
*The doctors said Mrs. M. died of "heart disease - of joy that kills." How is this ironic?
* What are some themes in the story? What are some symbols?
.
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Creativity Through Applying Ideas From Fields OtherThan One’.docxvanesaburnand
Creativity Through Applying Ideas From Fields Other
Than One’s Own: Transferring Knowledge From Social
Psychology to Industrial/Organizational Psychology *
Abstract
Subfields of psychology can be arguably characterized as
islands of unconnected knowledge. The underlying theme
of this paper is that these subfields have much to gain by
looking at and studying each other’s respective literature.
This paper explains how the field of industrial/organiza-
tional (I/O) psychology has benefited from theory and
research in social psychology, and suggests ways it can ben-
efit even more so. Specifically, moral development, the
group-serving bias, as well as inducing feelings of hypocrisy
so as to foster subsequent behaviour change are discussed.
Their potential for leading to further insight into existing
problems, refining existing theories, and for raising new
questions in I/O psychology is described.
Psychology is a behavioural science whose literature
has grown rapidly. However, psychology has often
failed to transfer knowledge across its subfields.
Scientists and practitioners within the subfields fre-
quently appear ignorant of ways they can benefit from
cross-subfield research. These subfields, whether bio-
logical, clinical, educational, social, or industrial, con-
tain interdependent ideas that should be shared in
order to advance psychology for all.
Since the authors are researchers of organizational
behaviour, this paper provides insights as to how trans-
ferring knowledge from social psychology has already
enriched the science and practice of I/O psychology.
In addition, new ideas as to how I/O psychology can
benefit from social psychology are explored.
Benefits of Reading Literature Other than One’s Own
The benefits of researching literature other than one’s
own are at least four-fold. First, sharing concepts
among psychology’s subfields allows researchers to
extend their work to other areas (i.e., generalization).
Second, it enables them to theorize and contextualize
their research so as to connect their findings within
larger conversations. Research designs often yield rela-
tively sterile pieces of data that contribute little to
knowledge and understanding when they are confined
to narrow disciplines, or kept within the borders of a
specific field (e.g., Locker, 1994; Sternberg &
Grigorenko, 2001). Third, it helps researchers to be
constructively critical of both the fields from which
they draw information and of that in which they work.
It can lead to proposals for using alternative method-
ologies in a particular program of research. Fourth, it
enables researchers to raise questions not previously
considered. Sharing knowledge across subfields may
even lead researchers who investigate the same phe-
nomenon, but who are in different areas of psycholo-
gy, and hence have different perspectives and instru-
ments, to interact with one another in ways that facili-
tate both knowledge creation and knowledge applica-
tion.
History
I/O .
Journal of Theoretical and PhilosophicalPsychologyWhat Is .docxtawnyataylor528
Journal of Theoretical and Philosophical
Psychology
What Is a Person? What Is the Self? Formulations for a
Science of Psychology
Raymond M. Bergner
Online First Publication, February 9, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/teo0000057
CITATION
Bergner, R. M. (2017, February 9). What Is a Person? What Is the Self? Formulations for a Science
of Psychology. Journal of Theoretical and Philosophical Psychology. Advance online publication.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/teo0000057
What Is a Person? What Is the Self? Formulations for a
Science of Psychology
Raymond M. Bergner
Illinois State University
This article offers solutions to two historically unresolved subject matter problems in
psychology: (a) What is a “person”? And, (b) what is the “self”? Part 1 of the article
presents Peter Ossorio’s (2006) Descriptive Psychologically based answer to the first of
these questions, an answer that comprises a paradigm case formulation of the concept
“person” itself, as well as a parametric analysis for describing individual persons. Part
2 of the article presents a new solution to the second question. The solution is a
disarmingly simple one in which “self” or “I,” consistent with actual usage, means
simply and essentially “this person”—this holistically considered, embodied, con-
scious, deliberate actor that I intend when I use the terms “I” or “me” or “myself”—as
opposed to “that person,” the specific individual I intend when I say “he” or “she” or
“herself.” The ways in which this formulation (a) uniquely possesses an empirical
grounding, (b) avoids many historical problems that have arisen in trying to delineate
the nature of the self, and (c) integrates the field of self psychology, are all demon-
strated. The article provides logical and empirical arguments in support of both of its
formulations, as well as for the importance of the science of psychology possessing
such formulations of its core subject matter.
Keywords: person, self, Descriptive Psychology, conceptual formulation, philosophy of
behavioral science
For a large class of cases—though not for all—in
which we employ the word “meaning” it can be de-
fined thus: the meaning of a word is its use in the
language.
—Ludwig Wittgenstein, 1953, #43
Imagine a biology instructor, on the opening
day of class, addressing her students as follows:
Welcome to vertebrate biology. In this class, we will
be discussing the biology of vertebrate organisms. Un-
fortunately, however, our field has so far come to no
consensus in the matter of how to define the term
“vertebrate.” So, in essence, we cannot articulate pre-
cisely and definitively the nature of our subject matter.
In other words, we cannot state the conceptual criteria
for correctly identifying one organism as a vertebrate
and another as an invertebrate. So, procedurally, as we
study the findings of different authorities in this area,
we will in each case just go along with the concep-
tion that each has explicitly or implicitly adopted,
even thou ...
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=b5qR4urr0vU&list=PLqJzTtkUiq54DDEEZvzisPlSGp_BadhNJ&index=11
A mental representation or cognitive representation is a hypothetical internal cognitive symbol that represents external reality[1], or else a mental process that makes use of such a symbol: "a formal system for making explicit certain entities or types of information, together with a specification of how the system does this”[3]. To define the “Human Mental Representation”, four concepts have been described; Similarity, Analogy, Relationships at the Heart of Semantic Web. Similarity is defined as “learning information about one is generally true of the other”, and this becomes more and more true as the probability that the two causal/source variables is the same increases. The relationships used identifying similarities differs between experts and novices, with novices using surface features and experts using deeper structural relationships. Similarly, people relied on similarity mappings when the relational roles were more complex.
The purpose of categorization is twofold, to be able to infer the properties of the entity and to adapt the category itself. This description is essentially Piaget’s theory of development through assimilation and accommodation. Communication is similar to categorization, but rather than resolving for oneself, the issue is resolving new or developing shared concepts between people, which relates to many of the psycholinguistic conceptual grounding discussions (i.e., Herb Clark). Analogy is a special kind of similarity. Two situations are analogous if they share a common pattern of relationships among their constituent elements even though the elements themselves differ across the two situations. Typically, one analog, termed the source or base, is more familiar or better understood than the second analog, termed the target” (p. 117). Therefore, theoretical models of analogical inference need to focus on binding and mapping.
We explained the “Knowledge Representation”, and in the end, We provided the examples of “ Ontology and Knowledge Base” from Relationships at the Heart of Semantic Web p:15 [2].
References:
1- Chapters: 2, 3, 4, 6, Book: The Cambridge Handbook of Thinking and Reasoning (pp. 117-142). New York: Cambridge University Press. By By: Keith J. Holyoak and Robert G. Morrison
2- Relationships at the Heart of Semantic Web: Modeling, Discovering, and Exploiting Complex Semantic Relationships, Book Title: Enhancing the Power of the Internet. By Amit Sheth, Ismailcem Budak Arpinar, Vipul Kashvap
3- Marr, David (2010). Vision. A Computational Investigation into the Human Representation and Processing of Visual Information. The MIT Press. ISBN 978-0262514620
Literature Survey on Identification of Author’s Trait Using Textual DataEditor IJMTER
Trait theory is a major approach to the study of human personality. Personality is the branch
of psychology which is concerned with providing a systematic account of the ways by which we can
differentiate one-another. Individuals differ from one another in a variety of ways: their anatomical and
physiognomic characteristics, their personal appearance, grooming, manner of dress, their social
backgrounds, roles and other demographic characteristics, their effect on others or social stimulus value
and their temporary states, moods, attitudes and activities at any given moment in time. Since human
tendencies are largely dependent on environmental and situational consistencies. In proposed work we
study various researches has been done to identify the trait of author’s.
Social Cognitive Theory
*
Originator
Albert Bandura, Ph.D. Bandura obtained his Ph.D. from the University of Iowa in 1952. In 1953, Bandura was offered a position at Stanford University.
*
Approximate Year of Origin
The Social Cognitive Theory (SCT) stemmed from the Social Learning Theory (SLT), which has a rich historical background dating back to the late 1800's. Albert Bandura first began publishing his work on SLT in the early 1960's. In 1986, Bandura officially launched the SCT with his book Social Foundations of Thought and Action: A Social Cognitive Theory.
*
Circumstances that led to the development of the Theory
The SCT has its origins in the discipline of psychology, with its early foundation being laid by behavioral and social psychologists. The SLT evolved under the umbrella of behaviorism, which is a cluster of psychological theories intended to explain why people and animals behave the way that they do.
*
Behaviorism
Behaviorism, introduced by John Watson in 1913, took an extremely mechanistic approach to understanding human behavior. According to Watson, behavior could be explained in terms of observable acts that could be described by stimulus-response sequences (Crosbie-Brunett and Lewis, 1993; Thomas, 1990). Also central to behaviorist study was the notion that contiguity between stimulus and response determined the likelihood that learning would occur.
*
Stimulus-response pathwayAre there some mediating factors between stimulus and response that regulate behavior? rewards or punishmentsFeedback Habit Freud's instinctTolman's cognitions
*
The ‘Social Self'
William James in 1890, whose notion of the 'social self' laid the foundation for the modern SLT tenet of the interaction between personal factors and the environment.
Kurt Lewin (1890-1947), who extended Gestaltist's field theory by initiating a shift in psychology from a focus on the individual to a focus on processes between individuals
*
Adler
Alfred Adler (1870-1937) posited that a person's behavior is purposeful and motivated by a pursuit of goals.
the importance of one's perception of, and attitude toward, the environment as significant influences on behavior.
*
Tolman: Cognitions
In the 1930's, unobservable variables (or cognitions) played a mediating role between stimulus and response introduced the term expectancy.
*
Expectation = that something will happen
Expectancy= what will happen
The Social Learning Theory (SLT)
The Social Learning Theory (SLT) was officially launched in 1941 with Miller and Dollard's publication of Social Learning and Imitation.
Their SLT incorporated the principles of learning: reinforcement, punishment, extinction, and imitation of models.
Their book was written to explain how animals and humans model observed behaviors, which then became learned through environmental reinforcements.
*
This work expanded on the reciprocal relationship between environment and .
Similar to Journal of Personality and Social Psychology1977, Vol. 35, N.docx (20)
KATIES POST The crisis case I chose to discuss this week is th.docxdonnajames55
KATIE'S POST:
The crisis case I chose to discuss this week is the Tennessee Valley and the Kingston ash slide. On December 22, 2008, Tennessee Valley Authority who uses coal to generate electricity, had one of their containment pods that holds sludge from the ash wall begin to leak. The leak then caused the wall to eventually crumble. The leak then flowed into the Emory River that is located nearby. The river flowed into a nearby community, destroyed several houses, and forced families to evacuate the area.
Chapter 5 discusses the importance of organization members accepting that crisis can start quickly and unexpectedly. Two months before the leak, TVA was informed of a wet spot located on one retaining wall that suggested a leak was present. The moisture was eroding the structure's integrity, but TVA continued to add ash to the pond. TVA organization leaders ignored the warning signs of a potential crisis. TVA then accepted blame for the spill and began dredging the Emory River shortly after the incident. No other independent party was allowed to assess the dredging plan before it launched. If TVA's plan failed, the organization would have been at fault once again.
Upon further investigation of the crisis, lawyers were able to identify six primary failures in TVA's systems, controls, standards, and culture. “Lack of clarity and accountability for ultimate responsibility, lack of standardization, training, and metrics, siloed responsibilities and poor communication, lack of checks and balances, lack of prevention priority and resources, and being reactive instead of proactive” (Ulmer, Sellnow,& Seeger, 87).
Unfortunately, this unintentional crises could have been avoided had the proper crisis management, quality assurance, and procedures been put in place. TVA's negligence cost people their homes, polluted the river, and the uncertainty of long-term health conditions from being exposed to the ash's toxins. "The community was not able to locate reliable information about potential short- and long-term health effects, uncertainty about the extent of environmental damage, and feared plummeting property values" (Ritchie, Little, & Campbell, 179). TVA was at fault for several things, but the most significant fault they did not consider is the risk of storing large volumes of fly ash near the Emory River that flowed into a nearby community.
Ulmer, R. R., Sellnow, T. L., & Seeger, M. W. (2017). Effective crisis communication: Moving from crisis to opportunity. Sage Publications.
Ritchie, L. A., Little, J., & Campbell, N. M. (2018). Resource Loss and Psychosocial Stress in the Aftermath of the 2008 Tennessee Valley Authority Coal Ash Spill. International journal of mass emergencies and disasters, 36(2), 179.
.
Kate Chopins concise The Story of an Hour. What does Joseph.docxdonnajames55
Kate Chopin's concise "The Story of an Hour".
* What does Josephine represent in the story? What does Richards represent?
*The doctors said Mrs. M. died of "heart disease - of joy that kills." How is this ironic?
* What are some themes in the story? What are some symbols?
.
K-2nd Grade
3rd-5th Grade
6th-8th Grade
Major Concepts, Principles, and Learning Theories (To be completed in Topic 3)
Cognitive
Linguistic
Social
Emotional
Physical
.
Just Walk on By by Brent Staples My firs.docxdonnajames55
Just Walk on By
by Brent Staples
My first victim was a woman—white, well dressed, probably in
her early twenties. I came upon her late one evening on a deserted street
in Hyde Park, a relatively affluent neighborhood in an otherwise mean,
impoverished section of Chicago. As I swung onto the avenue behind her,
there seemed to be a discreet, uninflammatory distance between us. Not so.
She cast back a worried glance. To her, the youngish black man—a broad
six feet two inches with a beard and billowing hair, both hands shoved
into the pockets of a bulky military jacket—seemed menacingly close.
After a few more quick glimpses, she picked up her pace and was soon
running in earnest. Within seconds she disappeared into a cross street.
That was more than a decade ago. I was 23 years old, a graduate
student newly arrived at the University of Chicago. It was in the echo of
that terrified woman’s footfalls that I first began to know the unwieldy
inheritance I’d come into—the ability to alter public space in ugly ways. It
was clear that she thought herself the quarry of a mugger, a rapist, or
worse. Suffering a bout of insomnia, however, I was stalking sleep, not
defenseless wayfarers. As a softy who is scarcely able to take a knife
to raw chicken—let alone hold it to a person’s throat—I was surprised,
embarrassed, and dismayed all at once. Her flight made me feel like an
accomplice in tyranny. It also made it clear that I was indistinguishable
from the muggers who occasionally seeped into the area from the
surrounding ghetto. That first encounter, and those that followed signified
that a vast unnerving gulf lay between nighttime pedestrians—particularly
women—and me. And I soon gathered that being perceived as dangerous
is a hazard in itself. I only needed to turn a corner into a dicey situation,
or crowd some frightened, armed person in a foyer somewhere, or make
an errant move after being pulled over by a policeman. Where fear and
weapons meet—and they often do in urban America—there is always the
possibility of death.
In that first year, my first away from my hometown, I was to
become thoroughly familiar with the language of fear. At dark, shadowy
intersections in Chicago, I could cross in front of a car stopped at a traffic
light and elicit the thunk, thunk, thunk, thunk of the driver—black, white,
male, or female—hammering down the door locks. On less traveled streets
after dark, I grew accustomed to but never comfortable with people who
crossed to the other side of the street rather than pass me. Then there were
the standard unpleasantries with police, doormen, bouncers, cab drivers,
and others whose business it is to screen out troublesome individuals
before there is any nastiness.
I moved to New York nearly two years ago and I have remained an
avid night walker. In central Manhattan, the near-constant crowd cover
minimizes tense one-on-one stre.
Just make it simple. and not have to be good, its the first draft. .docxdonnajames55
Just make it simple. and not have to be good, it's the first draft.
I want it a complete essay of 2 pages before 10 am on Sunday.
The instructions in the second file. There is a picture in the third file.
CDT (Central Daylight Time)
UTC/GMT -5 hours
.
JUST 497 Senior Seminar and Internship ExperienceInternationa.docxdonnajames55
JUST 497: Senior Seminar and Internship Experience
International Film Critique: The Whistleblower
· Due: April 3
· Reaction Paper: 10 Points
· Presentation: 5 Points
Your first written assignment was to critique a newspaper article dealing with misconduct and/or corruption at a local level within the United States. The capstone essay asks you to consider a social injustice and its consequences that occur on a national level. The International film assignment asks you to consider issues of international law and justice.
The Whistleblower based on a true story depicts the horrors of human trafficking and human rights violations across international borders.
Please choose Assignment A or B.
Assignment A
Write a 3-4 page Reaction Paper to the above film. Summarize the producer’s main message in no more than a half page. The remainder of the paper should reflect your opinion of the content of the film based on your knowledge of international law. Make specific references to scenes in the film that correlate with information you have gained in previous or current coursework. Cite all sources in-text according to the Hacker & Sommers APA Manual of Style.
Cautionary Notes
· Do not summarize the video.
· Cite specific information from the film using the required APA Manual of style.
· Use 12 font, double spacing and 1 inch margins.
Students who need a special accommodation and cannot find a copy of a closed caption video, must meet with their instructor to design an alternative assignment.
Assignment B
The Whistleblower implicates the United Nations, the U.S. State Department, and private contractors in post war Bosnia in an organized human trafficking scheme. Kathryn Bolkovac discovers a lucrative, far-reaching operation involving the local police and United Nations peacekeepers, many of them protected by diplomatic immunity. This film is based on a true story and reflects the international concern with corruption and human trafficking.
Cast
· Kathryn Bolkovac: Nebraska police officer who accepts an offer to work with the U.N. International Police in Bosnia run by a private company in the U.K., Democra Security
· Madeleine Rees: Head of the United Nations Human Rights Commission
· Nick Kaufman: Kathryn’s Field Commander
· Peter Ward: Internal Affairs Specialist
· Luba, Raya and Irka: teenagers sold to the sex trafficking ring
· Fred Murray: Democra Security Officer
· John Blakely: Head of Human Resources
Based on the movie, address the following questions. Answers should be in a Question and Answer format and not essay style.
1. Discuss the suffering and oppression witnessed by (not experienced by) the main character. Cite specific scenes from the movie to support your discussion.
2. In whatspecific ways does Kathryn advocate for the victims she encounters? Cite scenes from the movie to support your answer.
3. Discuss how both local citizens and higher ranking officials contribute to organized corruption in post-war Bosn.
July 2002, Vol 92, No. 7 American Journal of Public Health E.docxdonnajames55
July 2002, Vol 92, No. 7 | American Journal of Public Health Editorial | 1057
⏐ EDITORIAL
A Code of
Ethics for
Public Health
The mandate to ensure and pro-
tect the health of the public is an
inherently moral one. It carries
with it an obligation to care for
the well-being of communities,
and it implies the possession of an
element of power to carry out
that mandate. The need to exer-
cise power to ensure the health of
populations and, at the same time,
to avoid abuses of such power are
at the crux of public health ethics.
Until recently, the ethical na-
ture of public health has been im-
plicitly assumed rather than ex-
plicitly stated. Increasingly,
however, society is demanding ex-
plicit attention to ethics. This de-
mand arises from technological
advances that create new possibil-
ities and, with them, new ethical
dilemmas; new challenges to
health, such as the advent of HIV;
and abuses of power, such as the
Tuskegee study of syphilis.
Medical institutions have been
more explicit about the ethical
elements of their practice than
have public health institutions.
However, the concerns of public
health are not fully consonant
with those of medicine. Thus, we
cannot simply translate the princi-
ples of medical ethics to public
health. In contrast to medicine,
public health is concerned more
with populations than with indi-
viduals, and more with prevention
than with cure. The need to artic-
ulate a distinct ethic for public
health has been noted by a num-
ber of public health professionals
and ethicists.1–5
A code of ethics for public
health can clarify the distinctive
elements of public health and the
ethical principles that follow from
or respond to those elements. It
can make clear to populations and
communities the ideals of the pub-
lic health institutions that serve
them, ideals for which the institu-
tions can be held accountable.
THE PROCESS OF
WRITING THE CODE
The backgrounds and perspec-
tives of people who identify
themselves as public health pro-
fessionals are as diverse as the
multitude of factors affecting the
health of populations. Articulating
a common ethic for this diverse
group is a formidable challenge.
In the spring of 2000, the gradu-
ating class of the Public Health
Leadership Institute chose writing
a code of ethics for public health
as a group project. The institute
provides advanced leadership
training to people who are al-
ready in leadership roles in pub-
lic health. Because the fellows
bring a wealth of experience from
a wide variety of public health in-
stitutions, they are uniquely able
to represent diverse perspectives
and identify ethical issues com-
mon in public health.
At the 2000 meeting of the Na-
tional Association of City and
County Health Officers, the group
added a non-institute member
( J. C. Thomas) and charted a plan
for working toward a code. The
plan included receiving a formal
charge as the code of ethics work-
ing group at the annual meeting of
the American Public Health Asso-
c.
Journals are to be 2 pages long with an introduction, discussion and.docxdonnajames55
Journals are to be 2 pages long with an introduction, discussion and conclusion. They must be double spaced. Your formatting, sentence structure, spell checking, etc., will all be taken into account.
Utilizing YouTube, do a search for and listen to at least two perspectives from CNN, Fox News and/or MSNBC regarding culture wars. Provide me with an analysis that discusses two different perspectives. I typed in CNN/Fox News/MSNBC and then culture war, and was able to find quite a few 5 minute vignettes with regard to the topic. If you find a discussion of the culture wars either in written form or at another site, you must insure that it is a legitimate source and provide a link to the site.
Make sure to first provide your understanding of the definition of culture wars as outlined in the text readings, then provide me with your analysis obtained from the news outlets.
.
Judgement in Managerial Decision MakingBased on examples fro.docxdonnajames55
Judgement in Managerial Decision Making
Based on examples from one of the recommended articles selected by you, the lecture notes, the text, and other sources, discuss one or several of the themes: the nature of managerial decision making, the steps in the managerial decision making, organizational learning and creativity, judgmental heuristics, common biases in managerial decision making, bounds of human judgment, strategies for making better decisions.
.
Joyce is a 34-year-old woman who has been married 10 years. She .docxdonnajames55
Joyce is a 34-year-old woman who has been married 10 years. She has three children, all less than 10 years old: Sheena (age 9), Jack (age 6), and Beth (age 2). Her husband is a prominent attorney. They present an ideal picture of an upper-middle-class family. They live in a fashionable suburb. The husband has been successful to the extent that he has been made a full partner in a large law firm. The family is very active in church, the country club, and various other social organizations. Joyce is an active member of several charitable, civic, and social groups. Joyce’s initial call to the abuse center was vague and guarded. She expressed an interest in inquiring for “another woman” in regard to the purpose of the center. After she had received information and an invitation to call back, a number of weeks elapsed. Joyce’s second call occurred after receiving a severe beating from her husband.
Joyce tells the crisis worker in the phone:"Well, last night he beat me worse than ever. I thought he was really going to kill me this time. It had been building up for the past few weeks. His fuse was getting shorter and shorter, both with me and the kids. It’s his work, I guess. Finally he came home late last night. Dinner was cold. We were supposed to go out, and I guess it was my fault . . . I complained about his being late, and he blew up. Started yelling that he was gonna teach me a lesson. He started hitting me with his fists . . .knocked me down . . . and then started kicking me. I got up and ran into the bathroom. The kids were yelling for him to stop and he cuffed Sheena . . . God, it was horrible! (Wracked with sobs for more than a minute. CW waits.) I’m sorry, I just can’t seem to keep control."
As the crisis worker:
1-What typical dynamics did you see occurring—denial, guilt, fear, rationalization, withdrawal, and so on—in the victim? How would you as the crisis worker handle them?
What are some of the domestic violence intervention strategies? Pick one and how would you apply it to the scenario
.
Journal Write in 300-500 words about the following topic.After .docxdonnajames55
Journal: Write in 300-500 words about the following topic.
After watching some news and some television shows, including movies and anime. What are some portrayals of sexual harassment and rape myths that are perpetuated by social media, entertainment media, and news outlets?
What is the motivation of rapists on TV and in the movies?
What “types” of women get raped or sexually assaulted and harassed in movies and television?
Some research suggests that on TV and in the movies nontraditional women get raped more often than traditional women as a means of putting nontraditional women “in their place.”
How does what you saw compare to the research? How do gender stereotypes perpetuate rape and harassment culture?
In your experience or opinion, what are some ways society can address some of these issues around sexual assault and sexual battery, especially on college campuses and workplaces?
.
Journal Supervision and Management StyleWhen it comes to superv.docxdonnajames55
Journal: Supervision and Management Style
When it comes to supervising and managing personnel in human services organizations, everyone has his or her own leadership style. Some styles are effective and supportive; others may be ineffectual and unhelpful. When supervising and managing staff, it is important for human services administrators to first identify their leadership style and examine personal strengths and weaknesses related to their leadership style. Understanding how to utilize strengths and address weaknesses in leadership style is important for administrators to be both effective and supportive when supervising and managing.
In order to complete the Application Assignment, you must first complete the "Types of Leadership and Patterns of Management" interactive graphic provided in the Learning Resources. Once you have done so, take note of your leadership style and think about your areas of strengths and weaknesses.
After completing the self-assessment tool in this week’s Learning Resources, reflect on the results.
RESULTS:
I am very good at executing the work of a task, though I like clarity about the desired outcome.
1.
Engaging
2.
I really prefer to be peaceful and calm, finding ways to help others achieve their goals
3.
Achieving consensus among followers assures the best success
4.
It is ok to breech boundaries if we can all move in the same direction
5.
Being a change agent is never easy, but it is very stimulating for me
6.
I really prefer to be in control, though it does not have to be out in public
7.
Challenges should be addressed head on
8.
I like predictability
9.
I like to always put my best foot forward
10.
I am known to sometimes be argumentative, I believe it is the way new ideas emerge
11.
The best way to succeed is to trust oneself
12.
When determining goals to reach, we should always challenge ourselves a little beyond what we can see ourselves accomplishing
13.
The best way for me to relax is to spend some time alone quietly.
14.
When decisions are necessary my primary concern is its effect on the persons involved
15.
I am confident and assertive
16.
I am a compassionate person and there is significant value in the person (s) knowing where it comes from
17.
I am a very consistent person and am guided by my values
18.
I am a compassionate person but would rather show it behind the scenes
19.
I am conscientious and organized
20.Next
I like to focus on group cohesion
21.
When decisions are necessary I can make them easily and quickly as circumstances demand it
22.
My strong ability to envision the future makes me a result oriented leader
23.
Building and sustaining a strong image is a principle contributor to progress
24.
I see the big picture
25.
The best way for me to relax is to be reflective with a friend
26.
I am known to create harmony among others as it creates an optimal working environment. I am unimpressed with conflict
27.
Realistic
28.
I lik.
Journal of Social Work Values & Ethics, Fall 2018, Vol. 15, No.docxdonnajames55
Journal of Social Work Values & Ethics, Fall 2018, Vol. 15, No. 2 - page 37
Ethnicity, Values, and Value Conflicts of African
American and White Social Service Professionals
Andrew Edwards, MSW, Ph.D.
Cleveland State University, Emeritus
[email protected]
Mamadou M. Seck, Ph.D.
Cleveland State University
[email protected]
Journal of Social Work Values and Ethics, Volume 15, Number 2 (2018)
Copyright 2018, ASWB
This text may be freely shared among individuals, but it may not be republished in any medium without
express written consent from the authors and advance notification of ASWB.
Abstract
This aspect of a broader study included 110 (68
White/European American and 42 Black/African
American) social service professionals. The primary
focus of this aspect of the study was to verify the
value orientation or core beliefs of the practitioners
who deliver services to clients through social service
agencies and programs. The conceptualization
of the core beliefs explored the values and value
conflicts in relation to professional practice. The
participants were employed in a Midwestern
metropolitan region. They responded to a survey
instrument that included vignettes, closed-ended
items, scaled responses, as well as either-or type
items. Major categories of the exploration included:
life and death issues, lifestyle, domestic and
social perspectives, value conflicts with the social
work profession, and personal responses to value
conflicts. Specific items measuring values related
to abortion, homosexuality, religiosity, euthanasia,
and corporal punishment were included. Study
results showed statistical significance on 26 issues
as African American participants were compared
with White participants.
Keywords: value conflicts, social work, ethical
dilemmas, ethnicity, professional relationship
Introduction
The complexity of American society (Jarrett,
2000), specifically due to its historic, economic,
social, and ethnic makeup, requires that social
work professionals take their clients’ ethnicity,
values, and professional-client value conflicts
into consideration. Historical dynamics, such as
unproductive treatment, have contributed to the
reluctance of various population groups to engage
with professional service providers. This history
(Barker, 2014) has influenced the adoption of
guidelines that require social workers to be culturally
aware during interventions and recognizing that
diversity-related characteristics have influence upon
an individual’s thoughts, feelings, and behaviors.
Barker (2014) further noted that the concept of
values is influenced by one’s perceptions of what
comprises appropriate principles, practices, and
behaviors. An individual’s personal values are often
considered as a representation of one’s core beliefs
and what an individual may perceive as right.
Therefore, these beliefs do not require supporting
evidence for those who embrace them and may
result in behavio.
Journal of Personality 862, April 2018VC 2016 Wiley Perio.docxdonnajames55
Journal of Personality 86:2, April 2018
VC 2016 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
DOI: 10.1111/jopy.12301Unique Associations Between Big
Five Personality Aspects and
Multiple Dimensions of Well-Being
Jessie Sun ,
1,2
Scott Barry Kaufman,
3
and
Luke D. Smillie
1
1
The University of Melbourne
2
University of California, Davis
3
University of Pennsylvania
Abstract
Objective: Personality traits are associated with well-being, but the precise correlates vary across well-being dimensions and
within each Big Five domain. This study is the first to examine the unique associations between the Big Five aspects (rather
than facets) and multiple well-being dimensions.
Method: Two samples of U.S. participants (total N 5 706; Mage 5 36.17; 54% female) recruited via Amazon’s Mechanical Turk
completed measures of the Big Five aspects and subjective, psychological, and PERMA well-being.
Results: One aspect within each domain was more strongly associated with well-being variables. Enthusiasm and Withdrawal
were strongly associated with a broad range of well-being variables, but other aspects of personality also had idiosyncratic
associations with distinct forms of positive functioning (e.g., Compassion with positive relationships, Industriousness with
accomplishment, and Intellect with personal growth).
Conclusions: An aspect-level analysis provides an optimal (i.e., parsimonious yet sufficiently comprehensive) framework for
describing the relation between personality traits and multiple ways of thriving in life.
Keywords: Personality, aspects, Big Five, subjective well-being, psychological well-being
When multiple positive end states are examined, it becomes
apparent that aspects of psychological well-being may be
achieved by more people than just the nonneurotic, extra-
verted members of society. (Schmutte & Ryff, 1997, p. 558)
The large literature describing the associations between person-
ality traits and well-being suggests that Extraversion (the tendency
to be bold, talkative, enthusiastic, and sociable) and Neuroticism
(the tendency to be emotionally unstable and prone to negative
emotions) are especially strong predictors of well-being (e.g.,
Steel, Schmidt, & Shultz, 2008). But is well-being only accessible
to the extraverted and non-neurotic? We propose that more
nuanced insights can be revealed by examining the relation
between narrower traits and a broader spectrum of well-being
dimensions. The goal of the current study is to comprehensively
describe the unique associations between personality aspects and
dimensions of well-being across three well-being taxonomies.
Personality Traits and Three Taxonomies
of Well-Being
Personality traits and well-being dimensions can each be
described at different levels of resolution. The Big Five domains
provide a relatively comprehensive framework for organizing
differential patterns of affect, behavior, and cognition (John,
Naumann, & Soto, 2008). These broad traits can be further bro-
ken dow.
Journal of Pcnonaluy and Social Psychology1»M. Vd 47, No 6. .docxdonnajames55
Journal of Pcnonaluy and Social Psychology
1»M. Vd 47, No 6. 1292-1302
Copynghi I9S4 by the
American Psychological Association. Inc
Influence of Gender Constancy and Social Power
on Sex-Linked Modeling
Kay Bussey
Macquarie University
New South Wales, Australia
Albert Bandura
Stanford University
Competing predictions derived from cognitive-developmental theory and social
learning theory concerning sex-linked modeling were tested. In cognitive-develop-
mental theory, gender constancy is considered a necessary prerequisite for the
emulation of same-sex models, whereas according to social learning theory, sex-
role development is promoted through a vast system of social influences with
modeling serving as a major conveyor of sex role information. In accord with
social learning theory, even children at a lower level of gender conception emulated
same-sex models in preference to opposite-sex ones. Level of gender constancy
was associated with higher emulation of both male and female models rather
than operating as a selective determinant of modeling. This finding corroborates
modeling as a basic mechanism in the sex-typing process. In a second experiment
we explored the limits of same-sex modeling by pitting social power against the
force of collective modeling of different patterns of behavior by male and female
models. Social power over activities and rewarding resources produced cross-sex
modeling in boys, but not in girls. This unexpected pattern of cross-sex modeling
is explained by the differential sex-typing pressures that exist for boys and girls
and socialization experiences that heighten the attractiveness of social power
for boys.
Most theories of sex role development as-
sign a major role to modeling as a basic
mechanism of sex role learning (Bandura,
1969; Kagan, 1964; Mischel, 1970; Sears,
Rau & Alpert, 1965). Maccoby and Jacklin
(1974) have questioned whether social prac-
tices or modeling processes are influential in
the development of sex-linked roles. They
point to findings that in laboratory situations
children do not consistently pattern their
This research was supported by Research Grant No.
M-S162-21 from the National Institute of Mental Health,
U.S. Public Health Services, and by the Lewis S. Haas
Child Development Research Fund, Stanford University.
We thank Martin Curland, Brad Carpenter, Brent Sha-
phren, Deborah Skriba, Erin Dignam, and Pamela Minet
for serving as models. We are indebted to Marilyn
Waterman for filming and editing the videotape modeling
sequence, to Eileen Lynch and Sara Buxton, who acted
as experimenters, and to Nancy Adams, who assisted in
collecting the data. Finally, we also thank the staff and
children from Bing Nursery School, Stanford University.
Requests for reprints should be sent to either Kay
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Journal of Personality and Social Psychology1977, Vol. 35, N.docx
1. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology
1977, Vol. 35, No. 9, 677-688
Self-Reference and the Encoding of Personal Information
T. B. Rogers, N. A. Kuiper, and W. S. Kirker
University of Calgary, Canada
The degree to which the self is implicated in processing
personal information
was investigated. Subjects rated adjectives on four tasks
designed to force
varying kinds of encoding: structural, phonemic, semantic, and
self-reference.
In two experiments, incidental recall of the rated words
indicated that adjec-
tives rated under the self-reference task were recalled the best.
These results
indicate that self-reference is a rich and powerful encoding
process. As an
aspect of the human information-processing system, the self
appears to func-
tion as a superordinate schema that is deeply involved in the
processing, inter-
pretation, and memory of personal information.
Present research and theory in personality
appear to be placing more and more empha-
sis on how a person has organized his or her
psychological world. Starting with Kelly's
(1955) formulation of personal constructs,
we see a gradual emergence of a number of
2. avenues of inquiry that use this as their focal
point. In person perception, the concept of
lay personality theory stresses that the ob-
server's analytic network of expected trait
covariations is an integral part of how he
processes (and generates) interpersonal data
(Hastorf, Schneider, & Polefka, 1970). Bern
and Allen (1974), in their embellishment of
Allport's (1937) idiographic position, argue
that an important determinant of predictive
utility of trait measurement is the manner
in which the respondent has organized his or
her view of the trait being measured. These
authors see the overlap between the respond-
ent's and the experimenter's concept of the
trait as a necessary prerequisite of predic-
tion. Attribution theory (Jones et al., 1971)
is another example of this increased accent
on personal organization. Here the emphasis
is on how the subject explains past behavior
This research was supported by a grant from the
Canada Council. We would like to thank the fol-
lowing persons for their useful ideas and comments
on earlier drafts: F. I. M. Craik, E. J. Rowe, P. J.
Rogers, H. Lytton, J. Clark, J. Ells, C. G. Costello,
and especially one anonymous reviewer.
Requests for reprints should be sent to T. B.
Rogers, Department of Psychology, The University
of Calgary, Calgary, Alberta, Canada, T2N 1N4.
and how these explanations are organized in
an attributional network. The common
thread in all of these contemporary research
areas is the notion that the cognitions of a
3. person, particularly their manner of organ-
ization, should be an integral part of our
attempts to explain personality and behavior.
Of concern in the present article is the
construct of self and how it is implicated in
the organization of personal data. Our gen-
eral position is that the self is an extremely
active and powerful agent in the organization
of the person's world. More specifically, the
present research was designed to determine
if self-reference serves a meaningful function
in the processing of certain kinds of informa-
tion. That is, we attempted to determine the
relative strength of self-reference as an agent
in the processing of people-related informa-
tion.
The self is defined as an abstract repre-
sentation of past experience with personal
data. Phenomenologically, it is a kind of vague
idea about who the person thinks he or she
is. It probably develops to help the person
keep track of the vast amounts of self-rele-
vant information encountered over a lifetime.
The self, then, represents the abstracted es-
sence of a person's perception of him or her-
self. A more formal definition of self is to
view it as a list of terms or features that have
been derived from a lifetime of experience
with personal data. More than likely a por-
tion of the list consists of general terms—
not unlike traits—that represent the ab-
677
4. 678 T. ROGERS, N. KUIPER, AND W. KIRKER
stracted essentials of a person's view of self.
In addition to these general terms, there are
also some more specific entries in the self.
These relate to less salient and more situa-
tion-specific aspects of self-perception as
well as to specific behaviors. This definition
is supported by Jones, Sensening, and Haley
(1974). They simply asked subjects to de-
scribe their "most significant characteristics."
The most frequent entries in the obtained
response protocols were positively worded
terms such as sensitive, intelligent, and
friendly. These appear to be the general
terms in the self and appear to resemble
traits. Jones et al. (1974, p. 38) also present
a single response protocol. Of interest here
is the tendency for conditionals (e.g., such
situational hedges as sometimes) to emerge
later in the protocol. Furthermore, as the
protocol develops, the entries tend to relate
to more specific situations than did the earlier
terms (e.g., "have a hang-up about authority
figures"). These latter entries appear to be
the specific terms in the self.
One of the main functions of the self is
to help the individual process personal data.
When a person encounters a situation involv-
ing personal information, this structure is
activated and becomes part of the available
information-processing system. For example,
when students encounter a list of character-
5. istics of a psychopathological state (e.g., in
an introductory psychology lecture), they
tend to interpret (and attempt to remember)
these by referring them to their own views of
self. Such a strategy could lead to the "medi-
cal student syndrome," where students begin
to see themselves in the varying states de-
scribed by the lecturer. In extreme cases,
some students can be convinced they are
raving lunatics—despite repeated warnings
of the instructor. Other examples of this self-
reference phenomenon can occur in situations
involving personal feedback, expressive be-
haviors, and the processing of information
about other people.
The central aspect of self-reference is that
the self acts as a background or setting
against which incoming data are interpreted
or coded. This process involves an interaction
between the previous experience of the in-
dividual (in the form of the abstract struc-
ture of self) and the incoming materials. The
involvement of the self in the interpretation
of new stimuli imparts a degree of richness
and fullness to the input because of the avail-
ability of the immense amounts of previous
experience embodied in the self.
The interaction between new input and
previous experience, postulated to be central
to self-reference, has been modeled in the
cognitive literature under the concept of
schema or prototype (Bartlett, 1932; Posner
& Keele, 1968). For example, subjects shown
6. a series of dot patterns tend to abstract a
prototypical visual pattern and use it as a
standard in a memory task (Posner & Keele,
1970). In personality, several recent papers
have suggested that personal data are pro-
cessed using schemata or prototypes. Markus
(1977), using a series of measurements, cate-
gorized subjects by whether dependence was
part of their self. Schematics, or those with
dependence as part of their self, were those
who rated themselves as extreme on several
dependence items, as well as indicating that
they viewed dependence as important. As-
chematics were midrange on dependence and
low on importance ratings, representing sub-
jects who did not have dependence in their
general concept of self. On the basis of im-
pressive convergent evidence, Markus (1977)
found that schematics and aschematics
showed differences in how they processed per-
sonal data. For example, schematics were
more resistant to incorrect personal informa-
tion than were the aschematics. These data
suggest that the traits, such as those found
in the self, serve an important function in
processing certain kinds of information.
Cantor and Mischel (1977) tested the
proposition that traits function as prototypes
using a recognition memory task. Subjects
were shown a series of statements that rep-
resented an introvert. When faced with a
task requiring recognition of these statements
from among some new introvert statements,
subjects tended to misidentify some of the
new items as having been original state-
7. ments. This suggests that the concept of in-
SELF-REFERENCE AND ENCODING 679
trovert mediated subjects' processing of the
initial set of statements. This mediation was
postulated to be in the form of a prototype,
which represents an abstraction of the con-
cept of introvert from the initial items. The
observed memory bias for new, yet conceptu-
ally related items reflected the involvement
of this abstraction.
The Markus (1977) and Cantor and Mis-
chel (1977) data indicate that traits are im-
plicated in information-processing functions.
They appear to be involved in the organiza-
tion, storage, and retrieval of personality-
related information. Our view of self places
these traitlike schemata or prototypes as gen-
eral terms in the feature list making up the
self.
Rogers, Rogers, and Kuiper (Note 1) ex-
plored the manner in which this set of
schemata is involved in processing personal
data. They hypothesized that the self func-
tions like a grand or superordinate schema.
If the self is a schema, it should be possible
to observe the kinds of memory biases docu-
mented by Cantor and Mischel (1977). In
one study (Rogers et al., Note 1, Experiment
2), subjects filled out self-ratings on 84 ad-
jectives. Two and a half months later, these
8. same subjects participated in a recognition
memory study involving these same adjec-
tives. They first saw a randomly selected set
of 42 of the words, and then had to recognize
these from among the total set of 84. If the
self was involved as a schema, subjects
should tend to falsely recognize new items
that were rated as self-descriptive (i.e., Pos-
ner & Keele, 1970). Each subject's recogni-
tion protocol was divided into high, neutral,
and low self-descriptive categories on the
basis of their self-ratings. Performance for
the 42 items initially shown in the recogni-
tion study was not affected by degree of
self-reference. However, performance on the
new or distractor items (correct rejects) be-
came poorer as degree of self-reference in-
creased. In other words, more false alarms
occurred as the adjectives became more self-
descriptive. This clearly confirms the predic-
tion derived from viewing the self as a
schema.
To review, self-reference can be seen as a
process involving the schema of self. This
process involves the interaction between pre-
vious experience with personal data and new
stimulus input. When self-reference is in-
volved, it should provide a useful device for
encoding or interpreting incoming informa-
tion by virtue of accessing the extensive past
experience abstracted in the self. Contact
with the reservoir of history embodied in the
self should provide considerable embellish-
ment and richness to an incoming stimulus.
Rogers (in press) explored this possibility
9. using recognition memory for personality
items. Subjects instructed to "read the item,
decide if it describes you, and use this to
help your memory" performed significantly
better than subjects receiving either no or
different (i.e., imagery) instructions. These
data, in combination with some older re-
search (e.g., Cartwright, 1956), indicate that
explicit instructions to use the self in a
memory task increase performance, which
supports the claim that self-reference serves
to enrich input.
This enriching aspect of self-reference is
the focal point of the present article. Our
major concern is how powerful self-reference
is as an encoding device. More specifically,
self-reference is compared to several other
encoding processes in an effort to determine
the relative degree of richness and embellish-
ment that self-reference imparts to the en-
coding of adjectives.
The experimental manipulation used in the
present context is an incidental recall para-
digm, in which subjects make different kinds
of ratings on a set of words. For example, a
subject rates whether a given word means the
same as a target word. This would be a
semantic rating, as the subject must extract
the meaning of the word to perform the task.
The same subject rates whether another word
is written in big letters. This is a structural
coding task, since all the subject has to do
is inspect the structure of the stimulus item
rather than extract the meaning of the word.
10. Other words are rated on a phonemic task,
which involves deciding whether a word
rhymes with a target. The self-reference rat-
680 T. ROGERS, N. KUIPER, AND W. KIRKER
ing, which subjects perform on some of the
words, involves the respondent's deciding
whether the word describes him or her. When
the rating task is completed, each subject has
rated one fourth of the words on each of the
four rating tasks. These four tasks are
thought to vary in depth, or semantic rich-
ness, from the structural task as the most
shallow to the semantic and/or self-rating
task as the deepest. The test of coding
strength comes when the subjects are given
a surprise recall task at the conclusion of
the ratings. According to Craik and Lock-
hart (1972), words that have been deeply
coded during the rating task should be re-
called better than words with shallow coding.
This manipulation permits us to determine
the relative deepness of self-reference as a
coding device.
Craik and Tulving (1975) have done a
series of studies using this methodology.
They have restricted their efforts to the
structural, phonemic, and semantic types of
tasks. Their results indicate that recall (or
recognition) is best for semantic tasks and
poorest for structural ratings, with phonemic
in the middle. These data are interpreted as
11. support for the position that the strength of
the memory trace is "a positive function of
'depth' of processing, where depth refers to
greater degrees of semantic involvement"
(Craik & Tulving, 1975, p. 268). Presuma-
bly the rating tasks (structural, phonemic,
etc.) force the subject to code the word to a
specific level, and the incidental recall is a
function of the depth of these tasks. These
kinds of results have emerged quite consist-
ently in the cognitive literature (e.g., D'Agos-
tino, O'Neill, & Paivio, 1977; Klein & Saltz,
1976; Schulman, 1974; Walsh & Jenkins,
1973).
Of particular concern in the present study
is the comparison between incidental recall
for words rated under the semantic and self-
reference tasks. Both of these tasks involve
semantic encoding, but there is an important
difference between them. The self-reference
task forces the subject to use the self in
the rating task, whereas the semantic task
does not. The self-reference/semantic com-
parison permits assessment of the degree to
which the self aids in producing a stronger
trace, in contrast to usual semantic encoding.
If the self is an active agent in the encoding
of personal data, we predicted that the self-
reference rating would produce good inci-
dental recall in this depth-of-processing para-
digm. If incidental recall of the self-refer-
ence words is superior to that for semantic
words, the hypothesis that the self serves
an active and powerful role in processing
12. personal data would be supported.
The present article offers two experiments
that examine this proposition. The first study
involves a close replication of Craik and
Tulving's (1975) initial experiments, with
the self-reference task included. The second
experiment replicates and extends the first
study by using a different technique and
different semantic rating task.
Experiment 1
This experiment is intended to determine
the relative position of self-reference in
Craik's (Craik & Lockart, 1972) depth hier-
archy. The procedural details have been
chosen to closely approximate Craik and Tul-
ving's (1975) initial experiments in an effort
to maximize the degree of comparability of
the present results.
Method
The study has two main parts. First, subjects
rated 40 adjectives on one of four tasks. This in-
volved presenting a cue question, followed by 1
of the 40 adjectives. Subjects answered yes or no
to the cue question as it applied to the adjective.
The cue questions, along with the manipulations
for each task, are presented in Table 1. After com-
pleting the ratings, subjects attempted to recall the
adjectives in the second part of the study.
Materials. The main items for this study were
40 adjectives that were deemed appropriate for a
13. self-description task. They were chosen to represent
a broad spectrum of possible characteristics and
were selected from all of the trait descriptions found
in Jackson's (1967) Personality Research Form A
Manual. Thirty-eight of the adjectives, selected to
be familiar to the subject population, came from
this source. Two other adjectives (shy and out-
going) were added to make up the total of 40.
We used Roget's Thesaurus to construct a further
set of 40 synonyms for the semantic tasks. The
SELF-REFERENCE AND ENCODING 681
Table 1
Examples of the Rating Tasks
Task Cue question Manipulation
Structural
Phonemic
Semantic
Self-reference
Big letters?
Rhymes with x x x x ?
Means same as YYYY?
Describes you ?
14. The adjective was either presented in the
same size type as the question or twice
as large.
x x x x was a word that either rhymed or
did not rhyme with the adjective.
YYYY was either a synonym or unrelated
word to the presented adjective.
Subjects simply responded yes or no to
indicate the self-reference quality of the
presented adjective.
final synonyms chosen represented consensus among
the three authors.
The phonemic task dictated a second supple-
mentary list of 40 words that rhymed with the
main adjective set. The authors generated a set of
possible rhyming words, and consensus among our-
selves was the final criterion for selection. Most
(90%) of these words were adjectives.
A third supplementary list of nonsynonym, non-
rhyming words was also required, so that one half
of the cue questions could result in a no rating.
Kirby and Gardner's (1972) set of adjectives was
consulted to derive this list. Again, author con-
sensus regarding the nonrhyming and nonsynonym
quality of the adjectives dictated the final list.
A set of eight further adjectives and supplemen-
tary words was generated to provide buffer items
of four ratings each at the beginning and end of
15. the list. These items, which were constant across
lists, were not included in the data analysis. This
was intended to minimize the effects of primacy and
recency in the incidental recall task.
Four lists of adjectives were constructed, such
that 10 adjectives in each list were rated under
each cue question, and over the four lists, each
adjective was rated under each cue question.
To guard against the possibility that wo-rated
words are recalled differently than yes-rated words,
each of the four lists was reversed to generate eight
lists in total. For example, if in a given list, under
the structural task, a word appeared in small letters
(generating a no response), the reversed list would
have the word presented in big letters (generating
a yes response). The one exception to this counter-
balancing was the self-reference task. Here it was
impossible to have experimental control over yes
and no responses, since the person's view of self
would dictate his or her response.
In all lists, order of the cue questions was ran-
domly assigned in blocks of eight trials, such that
each combination of cue question and expected
response was represented once every eight trials.
Procedure. Subjects were tested individually. Ini-
tial instructions did not indicate that recall was
expected. All stimuli were displayed on a television
monitor driven by a P D P 8 / 1 computer, which also
recorded the ratings and rating times. Including the
four buffer items at the end and beginning of the
list, there were 48 rating trials. Each of these con-
16. sisted of (a) a 3-sec presentation of the cue ques-
tion, (b) a 500-msec blank interval, (c) presentation
of the target adjective, which was terminated by
the subject's response, indicated on a two-button
response panel placed comfortably in front of the
subject, and (d) a 2-sec intertrial interval before
the next cue question was presented. After the rat-
ing task, the subject was given a piece of paper
and was asked to recall, in any order, the adjectives
he or she had rated. Three minutes were allowed for
recall.
Subjects. Volunteers from the introductory psy-
chology subject pool served as subjects. There were
32 subjects (16 female and 16 male) with an average
age of 20.2 years. Each was paid $1.50 for par-
ticipating. Subjects were randomly assigned to the
eight list conditions, yielding 4 subjects per order. .
Results and Discussion
For each subject, the number of adjectives
recalled as a function of rating task (struc-
tural, phonemic, etc.) and observed yes or no
rating was calculated. The means of these
figures are presented in the top panel of
Table 2. A 4 (rating tasks) X 2 (yes/no rat-
ing) two-way analysis of variance revealed
a significant main effect of rating task, F(3,
93) = 29.01, p < .001. Newman-Keuls tests
indicated meaningful differences (p < .05 or
better) in the recall for all points in this
main effect except for the structural-pho-
nemic comparison. The main effect of rating
was also significant, F(l, 31) = 4.22, p<
17. 682 T. ROGERS, N. KUIPER, AND W. KIRKER
.05, indicating superior recall for words given
a yes rating. The Rating Task X Rating in-
teraction was also significant, F ( 3 , 93) =
3.47, p < .05. Post hoc tests of this inter-
action revealed a meaningful yes/no differ-
ence for the self-reference rating, £(31) =
2.62, p < .05.
The overall pattern of these results is simi-
lar to that typically found in the literature
(e.g., Experiments 1, 2, and 3 in Craik &
Tulving, 1975). The main effect of rating
task is used to suggest that the depth to
which items are processed during the rating
task determines the strength of the memory
trace. As recall is a function of trace strength,
the present results support this position.
Of central interest is the finding that the
self-reference task develops a stronger trace
than the semantic task, as shown by the sig-
nificant recall differences between these two
conditions. This result clearly supports the
idea that self-reference functions as a pow-
erful coding device. In the case of self-refer-
ence ratings, the subject uses his or her con-
cept of self to respond to the adjective. The
self-ratings involve comparison of the in-
coming adjective with the terms and sche-
mata that are part of the self (see Rogers,
1974). This comparison culminates in the
18. subject's yes/no response, which leads to a
strong and specific encoding of the rated
item. During the recall phase of the study,
items with this detailed and specific encoding
are easily retrieved, producing good recall
performance.
In the semantic rating task it is unneces-
sary for an elaborate structure such as the
self to be involved. Rather, the subject ac-
cesses his associative memory (e.g., Estes,
1976) for the target adjective and makes his
synonymity judgment from this. The result-
ing trace is not as specific or detailed as that
involved with self-reference. Clearly, the ac-
cess of associative memory produces a more
detailed trace than either the structural or
phonemic tasks. However, when compared to
self-reference, the trace derived from a syno-
nymity judgment is relatively weak. This
difference in the specificity of the self-refer-
ence and semantic tasks seems to be the
major reason for the inferior incidental re-
call of the semantically rated words.
The time required to make the ratings is
typically used to monitor the effectiveness
Table 2
Recall, Rating Time, and Adjusted Recall as a Function of
Rating Task and Rating for
Experiment 1
Rating
yes
22. 2,223
2,318
2,271
M
.14
.13
.13
a This figure represents the mean (over 32 subjects) of the
number of recalled ^5-rated structural items
divided by the number of yes ratings made on the structural
task.
SELF-REFERENCE AND ENCODING 683
of the experimental manipulations in this
paradigm. Further, these reaction time (RT)
data provide convergent evidence for self-
reference as a useful encoding task. The RTs
from the present study were sorted separately
for each subject into yes/no by rating-task
categories. The means are presented in the
middle panel of Table 2. Only the main effect
of rating task was significant in this analysis,
F ( 3 , 93) = 10.35, p < .001. A clear linear
trend in RTs is evident in these data, indi-
cating maximal RT for the self-reference
rating task.1 This analysis replicates Craik
and Tulving (1975) and is clearly compat-
23. ible with the recall data presented above,
supporting the involvement of the self as a
coding device.
The finding that yes-rated words are re-
called better than «0-rated words occurs in
other studies and has a number of interesting
implications. Craik explains these data by
arguing that in the case of yes-ra,ted words,
the "encoding questions or context forms an
integrated unit with the target word" (Craik
& Tulving, 1975, p. 291). Presumably this
integrated unit forms a stronger trace than
less integrated ones (no-rated words),
thereby augmenting recall. The interaction
observed in the present data indicates that
this yes/no difference occurred only for the
self-reference case, which suggests that items
viewed as self-descriptive (yes-rated words)
form a "more integrated unit" than do
non-self-descriptive terms. These results
strengthen even more our view of self, as it
appears that terms that match the subject's
self-view become more integrated than those
that do not match. This finding is consonant
with both Markus's (1977) and Cantor and
MischePs (1977) finding that personal data
are processed using schemalike structures.
There are several aspects of these data
that require examination before the previous
conclusions are fully warranted. The yes/no
difference in recall for self-reference words
could be due to a differential number of yes
responses as a function of rating task. Since
experimental control over the number of yes
24. responses was not possible for the self-refer-
ence task, this is a distinct possibility. For
each subject, the number of yes responses
made under each rating task (maximum =
10) was calculated. The means were 5.00,
4.34, 4.06, and 6.13 for the structural, pho-
nemic, semantic and self-reference tasks, re-
spectively. A simple analysis of variance on
these figures revealed a significant effect,
F(3, 93) = 16.99, p < .001, indicating that
number of yes responses is related to rating
task. The deviations from 50% yes responses
for the phonemic and semantic tasks are due
to the difficulty of constructing exact rhymes
and synonyms for the adjectives.
More important than the significant varia-
tion in number of yes responses is the pos-
sible effect this might have on the recall data.
Since it is already known that yes-rated
words are better recalled (e.g., Craik &
Tulving, 1975), it is possible that self-refer-
ence recall was superior because subjects
made more yes responses in the self-reference
task. To assess this, the recall data were
transformed to a proportion score that ad-
justs for differential numbers of yes re-
sponses. Specifically, a particular subject's re-
call of ;yej-rated words under a specific rating
task was divided by the number of yes rat-
ings the subject made while doing the task.
This transformed score represents the pro-
portion of recalled words the subject rated
as yes. Similarly, the wo-rated word recall
under a given rating task can be divided by
25. the number of no responses made on this rat-
1 It is possible that items with large RTs are
better recalled, calling into question this interpreta-
tion. If study time is the important factor, its
effects should be observable within each task as
well as across tasks. Thus, within a given rating
task, the items with the longer study times should
be recalled better. To explore this, the 10 RTs
under each of the four rating tasks were subdivided
separately for each subject into a fast and a slow
subset (5 RTs in each). The recall for these sub-
sets was analyzed in a 4 (rating tasks) X 2 (fast
and slow study times) two-way analysis of variance.
The study-time hypothesis predicts significant effects
for the terms involving study time. The analysis in-
dicated only the expected main effect of rating task,
F(3, 93) = 3 0 . 8 5 , p < .001. This analysis weakens
the study-time interpretation and reinforces the
interpretation that the recall data are due to the
qualitative nature of the various encoding tasks.
684 T. ROGERS, N. KUIPER, AND W. KIRKER
ing task to provide a score representing the
proportion of recalled words rated as no.
Note that this is a subject-specific correction
that reflects recall corrected for differential
numbers of yes and no ratings. The means of
the adjusted recall scores are presented in
the bottom panel of Table 2. An analysis of
variance of these …
Module 4: Case Scenario
26. After you've chosen your case scenario - please find two articles
that help to answer the clinical question. In two paragraphs,
discuss the evidence in relation to the question. Post the article
link or in PDF form. What do the articles say? How do they
help answer the question? How do they each answer the
question? Are the articles conflicting or do they come to the
same conclusion? What strengths/limitations are there?
CASE SCENARIO: Nursing
You are the nurse in charge of a busy intensive care unit at a
regional general hospital. An infection control audit has
identified a high number of patients diagnosed with ventilator
associated pneumonia (VAP) on your unit during the previous
12 months. You recently attended a critical care conference and
heard a number of nurses talking about the role of oral care in
preventing VAP and wonder whether an oral care policy would
reduce the incidence of VAP in critically ill ventilated patients
on your unit. You decide to search for research to answer your
question with the aim of presenting the findings to the staff at
the next unit meeting.
CLINICAL QUESTION: Does regular oral care reduce the
incidence of ventilator associated pneumonia in critically ill
adult patients?