Journal Write in 300-500 words about the following topic.After .docx
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Journal: Write in 300-500 words about the following topic. After watching some news and some television shows, including movies and anime. What are some portrayals of sexual harassment and rape myths that are perpetuated by social media, entertainment media, and news outlets? What is the motivation of rapists on TV and in the movies? What “types” of women get raped or sexually assaulted and harassed in movies and television? Some research suggests that on TV and in the movies nontraditional women get raped more often than traditional women as a means of putting nontraditional women “in their place.” How does what you saw compare to the research? How do gender stereotypes perpetuate rape and harassment culture? In your experience or opinion, what are some ways society can address some of these issues around sexual assault and sexual battery, especially on college campuses and workplaces? .
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Second versionThe Objectification of Women Whose Fault Is I.docx
Second version
The Objectification of Women: Whose Fault Is It?
Are women being treated as objects by the very university that has a responsibility to treat them with equality and dignity and not as second-class citizens? All anyone needs to do is look at the athletics department to see the way women are treated here. What I don’t understand is why in the year 2003 women are still allowing themselves to be used in such a way. In the past week I have read two news articles in the campus newspaper about recruiting practices that made me a little perplexed. Maybe it’s because I have a son the age of the female students in the articles, or maybe it’s because I have a wife, a sister, a mother, and nieces whom I respect as people and as women, but these articles upset my sense of right and wrong. Objectification of women, sexual or otherwise, should never be allowed or condoned. In the first article I read, “Risky Behavior Not Policed in Recruiting,” reporter Joe Watson explains how high school football players who visit campus for the purpose of being recruited are met by coeds. Thirty-five of thirty-seven student recruiters are females. Is this just a coincidence? I don’t think so. Schools from all over the country use the same practices to recruit high school players. Watson conducted an informal survey of 117 Division 1-A football programs nationwide and found many with similar proportions of female to male recruiters. Louisiana State has 55 females; Alabama leads the way with 100 females (1). As Watson reports, the university advertises every spring for new recruiters. Most come from sororities. The football coaches say they prefer using women because that’s the way the other schools do it. They maintain that the players coming to campus to be recruited would be uncomfortable if they were greeted by men because they are used to female recruiters. This justification is just an excuse to ignore a potential problem. Most of the players who come to campus to be recruited are 17 and 18 years old. There have been many reports of under-age drinking at local clubs and parties and sometimes sex, according to some senior recruiters. The people interviewed for the article who support the “hostess” program defend it by saying that “the recruiters perform respectable duties during high school recruits’ campus visits” (Watson 2). Does the responsibility of “performing respectable duties” end when they leave the campus for a party? I believe that Becky Stoltz, a fourth-year recruiter who was interviewed for the article said it best: “It’s a disaster waiting to happen.” Big problems have in fact already happened at the University of Colorado, where a recruiting aide was indicted for improper conduct after a three-month grand-jury investigation of illegal recruiting practices, including allegations of sexual assault (Lambert). Over the last hundred years, women have traveled a rocky road to greater equality. At the turn of the twentieth century women didn.
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Gender & Sexual Violence
Sexual Objectification
Sexual objectification is the reduction of a person to his or her sex appeal.
Both men and women are objectified in popular culture.
Gay men are objectified more than heterosexual men.
Women overall are objectified much more than men.
There’s now so much competition for attention that media content has learned that more is better. This has extended to more sex in the media, and women are conventionally portrayed as sex objects and sexually objectified.
Can you think of examples of sexual objectification in any shows or films you’ve recently watched? Who was sexually objectified? After hearing the responses, do the students’ examples confirm the book’s findings (i.e., that women are objectified more than men and that gay men are objectified more than heterosexual men)? Why or why not?
2
The Heterosexual Male Gaze
Media privileges male desire and assumes a heterosexual male gaze.
Content is designed to appeal to a hypothetical heterosexual man.
Men undergo a process of sexual subjectification.
They are told what their internal thoughts and feelings should be.
This privilege of male desire leads to a heterosexual male gaze. Can you think of how this gaze can negatively impact men?
3
Self-Objectifying
The heterosexual male gaze means that women are regularly exposed to idealized images of female bodies.
Many women self-objectify.
They internalize the idea that their physical attractiveness determines their worth.
During sex, worrying about how you look can translate into a process called spectating.
Instructor Note: You can build from the previous slide by now discussing how the heterosexual male gaze can negatively impact women. You should also discuss how gay and bisexual men in same-sex encounters can be positioned as the objectifier, the objectified, or both. Heterosexual men are less likely to be sexually objectified than others are.
How can the heterosexual male gaze impact women? How can it impact men? Do you think there are negative consequences to the heterosexual male gaze for men? For women? If yes, how so?
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Sexual Scripts
A sexual script refers to the social rules that guide sexual interaction.
The scripts of both mixed-sex and same-sex couples have a somewhat rigid ascending order of intimacy.
Sexual scripts are also gendered.
The masculine role is assertive.
The feminine role is responsive.
This creates a push-and-resist dynamic, whereby it’s normal for men to push for sexual activity and for women to stop or slow it down.
Instructor Note: Here you can discuss how our views on gender also shape how our sexual interactions are expected to go.
Can you develop a sexual script for a mixed-sex couple? Are there any gendered dynamics within the script? If yes, how so?
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KATIE'S POST:
The crisis case I chose to discuss this week is the Tennessee Valley and the Kingston ash slide. On December 22, 2008, Tennessee Valley Authority who uses coal to generate electricity, had one of their containment pods that holds sludge from the ash wall begin to leak. The leak then caused the wall to eventually crumble. The leak then flowed into the Emory River that is located nearby. The river flowed into a nearby community, destroyed several houses, and forced families to evacuate the area.
Chapter 5 discusses the importance of organization members accepting that crisis can start quickly and unexpectedly. Two months before the leak, TVA was informed of a wet spot located on one retaining wall that suggested a leak was present. The moisture was eroding the structure's integrity, but TVA continued to add ash to the pond. TVA organization leaders ignored the warning signs of a potential crisis. TVA then accepted blame for the spill and began dredging the Emory River shortly after the incident. No other independent party was allowed to assess the dredging plan before it launched. If TVA's plan failed, the organization would have been at fault once again.
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Ulmer, R. R., Sellnow, T. L., & Seeger, M. W. (2017). Effective crisis communication: Moving from crisis to opportunity. Sage Publications.
Ritchie, L. A., Little, J., & Campbell, N. M. (2018). Resource Loss and Psychosocial Stress in the Aftermath of the 2008 Tennessee Valley Authority Coal Ash Spill. International journal of mass emergencies and disasters, 36(2), 179.
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Are women being treated as objects by the very university that has a responsibility to treat them with equality and dignity and not as second-class citizens? All anyone needs to do is look at the athletics department to see the way women are treated here. What I don’t understand is why in the year 2003 women are still allowing themselves to be used in such a way. In the past week I have read two news articles in the campus newspaper about recruiting practices that made me a little perplexed. Maybe it’s because I have a son the age of the female students in the articles, or maybe it’s because I have a wife, a sister, a mother, and nieces whom I respect as people and as women, but these articles upset my sense of right and wrong. Objectification of women, sexual or otherwise, should never be allowed or condoned. In the first article I read, “Risky Behavior Not Policed in Recruiting,” reporter Joe Watson explains how high school football players who visit campus for the purpose of being recruited are met by coeds. Thirty-five of thirty-seven student recruiters are females. Is this just a coincidence? I don’t think so. Schools from all over the country use the same practices to recruit high school players. Watson conducted an informal survey of 117 Division 1-A football programs nationwide and found many with similar proportions of female to male recruiters. Louisiana State has 55 females; Alabama leads the way with 100 females (1). As Watson reports, the university advertises every spring for new recruiters. Most come from sororities. The football coaches say they prefer using women because that’s the way the other schools do it. They maintain that the players coming to campus to be recruited would be uncomfortable if they were greeted by men because they are used to female recruiters. This justification is just an excuse to ignore a potential problem. Most of the players who come to campus to be recruited are 17 and 18 years old. There have been many reports of under-age drinking at local clubs and parties and sometimes sex, according to some senior recruiters. The people interviewed for the article who support the “hostess” program defend it by saying that “the recruiters perform respectable duties during high school recruits’ campus visits” (Watson 2). Does the responsibility of “performing respectable duties” end when they leave the campus for a party? I believe that Becky Stoltz, a fourth-year recruiter who was interviewed for the article said it best: “It’s a disaster waiting to happen.” Big problems have in fact already happened at the University of Colorado, where a recruiting aide was indicted for improper conduct after a three-month grand-jury investigation of illegal recruiting practices, including allegations of sexual assault (Lambert). Over the last hundred years, women have traveled a rocky road to greater equality. At the turn of the twentieth century women didn.
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Sexual Objectification
Sexual objectification is the reduction of a person to his or her sex appeal.
Both men and women are objectified in popular culture.
Gay men are objectified more than heterosexual men.
Women overall are objectified much more than men.
There’s now so much competition for attention that media content has learned that more is better. This has extended to more sex in the media, and women are conventionally portrayed as sex objects and sexually objectified.
Can you think of examples of sexual objectification in any shows or films you’ve recently watched? Who was sexually objectified? After hearing the responses, do the students’ examples confirm the book’s findings (i.e., that women are objectified more than men and that gay men are objectified more than heterosexual men)? Why or why not?
2
The Heterosexual Male Gaze
Media privileges male desire and assumes a heterosexual male gaze.
Content is designed to appeal to a hypothetical heterosexual man.
Men undergo a process of sexual subjectification.
They are told what their internal thoughts and feelings should be.
This privilege of male desire leads to a heterosexual male gaze. Can you think of how this gaze can negatively impact men?
3
Self-Objectifying
The heterosexual male gaze means that women are regularly exposed to idealized images of female bodies.
Many women self-objectify.
They internalize the idea that their physical attractiveness determines their worth.
During sex, worrying about how you look can translate into a process called spectating.
Instructor Note: You can build from the previous slide by now discussing how the heterosexual male gaze can negatively impact women. You should also discuss how gay and bisexual men in same-sex encounters can be positioned as the objectifier, the objectified, or both. Heterosexual men are less likely to be sexually objectified than others are.
How can the heterosexual male gaze impact women? How can it impact men? Do you think there are negative consequences to the heterosexual male gaze for men? For women? If yes, how so?
4
Sexual Scripts
A sexual script refers to the social rules that guide sexual interaction.
The scripts of both mixed-sex and same-sex couples have a somewhat rigid ascending order of intimacy.
Sexual scripts are also gendered.
The masculine role is assertive.
The feminine role is responsive.
This creates a push-and-resist dynamic, whereby it’s normal for men to push for sexual activity and for women to stop or slow it down.
Instructor Note: Here you can discuss how our views on gender also shape how our sexual interactions are expected to go.
Can you develop a sexual script for a mixed-sex couple? Are there any gendered dynamics within the script? If yes, how so?
5
Sexual Violence
In the United States, one in three women and one in sex men have experienced sexual violence.
Acquaintance rape: rape by a person who is known to the victim
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An Examination of Gender Roles and Homophobia in the TV program, "Friends"
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KATIE'S POST:
The crisis case I chose to discuss this week is the Tennessee Valley and the Kingston ash slide. On December 22, 2008, Tennessee Valley Authority who uses coal to generate electricity, had one of their containment pods that holds sludge from the ash wall begin to leak. The leak then caused the wall to eventually crumble. The leak then flowed into the Emory River that is located nearby. The river flowed into a nearby community, destroyed several houses, and forced families to evacuate the area.
Chapter 5 discusses the importance of organization members accepting that crisis can start quickly and unexpectedly. Two months before the leak, TVA was informed of a wet spot located on one retaining wall that suggested a leak was present. The moisture was eroding the structure's integrity, but TVA continued to add ash to the pond. TVA organization leaders ignored the warning signs of a potential crisis. TVA then accepted blame for the spill and began dredging the Emory River shortly after the incident. No other independent party was allowed to assess the dredging plan before it launched. If TVA's plan failed, the organization would have been at fault once again.
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Unfortunately, this unintentional crises could have been avoided had the proper crisis management, quality assurance, and procedures been put in place. TVA's negligence cost people their homes, polluted the river, and the uncertainty of long-term health conditions from being exposed to the ash's toxins. "The community was not able to locate reliable information about potential short- and long-term health effects, uncertainty about the extent of environmental damage, and feared plummeting property values" (Ritchie, Little, & Campbell, 179). TVA was at fault for several things, but the most significant fault they did not consider is the risk of storing large volumes of fly ash near the Emory River that flowed into a nearby community.
Ulmer, R. R., Sellnow, T. L., & Seeger, M. W. (2017). Effective crisis communication: Moving from crisis to opportunity. Sage Publications.
Ritchie, L. A., Little, J., & Campbell, N. M. (2018). Resource Loss and Psychosocial Stress in the Aftermath of the 2008 Tennessee Valley Authority Coal Ash Spill. International journal of mass emergencies and disasters, 36(2), 179.
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import java.util.Random;
public class Enemy extends GameObject {
String Race;
int Speed;
public Enemy(String race) {
do{
Xpos = new Random().nextInt(37)+3;
Ypos = new Random().nextInt(15)+3;
} while(World[Xpos][Ypos] != ' ');
if (race.equals("Orc")) {
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Armor = 20;
Speed = 1;
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World[Xpos][Ypos] = Avatar;
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Race = race;
HP = 50;
Attack = 10;
Armor = 30;
Speed = 2;
Avatar = 'T';
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}
}
}
GameObject.java
public class GameObject {
protected static char World[][] = new char[41][21];
protected int Xpos, Ypos;
protected char Avatar;
protected int HP;
protected int Attack;//it is the player`s attacking power '+'
protected int Armor;//it is the player`s defending power '$'
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for (int y = 1; y <= 20; y++) {
for (int x = 1; x <= 40; x++) {
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System.out.print(" ");
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}
System.out.println();
}
}
public void MoveRight() {
if (World[Xpos + 1][Ypos] == ' ' || World[Xpos + 1][Ypos] == 'T') {
World[Xpos][Ypos] = ' ';
Xpos++;
World[Xpos][Ypos] = Avatar;
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World[Xpos][Ypos] = ' ';
Xpos++;
World[Xpos][Ypos] = Avatar;
Attack=Attack+10;
}
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World[Xpos][Ypos] = ' ';
Xpos++;
World[Xpos][Ypos] = Avatar;
Armor=Armor+5;
}
else{
}
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World[Xpos][Ypos] = ' ';
Xpos--;
World[Xpos][Ypos] = Avatar;
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World[Xpos][Ypos] = ' ';
Xpos--;
World[Xpos][Ypos] = Avatar;
Attack=Attack+10;
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World[Xpos][Ypos] = ' ';
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Lecture Notes
© Strayer University. All Rights Reserved. This document contains Strayer University confidential and proprietary information and may not be
copied, further distributed, or otherwise disclosed, in whole or in part, without the expressed written permission of Strayer University.
JWI 505 – Lecture Notes (1194) Page 1 of 4
WEEK 3: LISTEN AND ASK THE RIGHT QUESTIONS
Listen and Ask the Right Questions
You come home from work after a long day only to discover that your significant other is upset. You ask
what’s wrong. As you hear the story unfold, you repeatedly offer suggestions as to how your significant other
might solve the problems described. You are caught completely off guard when you end up sleeping on the
couch. What you’ve just experienced is a frequent cause of failure where in-person communication is
concerned. Your spouse was angry because you didn’t listen. You instead assumed you knew what could
make the problem go away.
Effective communication is not just about imparting information. It is about receiving information, too. When
two people with a pair of radio walkie-talkies both hold down the button to talk, neither one of them can hear
the other. They are both too busy sending to receive. To communicate effectively, you must focus most of
your energy on listening when the other person talks. When someone feels heard, they are more receptive
to your own message, more likely to build rapport with you, and more likely to become your active ally in
solving the problems at hand. The result is that all parties to the communication exchange information
effectively, moving toward a collaborative solution.
When was the last time you felt heard? Do your colleagues listen? Do your direct reports listen? Does your
boss listen? Do you?
Listening – and only listening, with no reply needed, no action taken, and no solution suggested – can grow
a relationship. We often believe, incorrectly, that more is better. Attempting to multi-task when you should be
listening is not productive. Worse, it causes us to lose the human connection that we crave for real success
in our business relationships. Most importantly, however, we must not merely listen actively to build these
relationships; we must listen with empathy to achieve a connection with our colleagues.
Listen with Empathy
William Ury, an author and expert in negotiation, explains that there are three important reasons to listen:
1. Listening helps us understand the other side. Negotiation is an exercise in influence, and nothing
helps you influence another person better than understanding them.
2. Listening helps us connect because it builds rapport and trust. When we listen, we demonstrate
empathy because everyone wants to be heard.
3. Listening makes it more likely that the other person will listen to us, which helps us attain their buy-
in.
JWI 505.
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Just Walk on By
by Brent Staples
My first victim was a woman—white, well dressed, probably in
her early twenties. I came upon her late one evening on a deserted street
in Hyde Park, a relatively affluent neighborhood in an otherwise mean,
impoverished section of Chicago. As I swung onto the avenue behind her,
there seemed to be a discreet, uninflammatory distance between us. Not so.
She cast back a worried glance. To her, the youngish black man—a broad
six feet two inches with a beard and billowing hair, both hands shoved
into the pockets of a bulky military jacket—seemed menacingly close.
After a few more quick glimpses, she picked up her pace and was soon
running in earnest. Within seconds she disappeared into a cross street.
That was more than a decade ago. I was 23 years old, a graduate
student newly arrived at the University of Chicago. It was in the echo of
that terrified woman’s footfalls that I first began to know the unwieldy
inheritance I’d come into—the ability to alter public space in ugly ways. It
was clear that she thought herself the quarry of a mugger, a rapist, or
worse. Suffering a bout of insomnia, however, I was stalking sleep, not
defenseless wayfarers. As a softy who is scarcely able to take a knife
to raw chicken—let alone hold it to a person’s throat—I was surprised,
embarrassed, and dismayed all at once. Her flight made me feel like an
accomplice in tyranny. It also made it clear that I was indistinguishable
from the muggers who occasionally seeped into the area from the
surrounding ghetto. That first encounter, and those that followed signified
that a vast unnerving gulf lay between nighttime pedestrians—particularly
women—and me. And I soon gathered that being perceived as dangerous
is a hazard in itself. I only needed to turn a corner into a dicey situation,
or crowd some frightened, armed person in a foyer somewhere, or make
an errant move after being pulled over by a policeman. Where fear and
weapons meet—and they often do in urban America—there is always the
possibility of death.
In that first year, my first away from my hometown, I was to
become thoroughly familiar with the language of fear. At dark, shadowy
intersections in Chicago, I could cross in front of a car stopped at a traffic
light and elicit the thunk, thunk, thunk, thunk of the driver—black, white,
male, or female—hammering down the door locks. On less traveled streets
after dark, I grew accustomed to but never comfortable with people who
crossed to the other side of the street rather than pass me. Then there were
the standard unpleasantries with police, doormen, bouncers, cab drivers,
and others whose business it is to screen out troublesome individuals
before there is any nastiness.
I moved to New York nearly two years ago and I have remained an
avid night walker. In central Manhattan, the near-constant crowd cover
minimizes tense one-on-one stre.
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Just make it simple. and not have to be good, it's the first draft.
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CDT (Central Daylight Time)
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JUST 497: Senior Seminar and Internship Experience
International Film Critique: The Whistleblower
· Due: April 3
· Reaction Paper: 10 Points
· Presentation: 5 Points
Your first written assignment was to critique a newspaper article dealing with misconduct and/or corruption at a local level within the United States. The capstone essay asks you to consider a social injustice and its consequences that occur on a national level. The International film assignment asks you to consider issues of international law and justice.
The Whistleblower based on a true story depicts the horrors of human trafficking and human rights violations across international borders.
Please choose Assignment A or B.
Assignment A
Write a 3-4 page Reaction Paper to the above film. Summarize the producer’s main message in no more than a half page. The remainder of the paper should reflect your opinion of the content of the film based on your knowledge of international law. Make specific references to scenes in the film that correlate with information you have gained in previous or current coursework. Cite all sources in-text according to the Hacker & Sommers APA Manual of Style.
Cautionary Notes
· Do not summarize the video.
· Cite specific information from the film using the required APA Manual of style.
· Use 12 font, double spacing and 1 inch margins.
Students who need a special accommodation and cannot find a copy of a closed caption video, must meet with their instructor to design an alternative assignment.
Assignment B
The Whistleblower implicates the United Nations, the U.S. State Department, and private contractors in post war Bosnia in an organized human trafficking scheme. Kathryn Bolkovac discovers a lucrative, far-reaching operation involving the local police and United Nations peacekeepers, many of them protected by diplomatic immunity. This film is based on a true story and reflects the international concern with corruption and human trafficking.
Cast
· Kathryn Bolkovac: Nebraska police officer who accepts an offer to work with the U.N. International Police in Bosnia run by a private company in the U.K., Democra Security
· Madeleine Rees: Head of the United Nations Human Rights Commission
· Nick Kaufman: Kathryn’s Field Commander
· Peter Ward: Internal Affairs Specialist
· Luba, Raya and Irka: teenagers sold to the sex trafficking ring
· Fred Murray: Democra Security Officer
· John Blakely: Head of Human Resources
Based on the movie, address the following questions. Answers should be in a Question and Answer format and not essay style.
1. Discuss the suffering and oppression witnessed by (not experienced by) the main character. Cite specific scenes from the movie to support your discussion.
2. In whatspecific ways does Kathryn advocate for the victims she encounters? Cite scenes from the movie to support your answer.
3. Discuss how both local citizens and higher ranking officials contribute to organized corruption in post-war Bosn.
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July 2002, Vol 92, No. 7 | American Journal of Public Health Editorial | 1057
⏐ EDITORIAL
A Code of
Ethics for
Public Health
The mandate to ensure and pro-
tect the health of the public is an
inherently moral one. It carries
with it an obligation to care for
the well-being of communities,
and it implies the possession of an
element of power to carry out
that mandate. The need to exer-
cise power to ensure the health of
populations and, at the same time,
to avoid abuses of such power are
at the crux of public health ethics.
Until recently, the ethical na-
ture of public health has been im-
plicitly assumed rather than ex-
plicitly stated. Increasingly,
however, society is demanding ex-
plicit attention to ethics. This de-
mand arises from technological
advances that create new possibil-
ities and, with them, new ethical
dilemmas; new challenges to
health, such as the advent of HIV;
and abuses of power, such as the
Tuskegee study of syphilis.
Medical institutions have been
more explicit about the ethical
elements of their practice than
have public health institutions.
However, the concerns of public
health are not fully consonant
with those of medicine. Thus, we
cannot simply translate the princi-
ples of medical ethics to public
health. In contrast to medicine,
public health is concerned more
with populations than with indi-
viduals, and more with prevention
than with cure. The need to artic-
ulate a distinct ethic for public
health has been noted by a num-
ber of public health professionals
and ethicists.1–5
A code of ethics for public
health can clarify the distinctive
elements of public health and the
ethical principles that follow from
or respond to those elements. It
can make clear to populations and
communities the ideals of the pub-
lic health institutions that serve
them, ideals for which the institu-
tions can be held accountable.
THE PROCESS OF
WRITING THE CODE
The backgrounds and perspec-
tives of people who identify
themselves as public health pro-
fessionals are as diverse as the
multitude of factors affecting the
health of populations. Articulating
a common ethic for this diverse
group is a formidable challenge.
In the spring of 2000, the gradu-
ating class of the Public Health
Leadership Institute chose writing
a code of ethics for public health
as a group project. The institute
provides advanced leadership
training to people who are al-
ready in leadership roles in pub-
lic health. Because the fellows
bring a wealth of experience from
a wide variety of public health in-
stitutions, they are uniquely able
to represent diverse perspectives
and identify ethical issues com-
mon in public health.
At the 2000 meeting of the Na-
tional Association of City and
County Health Officers, the group
added a non-institute member
( J. C. Thomas) and charted a plan
for working toward a code. The
plan included receiving a formal
charge as the code of ethics work-
ing group at the annual meeting of
the American Public Health Asso-
c.
Journals are to be 2 pages long with an introduction, discussion and.docx
Journals are to be 2 pages long with an introduction, discussion and conclusion. They must be double spaced. Your formatting, sentence structure, spell checking, etc., will all be taken into account.
Utilizing YouTube, do a search for and listen to at least two perspectives from CNN, Fox News and/or MSNBC regarding culture wars. Provide me with an analysis that discusses two different perspectives. I typed in CNN/Fox News/MSNBC and then culture war, and was able to find quite a few 5 minute vignettes with regard to the topic. If you find a discussion of the culture wars either in written form or at another site, you must insure that it is a legitimate source and provide a link to the site.
Make sure to first provide your understanding of the definition of culture wars as outlined in the text readings, then provide me with your analysis obtained from the news outlets.
.
Judgement in Managerial Decision MakingBased on examples fro.docx
Judgement in Managerial Decision Making
Based on examples from one of the recommended articles selected by you, the lecture notes, the text, and other sources, discuss one or several of the themes: the nature of managerial decision making, the steps in the managerial decision making, organizational learning and creativity, judgmental heuristics, common biases in managerial decision making, bounds of human judgment, strategies for making better decisions.
.
Joyce is a 34-year-old woman who has been married 10 years. She .docx
Joyce is a 34-year-old woman who has been married 10 years. She has three children, all less than 10 years old: Sheena (age 9), Jack (age 6), and Beth (age 2). Her husband is a prominent attorney. They present an ideal picture of an upper-middle-class family. They live in a fashionable suburb. The husband has been successful to the extent that he has been made a full partner in a large law firm. The family is very active in church, the country club, and various other social organizations. Joyce is an active member of several charitable, civic, and social groups. Joyce’s initial call to the abuse center was vague and guarded. She expressed an interest in inquiring for “another woman” in regard to the purpose of the center. After she had received information and an invitation to call back, a number of weeks elapsed. Joyce’s second call occurred after receiving a severe beating from her husband.
Joyce tells the crisis worker in the phone:"Well, last night he beat me worse than ever. I thought he was really going to kill me this time. It had been building up for the past few weeks. His fuse was getting shorter and shorter, both with me and the kids. It’s his work, I guess. Finally he came home late last night. Dinner was cold. We were supposed to go out, and I guess it was my fault . . . I complained about his being late, and he blew up. Started yelling that he was gonna teach me a lesson. He started hitting me with his fists . . .knocked me down . . . and then started kicking me. I got up and ran into the bathroom. The kids were yelling for him to stop and he cuffed Sheena . . . God, it was horrible! (Wracked with sobs for more than a minute. CW waits.) I’m sorry, I just can’t seem to keep control."
As the crisis worker:
1-What typical dynamics did you see occurring—denial, guilt, fear, rationalization, withdrawal, and so on—in the victim? How would you as the crisis worker handle them?
What are some of the domestic violence intervention strategies? Pick one and how would you apply it to the scenario
.
Journal Supervision and Management StyleWhen it comes to superv.docx
Journal: Supervision and Management Style
When it comes to supervising and managing personnel in human services organizations, everyone has his or her own leadership style. Some styles are effective and supportive; others may be ineffectual and unhelpful. When supervising and managing staff, it is important for human services administrators to first identify their leadership style and examine personal strengths and weaknesses related to their leadership style. Understanding how to utilize strengths and address weaknesses in leadership style is important for administrators to be both effective and supportive when supervising and managing.
In order to complete the Application Assignment, you must first complete the "Types of Leadership and Patterns of Management" interactive graphic provided in the Learning Resources. Once you have done so, take note of your leadership style and think about your areas of strengths and weaknesses.
After completing the self-assessment tool in this week’s Learning Resources, reflect on the results.
RESULTS:
I am very good at executing the work of a task, though I like clarity about the desired outcome.
1.
Engaging
2.
I really prefer to be peaceful and calm, finding ways to help others achieve their goals
3.
Achieving consensus among followers assures the best success
4.
It is ok to breech boundaries if we can all move in the same direction
5.
Being a change agent is never easy, but it is very stimulating for me
6.
I really prefer to be in control, though it does not have to be out in public
7.
Challenges should be addressed head on
8.
I like predictability
9.
I like to always put my best foot forward
10.
I am known to sometimes be argumentative, I believe it is the way new ideas emerge
11.
The best way to succeed is to trust oneself
12.
When determining goals to reach, we should always challenge ourselves a little beyond what we can see ourselves accomplishing
13.
The best way for me to relax is to spend some time alone quietly.
14.
When decisions are necessary my primary concern is its effect on the persons involved
15.
I am confident and assertive
16.
I am a compassionate person and there is significant value in the person (s) knowing where it comes from
17.
I am a very consistent person and am guided by my values
18.
I am a compassionate person but would rather show it behind the scenes
19.
I am conscientious and organized
20.Next
I like to focus on group cohesion
21.
When decisions are necessary I can make them easily and quickly as circumstances demand it
22.
My strong ability to envision the future makes me a result oriented leader
23.
Building and sustaining a strong image is a principle contributor to progress
24.
I see the big picture
25.
The best way for me to relax is to be reflective with a friend
26.
I am known to create harmony among others as it creates an optimal working environment. I am unimpressed with conflict
27.
Realistic
28.
I lik.
Journal of Soc. & Psy. Sci. 2018 Volume 11 (1) 51-55 Ava.docx
Journal of Soc. & Psy. Sci. 2018 Volume 11 (1): 51-55
Available at: www.jspsciences.org
HISTORY OF PSYCHOLOGY AND THE ROLE OF ETHICS
IN THE DISCIPLINE
Ian Lawson
ABSTRACT
This paper discusses some of the moral and ethical issues associated with psychological
research throughout history. This is a very broad area which covers a vast array of topics.
However, it is not within the scope of this paper of focusing on absolutely every single aspect
of this area. Thus, not sacrificing depth of analysis, the present paper brings relevant issues
for discussion by examining some key areas including, schizophrenia, and gender and IQ
research, as well as hypothesis and significance testing, which normally constitutes the basis
for changes in ethics and research development. These areas have become paradigmatic for
much criticism concerning its moral and ethical implications for individuals who received
diagnostic labels as a consequence of such research. This paper takes the position that the very
practice of uncritically presenting such research as being ‘value free’ or as some form of
universal and absolute truth is in itself a cause for major ethical concerns.
Keywords: Critical Psychology, history of psychology, IQ, Schizophrenia
Journal of Soc. & Psych. Sci. (2018) Vol.11 (1): 51-55 Ian Lawson 52
© Oxford Mosaic Publications 2018. All rights reserved ISSN 1756-7483 (print) 1756-7491 (online)
INTRODUCTION
One can trace the development of contemporary ethics back to the Vienna Circle
and its associated philosophers, researchers and theorists attempt to demarcate
science from pseudo-science (Wlash, Teo & Baydala, 2014). It was at this point that
theorists defined what aspects of reality were worthy of studying, and thus defining
the very course of alleged scientific progress (Wlash, Teo & Baydala, 2014). It
should also be noted that early research being carried out in human participants
involved deliberate violation of ethics conduct (Mandal, Acharya & Parija, 2011).
For instance, in 1946 the American tribunal brought leading German physicians to
justice due gross negligence of ethics and crimes against humanity. More
specifically, these physicians were being tried mainly due to conducting medical
experiments on thousands of concentration camp prisoners without their consent.
As a result of such experiments most prisoners would either be permanently disabled
or would die (Mandal, Acharya & Parija, 2011). It should be evident that much of
such atrocities were carried out in the name of scientific progress, which seems to
be the usual argument for changes and negligence in ethics.
When it comes to examining epistemological and ontological stand point of
scientific underpinnings of mainstream psychology it should be evident that many
constructs emerging through psyc.
Journal of Social Work Values & Ethics, Fall 2018, Vol. 15, No.docx
Journal of Social Work Values & Ethics, Fall 2018, Vol. 15, No. 2 - page 37
Ethnicity, Values, and Value Conflicts of African
American and White Social Service Professionals
Andrew Edwards, MSW, Ph.D.
Cleveland State University, Emeritus
[email protected]
Mamadou M. Seck, Ph.D.
Cleveland State University
[email protected]
Journal of Social Work Values and Ethics, Volume 15, Number 2 (2018)
Copyright 2018, ASWB
This text may be freely shared among individuals, but it may not be republished in any medium without
express written consent from the authors and advance notification of ASWB.
Abstract
This aspect of a broader study included 110 (68
White/European American and 42 Black/African
American) social service professionals. The primary
focus of this aspect of the study was to verify the
value orientation or core beliefs of the practitioners
who deliver services to clients through social service
agencies and programs. The conceptualization
of the core beliefs explored the values and value
conflicts in relation to professional practice. The
participants were employed in a Midwestern
metropolitan region. They responded to a survey
instrument that included vignettes, closed-ended
items, scaled responses, as well as either-or type
items. Major categories of the exploration included:
life and death issues, lifestyle, domestic and
social perspectives, value conflicts with the social
work profession, and personal responses to value
conflicts. Specific items measuring values related
to abortion, homosexuality, religiosity, euthanasia,
and corporal punishment were included. Study
results showed statistical significance on 26 issues
as African American participants were compared
with White participants.
Keywords: value conflicts, social work, ethical
dilemmas, ethnicity, professional relationship
Introduction
The complexity of American society (Jarrett,
2000), specifically due to its historic, economic,
social, and ethnic makeup, requires that social
work professionals take their clients’ ethnicity,
values, and professional-client value conflicts
into consideration. Historical dynamics, such as
unproductive treatment, have contributed to the
reluctance of various population groups to engage
with professional service providers. This history
(Barker, 2014) has influenced the adoption of
guidelines that require social workers to be culturally
aware during interventions and recognizing that
diversity-related characteristics have influence upon
an individual’s thoughts, feelings, and behaviors.
Barker (2014) further noted that the concept of
values is influenced by one’s perceptions of what
comprises appropriate principles, practices, and
behaviors. An individual’s personal values are often
considered as a representation of one’s core beliefs
and what an individual may perceive as right.
Therefore, these beliefs do not require supporting
evidence for those who embrace them and may
result in behavio.
Journal of Policy Practice, 9220–239, 2010 Copyright © Taylor &.docx
Journal of Policy Practice, 9:220–239, 2010
Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 1558-8742 print/1558-8750 online
DOI: 10.1080/15588742.2010.489037
Journal of Policy Practice
Are Social Work Advocacy Groups Using Web 2.0 Effectively?
HEATHER R. EDWARDS and RICHARD HOEFER
University of Texas at Arlington, Arlington, Texas
PAGE 220
This article describes social work advocacy efforts, states what Web 2.0 technology has to offer social work advocacy, and presents original research on the current levels of Web 2.0 use on social work advocacy organization Web sites. This study employed a content analysis of a purposive sample of social work advocacy organization Web sites (N = 63). The researchers created a data collection instrument containing items related to communicating with policy makers, resource gathering, information, and use of specific Web 2.0 technologies. Findings reveal that social work organizations make good use of their Web sites for some advocacy activities, and grossly underutilize the Web forum for others. Furthermore, social work organizations do not use Web 2.0 often for advocacy. Barriers impeding Web 2.0 use and methods to overcome such barriers are also discussed. Implications for future social work education, practice, and research follow.
KEYWORDS advocacy, Web 2.0, Internet advocacy, social work advocacy, policy practice
The Code of Ethics for the National Association of Social Workers (NASW) states that social workers “pursue social change” and “challenge injustice” (NASW, 2008). Advocacy aimed at informing the policy process serves as a key method that social workers use to fulfill this mission (Hoefer, 2006; Jackson-Elmoore, 2005). Social work advocates must take advantage of every advocacy tactic available to the greatest extent possible to ensure timely policy change for vulnerable populations.
PAGE 221
Advocacy tactics have been divided into “inside” and “outside” (Hoefer, 2001, 2005; Walker, 1993). Inside tactics are those that groups use to work directly with decision makers, such as lobbying. Outside tactics are employed by interest group members or the public to put pressure on decision makers. The Internet, as originally designed (Web 1.0), has been effectively used as an outside tactic to disseminate information from interest group leaders to decision makers and members of the public. Thus, the Web is a tool advocates can use to keep their message available at all times. In recent years, the Internet has moved from being a one-way highway to a more interactive entity, called Web 2.0. This second generation of Web site tools expands human services organizations’ advocacy efforts well beyond information dissemination. Through social media applications such as blogs, wikis, podcasts, videocasts, social networking, etc., human service organizations can promote information sharing, participatory knowledge generation, and collaboration building (Fine, 2007; McNutt, 2008; McNutt & Menon, 2008; Sche.
Journal of Personality 862, April 2018VC 2016 Wiley Perio.docx
Journal of Personality 86:2, April 2018
VC 2016 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
DOI: 10.1111/jopy.12301Unique Associations Between Big
Five Personality Aspects and
Multiple Dimensions of Well-Being
Jessie Sun ,
1,2
Scott Barry Kaufman,
3
and
Luke D. Smillie
1
1
The University of Melbourne
2
University of California, Davis
3
University of Pennsylvania
Abstract
Objective: Personality traits are associated with well-being, but the precise correlates vary across well-being dimensions and
within each Big Five domain. This study is the first to examine the unique associations between the Big Five aspects (rather
than facets) and multiple well-being dimensions.
Method: Two samples of U.S. participants (total N 5 706; Mage 5 36.17; 54% female) recruited via Amazon’s Mechanical Turk
completed measures of the Big Five aspects and subjective, psychological, and PERMA well-being.
Results: One aspect within each domain was more strongly associated with well-being variables. Enthusiasm and Withdrawal
were strongly associated with a broad range of well-being variables, but other aspects of personality also had idiosyncratic
associations with distinct forms of positive functioning (e.g., Compassion with positive relationships, Industriousness with
accomplishment, and Intellect with personal growth).
Conclusions: An aspect-level analysis provides an optimal (i.e., parsimonious yet sufficiently comprehensive) framework for
describing the relation between personality traits and multiple ways of thriving in life.
Keywords: Personality, aspects, Big Five, subjective well-being, psychological well-being
When multiple positive end states are examined, it becomes
apparent that aspects of psychological well-being may be
achieved by more people than just the nonneurotic, extra-
verted members of society. (Schmutte & Ryff, 1997, p. 558)
The large literature describing the associations between person-
ality traits and well-being suggests that Extraversion (the tendency
to be bold, talkative, enthusiastic, and sociable) and Neuroticism
(the tendency to be emotionally unstable and prone to negative
emotions) are especially strong predictors of well-being (e.g.,
Steel, Schmidt, & Shultz, 2008). But is well-being only accessible
to the extraverted and non-neurotic? We propose that more
nuanced insights can be revealed by examining the relation
between narrower traits and a broader spectrum of well-being
dimensions. The goal of the current study is to comprehensively
describe the unique associations between personality aspects and
dimensions of well-being across three well-being taxonomies.
Personality Traits and Three Taxonomies
of Well-Being
Personality traits and well-being dimensions can each be
described at different levels of resolution. The Big Five domains
provide a relatively comprehensive framework for organizing
differential patterns of affect, behavior, and cognition (John,
Naumann, & Soto, 2008). These broad traits can be further bro-
ken dow.
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology1977, Vol. 35, N.docx
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology
1977, Vol. 35, No. 9, 677-688
Self-Reference and the Encoding of Personal Information
T. B. Rogers, N. A. Kuiper, and W. S. Kirker
University of Calgary, Canada
The degree to which the self is implicated in processing personal information
was investigated. Subjects rated adjectives on four tasks designed to force
varying kinds of encoding: structural, phonemic, semantic, and self-reference.
In two experiments, incidental recall of the rated words indicated that adjec-
tives rated under the self-reference task were recalled the best. These results
indicate that self-reference is a rich and powerful encoding process. As an
aspect of the human information-processing system, the self appears to func-
tion as a superordinate schema that is deeply involved in the processing, inter-
pretation, and memory of personal information.
Present research and theory in personality
appear to be placing more and more empha-
sis on how a person has organized his or her
psychological world. Starting with Kelly's
(1955) formulation of personal constructs,
we see a gradual emergence of a number of
avenues of inquiry that use this as their focal
point. In person perception, the concept of
lay personality theory stresses that the ob-
server's analytic network of expected trait
covariations is an integral part of how he
processes (and generates) interpersonal data
(Hastorf, Schneider, & Polefka, 1970). Bern
and Allen (1974), in their embellishment of
Allport's (1937) idiographic position, argue
that an important determinant of predictive
utility of trait measurement is the manner
in which the respondent has organized his or
her view of the trait being measured. These
authors see the overlap between the respond-
ent's and the experimenter's concept of the
trait as a necessary prerequisite of predic-
tion. Attribution theory (Jones et al., 1971)
is another example of this increased accent
on personal organization. Here the emphasis
is on how the subject explains past behavior
This research was supported by a grant from the
Canada Council. We would like to thank the fol-
lowing persons for their useful ideas and comments
on earlier drafts: F. I. M. Craik, E. J. Rowe, P. J.
Rogers, H. Lytton, J. Clark, J. Ells, C. G. Costello,
and especially one anonymous reviewer.
Requests for reprints should be sent to T. B.
Rogers, Department of Psychology, The University
of Calgary, Calgary, Alberta, Canada, T2N 1N4.
and how these explanations are organized in
an attributional network. The common
thread in all of these contemporary research
areas is the notion that the cognitions of a
person, particularly their manner of organ-
ization, should be an integral part of our
attempts to explain personality and behavior.
Of concern in the present article is the
construct of self and how it is implicated in
the organization of personal data. Our gen-
eral position is that the self is an extremely
active and powerful agent in the organizati.
Journal of Pcnonaluy and Social Psychology1»M. Vd 47, No 6. .docx
Journal of Pcnonaluy and Social Psychology
1»M. Vd 47, No 6. 1292-1302
Copynghi I9S4 by the
American Psychological Association. Inc
Influence of Gender Constancy and Social Power
on Sex-Linked Modeling
Kay Bussey
Macquarie University
New South Wales, Australia
Albert Bandura
Stanford University
Competing predictions derived from cognitive-developmental theory and social
learning theory concerning sex-linked modeling were tested. In cognitive-develop-
mental theory, gender constancy is considered a necessary prerequisite for the
emulation of same-sex models, whereas according to social learning theory, sex-
role development is promoted through a vast system of social influences with
modeling serving as a major conveyor of sex role information. In accord with
social learning theory, even children at a lower level of gender conception emulated
same-sex models in preference to opposite-sex ones. Level of gender constancy
was associated with higher emulation of both male and female models rather
than operating as a selective determinant of modeling. This finding corroborates
modeling as a basic mechanism in the sex-typing process. In a second experiment
we explored the limits of same-sex modeling by pitting social power against the
force of collective modeling of different patterns of behavior by male and female
models. Social power over activities and rewarding resources produced cross-sex
modeling in boys, but not in girls. This unexpected pattern of cross-sex modeling
is explained by the differential sex-typing pressures that exist for boys and girls
and socialization experiences that heighten the attractiveness of social power
for boys.
Most theories of sex role development as-
sign a major role to modeling as a basic
mechanism of sex role learning (Bandura,
1969; Kagan, 1964; Mischel, 1970; Sears,
Rau & Alpert, 1965). Maccoby and Jacklin
(1974) have questioned whether social prac-
tices or modeling processes are influential in
the development of sex-linked roles. They
point to findings that in laboratory situations
children do not consistently pattern their
This research was supported by Research Grant No.
M-S162-21 from the National Institute of Mental Health,
U.S. Public Health Services, and by the Lewis S. Haas
Child Development Research Fund, Stanford University.
We thank Martin Curland, Brad Carpenter, Brent Sha-
phren, Deborah Skriba, Erin Dignam, and Pamela Minet
for serving as models. We are indebted to Marilyn
Waterman for filming and editing the videotape modeling
sequence, to Eileen Lynch and Sara Buxton, who acted
as experimenters, and to Nancy Adams, who assisted in
collecting the data. Finally, we also thank the staff and
children from Bing Nursery School, Stanford University.
Requests for reprints should be sent to either Kay
Bussey, School of Behavioral Sciences, Macquarie Uni-
versity, North Ryde, Australia, 2113, or to Albert Bandura,
Department of Psychology, Stanford University, Building
420 Jordan Hall, Stanford,.
Journal of ManagementVol. 42 No. 7, November 2016 1904 –1933.docx
Journal of Management
Vol. 42 No. 7, November 2016 1904 –1933
DOI: 10.1177/0149206314522298
© The Author(s) 2014
Reprints and permissions:
sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav
1904
Pay Attention! The Liabilities of Respondent
Experience and Carelessness When Making Job
Analysis Judgments
Frederick P. Morgeson
Michigan State University
Matthias Spitzmuller
National University of Singapore
Adela S. Garza
Independent Consultant
Michael A. Campion
Purdue University
Job analysis has a central role in virtually every aspect of HR and is one of several high perfor-
mance work practices thought to underlie firm performance. Given its ubiquity and importance,
it is not surprising that considerable effort has been devoted to developing comprehensive job
analysis systems and methodologies. Yet, the complexity inherent in collecting detailed and spe-
cific “decomposed” information has led some to pursue “holistic” strategies designed to focus
on more general and abstract job analysis information. It is not clear, however, if these two dif-
ferent strategies yield comparable information, nor if respondents are equally capable of gener-
ating equivalent information. Drawing from cognitive psychology research, we suggest that
experienced and careless job analysis respondents are less likely to evidence convergence in their
decomposed and holistic job analysis judgments. In a field sample of professional managers, we
found that three different types of task-related work experience moderated the relationship
between decomposed and holistic ratings, accounting for an average ΔR2 of 4.7%. Three other
more general types of work experience, however, did not moderate this relationship, supporting
predictions that only experience directly related to work tasks would prove to be a liability when
making judgments. We also found that respondent carelessness moderated the relationship
Acknowledgment: This article was accepted under the editorship of Deborah E. Rupp.
Corresponding author: Frederick P. Morgeson, Eli Broad Graduate School of Management, Michigan State
University, 632 Bogue St., Room N475, East Lansing, MI 48824, USA.
E-mail: [email protected]
522298 JOMXXX10.1177/0149206314522298Journal of ManagementMorgeson et al. / Job Analysis Judgments
research-article2014
Morgeson et al. / Job Analysis Judgments 1905
between decomposed and holistic ratings, accounting for an average ΔR2 of 6.2%. These results
link cognitive limitations to important job analysis respondent differences and suggest a number
of theoretical and practical implications when collecting holistic job analysis data.
Keywords: job analysis; work experience; cognitive limitations; decomposed and holistic
judgments; human resource management
Job analysis represents one of the most commonly used organizational data collection
techniques. As “a wide variety of systematic procedures for examining, documenting, and
drawing inferences about work activities, work.
Journal of Monetary Economics 22 (1988) 3-42. North-Holland.docx
Journal of Monetary Economics 22 (1988) 3-42. North-Holland
ON THE MECHANICS OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT*
Robert E. LUCAS, Jr.
University of Chicago, Chicago, 1L 60637, USA
Received August 1987, final version received February 1988
This paper considers the prospects for constructing a neoclassical theory of growth and interna-
tional trade that is consistent with some of the main features of economic development. Three
models are considered and compared to evidence: a model emphasizing physical capital accumula-
tion and technological change, a model emphasizing human capital accumulation through school-
ing. and a model emphasizing specialized human capital accumulation through learning-by-doing.
1. Introduction
By the problem of economic development I mean simply the problem of
accounting for the observed pattern, across countries and across time, in levels
and rates of growth of per capita income. This may seem too narrow a
definition, and perhaps it is, but thinking about income patterns will neces-
sarily involve us in thinking about many other aspects of societies too. so I
would suggest that we withhold judgment on the scope of this definition until
we have a clearer idea of where it leads us.
The main features of levels and rates of growth of national incomes are well
enough known to all of us, but I want to begin with a few numbers, so as to
set a quantitative tone and to keep us from getting mired in the wrong kind of
details. Unless I say otherwise, all figures are from the World Bank's World
Development Report of 1983.
The diversity across countries in measured per capita income levels is
literally too great to be believed. Compared to the 1980 average for what the
WorId Bank calls the 'industrial market economies' (Ireland up through
Switzerland) of U.S. $10,000, India's per capita income is $240, Haiti's is $270,
*This paper was originally written for the Marshall Lectures, given at Cambridge University in
1985. ! am very grateful to the Cambridge faculty for this honor, and also for the invitatiou's long
lead time, which gave me the opportunity to think through a new topic with the stimulus of so
distinguished an audience in prospect. Since then, versions of this lecture have been given as the
David Horowitz Lectures in Israel, the W.A. Mackintosh Lecture at Queens University, the Carl
Snyder Memorial Lecture at the University of California at Santa Barbara, the Chung-Hua
Lecture in Taipei. the Nancy Schwartz Lecture at Northwestern University, and the Lionel
McKenzie Lecture at the University of Rochester. I have also based several seminars on various
parts of this material.
0304-3932j88j$3.50©1988, Elsevier Science Publishers B.V. (North-Holland)
4 R. E. Lucas, Jr., On the mechanics of economic development
and so on for the rest of the very poorest countries. This is a difference of a
factor of 40 in living standards! These latter figures are too low to sustain life
in, say, England or the United States, so they ca.
TESDA TM1 REVIEWER FOR NATIONAL ASSESSMENT WRITTEN AND ORAL QUESTIONS WITH A...
TESDA TM1 REVIEWER FOR NATIONAL ASSESSMENT WRITTEN AND ORAL QUESTIONS WITH ANSWERS.
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import java.util.Random;
public class Enemy extends GameObject {
String Race;
int Speed;
public Enemy(String race) {
do{
Xpos = new Random().nextInt(37)+3;
Ypos = new Random().nextInt(15)+3;
} while(World[Xpos][Ypos] != ' ');
if (race.equals("Orc")) {
Race = race;
HP = 50;
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protected int Armor;//it is the player`s defending power '$'
public void PrintWorld() {
for (int y = 1; y <= 20; y++) {
for (int x = 1; x <= 40; x++) {
System.out.print(World[x][y]);
// optionally put a space
if (x < 40) {
System.out.print(" ");
}
}
System.out.println();
}
}
public void MoveRight() {
if (World[Xpos + 1][Ypos] == ' ' || World[Xpos + 1][Ypos] == 'T') {
World[Xpos][Ypos] = ' ';
Xpos++;
World[Xpos][Ypos] = Avatar;
}
else if (World[Xpos + 1][Ypos] == '+') {
World[Xpos][Ypos] = ' ';
Xpos++;
World[Xpos][Ypos] = Avatar;
Attack=Attack+10;
}
else if (World[Xpos + 1][Ypos] == '$') {
World[Xpos][Ypos] = ' ';
Xpos++;
World[Xpos][Ypos] = Avatar;
Armor=Armor+5;
}
else{
}
}
public void MoveLeft() {
if (World[Xpos - 1][Ypos] == ' ' || World[Xpos - 1][Ypos] == 'T') {
World[Xpos][Ypos] = ' ';
Xpos--;
World[Xpos][Ypos] = Avatar;
}
else if (World[Xpos - 1][Ypos] == '+') {
World[Xpos][Ypos] = ' ';
Xpos--;
World[Xpos][Ypos] = Avatar;
Attack=Attack+10;
}
else if (World[Xpos - 1][Ypos] == '$') {
World[Xpos][Ypos] = ' ';
Xpos--;
World[Xpos][Ypos] = Avatar;
Armor=Armor+5;
}
else{
}
}
public void MoveUp() {
if (World[Xpos][Ypos - 1] == ' ' || World[Xpos][Ypos - 1] == 'T') {
World[Xpos][Ypos] = ' ';
Ypos--;
World[Xpos][Ypos] = Avatar;
}
else if (World[Xpos][Ypos - 1] == '+') {
World[Xp.
K-2nd Grade3rd-5th Grade6th-8th GradeMajor Concepts,.docx
K-2nd Grade
3rd-5th Grade
6th-8th Grade
Major Concepts, Principles, and Learning Theories (To be completed in Topic 3)
Cognitive
Linguistic
Social
Emotional
Physical
.
JWI 505 Business Communications and Executive Presence Lect.docx
JWI 505: Business Communications and Executive Presence
Lecture Notes
© Strayer University. All Rights Reserved. This document contains Strayer University confidential and proprietary information and may not be
copied, further distributed, or otherwise disclosed, in whole or in part, without the expressed written permission of Strayer University.
JWI 505 – Lecture Notes (1194) Page 1 of 4
WEEK 3: LISTEN AND ASK THE RIGHT QUESTIONS
Listen and Ask the Right Questions
You come home from work after a long day only to discover that your significant other is upset. You ask
what’s wrong. As you hear the story unfold, you repeatedly offer suggestions as to how your significant other
might solve the problems described. You are caught completely off guard when you end up sleeping on the
couch. What you’ve just experienced is a frequent cause of failure where in-person communication is
concerned. Your spouse was angry because you didn’t listen. You instead assumed you knew what could
make the problem go away.
Effective communication is not just about imparting information. It is about receiving information, too. When
two people with a pair of radio walkie-talkies both hold down the button to talk, neither one of them can hear
the other. They are both too busy sending to receive. To communicate effectively, you must focus most of
your energy on listening when the other person talks. When someone feels heard, they are more receptive
to your own message, more likely to build rapport with you, and more likely to become your active ally in
solving the problems at hand. The result is that all parties to the communication exchange information
effectively, moving toward a collaborative solution.
When was the last time you felt heard? Do your colleagues listen? Do your direct reports listen? Does your
boss listen? Do you?
Listening – and only listening, with no reply needed, no action taken, and no solution suggested – can grow
a relationship. We often believe, incorrectly, that more is better. Attempting to multi-task when you should be
listening is not productive. Worse, it causes us to lose the human connection that we crave for real success
in our business relationships. Most importantly, however, we must not merely listen actively to build these
relationships; we must listen with empathy to achieve a connection with our colleagues.
Listen with Empathy
William Ury, an author and expert in negotiation, explains that there are three important reasons to listen:
1. Listening helps us understand the other side. Negotiation is an exercise in influence, and nothing
helps you influence another person better than understanding them.
2. Listening helps us connect because it builds rapport and trust. When we listen, we demonstrate
empathy because everyone wants to be heard.
3. Listening makes it more likely that the other person will listen to us, which helps us attain their buy-
in.
JWI 505.
Just Walk on By by Brent Staples My firs.docx
Just Walk on By
by Brent Staples
My first victim was a woman—white, well dressed, probably in
her early twenties. I came upon her late one evening on a deserted street
in Hyde Park, a relatively affluent neighborhood in an otherwise mean,
impoverished section of Chicago. As I swung onto the avenue behind her,
there seemed to be a discreet, uninflammatory distance between us. Not so.
She cast back a worried glance. To her, the youngish black man—a broad
six feet two inches with a beard and billowing hair, both hands shoved
into the pockets of a bulky military jacket—seemed menacingly close.
After a few more quick glimpses, she picked up her pace and was soon
running in earnest. Within seconds she disappeared into a cross street.
That was more than a decade ago. I was 23 years old, a graduate
student newly arrived at the University of Chicago. It was in the echo of
that terrified woman’s footfalls that I first began to know the unwieldy
inheritance I’d come into—the ability to alter public space in ugly ways. It
was clear that she thought herself the quarry of a mugger, a rapist, or
worse. Suffering a bout of insomnia, however, I was stalking sleep, not
defenseless wayfarers. As a softy who is scarcely able to take a knife
to raw chicken—let alone hold it to a person’s throat—I was surprised,
embarrassed, and dismayed all at once. Her flight made me feel like an
accomplice in tyranny. It also made it clear that I was indistinguishable
from the muggers who occasionally seeped into the area from the
surrounding ghetto. That first encounter, and those that followed signified
that a vast unnerving gulf lay between nighttime pedestrians—particularly
women—and me. And I soon gathered that being perceived as dangerous
is a hazard in itself. I only needed to turn a corner into a dicey situation,
or crowd some frightened, armed person in a foyer somewhere, or make
an errant move after being pulled over by a policeman. Where fear and
weapons meet—and they often do in urban America—there is always the
possibility of death.
In that first year, my first away from my hometown, I was to
become thoroughly familiar with the language of fear. At dark, shadowy
intersections in Chicago, I could cross in front of a car stopped at a traffic
light and elicit the thunk, thunk, thunk, thunk of the driver—black, white,
male, or female—hammering down the door locks. On less traveled streets
after dark, I grew accustomed to but never comfortable with people who
crossed to the other side of the street rather than pass me. Then there were
the standard unpleasantries with police, doormen, bouncers, cab drivers,
and others whose business it is to screen out troublesome individuals
before there is any nastiness.
I moved to New York nearly two years ago and I have remained an
avid night walker. In central Manhattan, the near-constant crowd cover
minimizes tense one-on-one stre.
Just make it simple. and not have to be good, its the first draft. .docx
Just make it simple. and not have to be good, it's the first draft.
I want it a complete essay of 2 pages before 10 am on Sunday.
The instructions in the second file. There is a picture in the third file.
CDT (Central Daylight Time)
UTC/GMT -5 hours
.
JUST 497 Senior Seminar and Internship ExperienceInternationa.docx
JUST 497: Senior Seminar and Internship Experience
International Film Critique: The Whistleblower
· Due: April 3
· Reaction Paper: 10 Points
· Presentation: 5 Points
Your first written assignment was to critique a newspaper article dealing with misconduct and/or corruption at a local level within the United States. The capstone essay asks you to consider a social injustice and its consequences that occur on a national level. The International film assignment asks you to consider issues of international law and justice.
The Whistleblower based on a true story depicts the horrors of human trafficking and human rights violations across international borders.
Please choose Assignment A or B.
Assignment A
Write a 3-4 page Reaction Paper to the above film. Summarize the producer’s main message in no more than a half page. The remainder of the paper should reflect your opinion of the content of the film based on your knowledge of international law. Make specific references to scenes in the film that correlate with information you have gained in previous or current coursework. Cite all sources in-text according to the Hacker & Sommers APA Manual of Style.
Cautionary Notes
· Do not summarize the video.
· Cite specific information from the film using the required APA Manual of style.
· Use 12 font, double spacing and 1 inch margins.
Students who need a special accommodation and cannot find a copy of a closed caption video, must meet with their instructor to design an alternative assignment.
Assignment B
The Whistleblower implicates the United Nations, the U.S. State Department, and private contractors in post war Bosnia in an organized human trafficking scheme. Kathryn Bolkovac discovers a lucrative, far-reaching operation involving the local police and United Nations peacekeepers, many of them protected by diplomatic immunity. This film is based on a true story and reflects the international concern with corruption and human trafficking.
Cast
· Kathryn Bolkovac: Nebraska police officer who accepts an offer to work with the U.N. International Police in Bosnia run by a private company in the U.K., Democra Security
· Madeleine Rees: Head of the United Nations Human Rights Commission
· Nick Kaufman: Kathryn’s Field Commander
· Peter Ward: Internal Affairs Specialist
· Luba, Raya and Irka: teenagers sold to the sex trafficking ring
· Fred Murray: Democra Security Officer
· John Blakely: Head of Human Resources
Based on the movie, address the following questions. Answers should be in a Question and Answer format and not essay style.
1. Discuss the suffering and oppression witnessed by (not experienced by) the main character. Cite specific scenes from the movie to support your discussion.
2. In whatspecific ways does Kathryn advocate for the victims she encounters? Cite scenes from the movie to support your answer.
3. Discuss how both local citizens and higher ranking officials contribute to organized corruption in post-war Bosn.
July 2002, Vol 92, No. 7 American Journal of Public Health E.docx
July 2002, Vol 92, No. 7 | American Journal of Public Health Editorial | 1057
⏐ EDITORIAL
A Code of
Ethics for
Public Health
The mandate to ensure and pro-
tect the health of the public is an
inherently moral one. It carries
with it an obligation to care for
the well-being of communities,
and it implies the possession of an
element of power to carry out
that mandate. The need to exer-
cise power to ensure the health of
populations and, at the same time,
to avoid abuses of such power are
at the crux of public health ethics.
Until recently, the ethical na-
ture of public health has been im-
plicitly assumed rather than ex-
plicitly stated. Increasingly,
however, society is demanding ex-
plicit attention to ethics. This de-
mand arises from technological
advances that create new possibil-
ities and, with them, new ethical
dilemmas; new challenges to
health, such as the advent of HIV;
and abuses of power, such as the
Tuskegee study of syphilis.
Medical institutions have been
more explicit about the ethical
elements of their practice than
have public health institutions.
However, the concerns of public
health are not fully consonant
with those of medicine. Thus, we
cannot simply translate the princi-
ples of medical ethics to public
health. In contrast to medicine,
public health is concerned more
with populations than with indi-
viduals, and more with prevention
than with cure. The need to artic-
ulate a distinct ethic for public
health has been noted by a num-
ber of public health professionals
and ethicists.1–5
A code of ethics for public
health can clarify the distinctive
elements of public health and the
ethical principles that follow from
or respond to those elements. It
can make clear to populations and
communities the ideals of the pub-
lic health institutions that serve
them, ideals for which the institu-
tions can be held accountable.
THE PROCESS OF
WRITING THE CODE
The backgrounds and perspec-
tives of people who identify
themselves as public health pro-
fessionals are as diverse as the
multitude of factors affecting the
health of populations. Articulating
a common ethic for this diverse
group is a formidable challenge.
In the spring of 2000, the gradu-
ating class of the Public Health
Leadership Institute chose writing
a code of ethics for public health
as a group project. The institute
provides advanced leadership
training to people who are al-
ready in leadership roles in pub-
lic health. Because the fellows
bring a wealth of experience from
a wide variety of public health in-
stitutions, they are uniquely able
to represent diverse perspectives
and identify ethical issues com-
mon in public health.
At the 2000 meeting of the Na-
tional Association of City and
County Health Officers, the group
added a non-institute member
( J. C. Thomas) and charted a plan
for working toward a code. The
plan included receiving a formal
charge as the code of ethics work-
ing group at the annual meeting of
the American Public Health Asso-
c.
Journals are to be 2 pages long with an introduction, discussion and.docx
Journals are to be 2 pages long with an introduction, discussion and conclusion. They must be double spaced. Your formatting, sentence structure, spell checking, etc., will all be taken into account.
Utilizing YouTube, do a search for and listen to at least two perspectives from CNN, Fox News and/or MSNBC regarding culture wars. Provide me with an analysis that discusses two different perspectives. I typed in CNN/Fox News/MSNBC and then culture war, and was able to find quite a few 5 minute vignettes with regard to the topic. If you find a discussion of the culture wars either in written form or at another site, you must insure that it is a legitimate source and provide a link to the site.
Make sure to first provide your understanding of the definition of culture wars as outlined in the text readings, then provide me with your analysis obtained from the news outlets.
.
Judgement in Managerial Decision MakingBased on examples fro.docx
Judgement in Managerial Decision Making
Based on examples from one of the recommended articles selected by you, the lecture notes, the text, and other sources, discuss one or several of the themes: the nature of managerial decision making, the steps in the managerial decision making, organizational learning and creativity, judgmental heuristics, common biases in managerial decision making, bounds of human judgment, strategies for making better decisions.
.
Joyce is a 34-year-old woman who has been married 10 years. She .docx
Joyce is a 34-year-old woman who has been married 10 years. She has three children, all less than 10 years old: Sheena (age 9), Jack (age 6), and Beth (age 2). Her husband is a prominent attorney. They present an ideal picture of an upper-middle-class family. They live in a fashionable suburb. The husband has been successful to the extent that he has been made a full partner in a large law firm. The family is very active in church, the country club, and various other social organizations. Joyce is an active member of several charitable, civic, and social groups. Joyce’s initial call to the abuse center was vague and guarded. She expressed an interest in inquiring for “another woman” in regard to the purpose of the center. After she had received information and an invitation to call back, a number of weeks elapsed. Joyce’s second call occurred after receiving a severe beating from her husband.
Joyce tells the crisis worker in the phone:"Well, last night he beat me worse than ever. I thought he was really going to kill me this time. It had been building up for the past few weeks. His fuse was getting shorter and shorter, both with me and the kids. It’s his work, I guess. Finally he came home late last night. Dinner was cold. We were supposed to go out, and I guess it was my fault . . . I complained about his being late, and he blew up. Started yelling that he was gonna teach me a lesson. He started hitting me with his fists . . .knocked me down . . . and then started kicking me. I got up and ran into the bathroom. The kids were yelling for him to stop and he cuffed Sheena . . . God, it was horrible! (Wracked with sobs for more than a minute. CW waits.) I’m sorry, I just can’t seem to keep control."
As the crisis worker:
1-What typical dynamics did you see occurring—denial, guilt, fear, rationalization, withdrawal, and so on—in the victim? How would you as the crisis worker handle them?
What are some of the domestic violence intervention strategies? Pick one and how would you apply it to the scenario
.
Journal Supervision and Management StyleWhen it comes to superv.docx
Journal: Supervision and Management Style
When it comes to supervising and managing personnel in human services organizations, everyone has his or her own leadership style. Some styles are effective and supportive; others may be ineffectual and unhelpful. When supervising and managing staff, it is important for human services administrators to first identify their leadership style and examine personal strengths and weaknesses related to their leadership style. Understanding how to utilize strengths and address weaknesses in leadership style is important for administrators to be both effective and supportive when supervising and managing.
In order to complete the Application Assignment, you must first complete the "Types of Leadership and Patterns of Management" interactive graphic provided in the Learning Resources. Once you have done so, take note of your leadership style and think about your areas of strengths and weaknesses.
After completing the self-assessment tool in this week’s Learning Resources, reflect on the results.
RESULTS:
I am very good at executing the work of a task, though I like clarity about the desired outcome.
1.
Engaging
2.
I really prefer to be peaceful and calm, finding ways to help others achieve their goals
3.
Achieving consensus among followers assures the best success
4.
It is ok to breech boundaries if we can all move in the same direction
5.
Being a change agent is never easy, but it is very stimulating for me
6.
I really prefer to be in control, though it does not have to be out in public
7.
Challenges should be addressed head on
8.
I like predictability
9.
I like to always put my best foot forward
10.
I am known to sometimes be argumentative, I believe it is the way new ideas emerge
11.
The best way to succeed is to trust oneself
12.
When determining goals to reach, we should always challenge ourselves a little beyond what we can see ourselves accomplishing
13.
The best way for me to relax is to spend some time alone quietly.
14.
When decisions are necessary my primary concern is its effect on the persons involved
15.
I am confident and assertive
16.
I am a compassionate person and there is significant value in the person (s) knowing where it comes from
17.
I am a very consistent person and am guided by my values
18.
I am a compassionate person but would rather show it behind the scenes
19.
I am conscientious and organized
20.Next
I like to focus on group cohesion
21.
When decisions are necessary I can make them easily and quickly as circumstances demand it
22.
My strong ability to envision the future makes me a result oriented leader
23.
Building and sustaining a strong image is a principle contributor to progress
24.
I see the big picture
25.
The best way for me to relax is to be reflective with a friend
26.
I am known to create harmony among others as it creates an optimal working environment. I am unimpressed with conflict
27.
Realistic
28.
I lik.
Journal of Soc. & Psy. Sci. 2018 Volume 11 (1) 51-55 Ava.docx
Journal of Soc. & Psy. Sci. 2018 Volume 11 (1): 51-55
Available at: www.jspsciences.org
HISTORY OF PSYCHOLOGY AND THE ROLE OF ETHICS
IN THE DISCIPLINE
Ian Lawson
ABSTRACT
This paper discusses some of the moral and ethical issues associated with psychological
research throughout history. This is a very broad area which covers a vast array of topics.
However, it is not within the scope of this paper of focusing on absolutely every single aspect
of this area. Thus, not sacrificing depth of analysis, the present paper brings relevant issues
for discussion by examining some key areas including, schizophrenia, and gender and IQ
research, as well as hypothesis and significance testing, which normally constitutes the basis
for changes in ethics and research development. These areas have become paradigmatic for
much criticism concerning its moral and ethical implications for individuals who received
diagnostic labels as a consequence of such research. This paper takes the position that the very
practice of uncritically presenting such research as being ‘value free’ or as some form of
universal and absolute truth is in itself a cause for major ethical concerns.
Keywords: Critical Psychology, history of psychology, IQ, Schizophrenia
Journal of Soc. & Psych. Sci. (2018) Vol.11 (1): 51-55 Ian Lawson 52
© Oxford Mosaic Publications 2018. All rights reserved ISSN 1756-7483 (print) 1756-7491 (online)
INTRODUCTION
One can trace the development of contemporary ethics back to the Vienna Circle
and its associated philosophers, researchers and theorists attempt to demarcate
science from pseudo-science (Wlash, Teo & Baydala, 2014). It was at this point that
theorists defined what aspects of reality were worthy of studying, and thus defining
the very course of alleged scientific progress (Wlash, Teo & Baydala, 2014). It
should also be noted that early research being carried out in human participants
involved deliberate violation of ethics conduct (Mandal, Acharya & Parija, 2011).
For instance, in 1946 the American tribunal brought leading German physicians to
justice due gross negligence of ethics and crimes against humanity. More
specifically, these physicians were being tried mainly due to conducting medical
experiments on thousands of concentration camp prisoners without their consent.
As a result of such experiments most prisoners would either be permanently disabled
or would die (Mandal, Acharya & Parija, 2011). It should be evident that much of
such atrocities were carried out in the name of scientific progress, which seems to
be the usual argument for changes and negligence in ethics.
When it comes to examining epistemological and ontological stand point of
scientific underpinnings of mainstream psychology it should be evident that many
constructs emerging through psyc.
Journal of Social Work Values & Ethics, Fall 2018, Vol. 15, No.docx
Journal of Social Work Values & Ethics, Fall 2018, Vol. 15, No. 2 - page 37
Ethnicity, Values, and Value Conflicts of African
American and White Social Service Professionals
Andrew Edwards, MSW, Ph.D.
Cleveland State University, Emeritus
[email protected]
Mamadou M. Seck, Ph.D.
Cleveland State University
[email protected]
Journal of Social Work Values and Ethics, Volume 15, Number 2 (2018)
Copyright 2018, ASWB
This text may be freely shared among individuals, but it may not be republished in any medium without
express written consent from the authors and advance notification of ASWB.
Abstract
This aspect of a broader study included 110 (68
White/European American and 42 Black/African
American) social service professionals. The primary
focus of this aspect of the study was to verify the
value orientation or core beliefs of the practitioners
who deliver services to clients through social service
agencies and programs. The conceptualization
of the core beliefs explored the values and value
conflicts in relation to professional practice. The
participants were employed in a Midwestern
metropolitan region. They responded to a survey
instrument that included vignettes, closed-ended
items, scaled responses, as well as either-or type
items. Major categories of the exploration included:
life and death issues, lifestyle, domestic and
social perspectives, value conflicts with the social
work profession, and personal responses to value
conflicts. Specific items measuring values related
to abortion, homosexuality, religiosity, euthanasia,
and corporal punishment were included. Study
results showed statistical significance on 26 issues
as African American participants were compared
with White participants.
Keywords: value conflicts, social work, ethical
dilemmas, ethnicity, professional relationship
Introduction
The complexity of American society (Jarrett,
2000), specifically due to its historic, economic,
social, and ethnic makeup, requires that social
work professionals take their clients’ ethnicity,
values, and professional-client value conflicts
into consideration. Historical dynamics, such as
unproductive treatment, have contributed to the
reluctance of various population groups to engage
with professional service providers. This history
(Barker, 2014) has influenced the adoption of
guidelines that require social workers to be culturally
aware during interventions and recognizing that
diversity-related characteristics have influence upon
an individual’s thoughts, feelings, and behaviors.
Barker (2014) further noted that the concept of
values is influenced by one’s perceptions of what
comprises appropriate principles, practices, and
behaviors. An individual’s personal values are often
considered as a representation of one’s core beliefs
and what an individual may perceive as right.
Therefore, these beliefs do not require supporting
evidence for those who embrace them and may
result in behavio.
Journal of Policy Practice, 9220–239, 2010 Copyright © Taylor &.docx
Journal of Policy Practice, 9:220–239, 2010
Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 1558-8742 print/1558-8750 online
DOI: 10.1080/15588742.2010.489037
Journal of Policy Practice
Are Social Work Advocacy Groups Using Web 2.0 Effectively?
HEATHER R. EDWARDS and RICHARD HOEFER
University of Texas at Arlington, Arlington, Texas
PAGE 220
This article describes social work advocacy efforts, states what Web 2.0 technology has to offer social work advocacy, and presents original research on the current levels of Web 2.0 use on social work advocacy organization Web sites. This study employed a content analysis of a purposive sample of social work advocacy organization Web sites (N = 63). The researchers created a data collection instrument containing items related to communicating with policy makers, resource gathering, information, and use of specific Web 2.0 technologies. Findings reveal that social work organizations make good use of their Web sites for some advocacy activities, and grossly underutilize the Web forum for others. Furthermore, social work organizations do not use Web 2.0 often for advocacy. Barriers impeding Web 2.0 use and methods to overcome such barriers are also discussed. Implications for future social work education, practice, and research follow.
KEYWORDS advocacy, Web 2.0, Internet advocacy, social work advocacy, policy practice
The Code of Ethics for the National Association of Social Workers (NASW) states that social workers “pursue social change” and “challenge injustice” (NASW, 2008). Advocacy aimed at informing the policy process serves as a key method that social workers use to fulfill this mission (Hoefer, 2006; Jackson-Elmoore, 2005). Social work advocates must take advantage of every advocacy tactic available to the greatest extent possible to ensure timely policy change for vulnerable populations.
PAGE 221
Advocacy tactics have been divided into “inside” and “outside” (Hoefer, 2001, 2005; Walker, 1993). Inside tactics are those that groups use to work directly with decision makers, such as lobbying. Outside tactics are employed by interest group members or the public to put pressure on decision makers. The Internet, as originally designed (Web 1.0), has been effectively used as an outside tactic to disseminate information from interest group leaders to decision makers and members of the public. Thus, the Web is a tool advocates can use to keep their message available at all times. In recent years, the Internet has moved from being a one-way highway to a more interactive entity, called Web 2.0. This second generation of Web site tools expands human services organizations’ advocacy efforts well beyond information dissemination. Through social media applications such as blogs, wikis, podcasts, videocasts, social networking, etc., human service organizations can promote information sharing, participatory knowledge generation, and collaboration building (Fine, 2007; McNutt, 2008; McNutt & Menon, 2008; Sche.
Journal of Personality 862, April 2018VC 2016 Wiley Perio.docx
Journal of Personality 86:2, April 2018
VC 2016 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
DOI: 10.1111/jopy.12301Unique Associations Between Big
Five Personality Aspects and
Multiple Dimensions of Well-Being
Jessie Sun ,
1,2
Scott Barry Kaufman,
3
and
Luke D. Smillie
1
1
The University of Melbourne
2
University of California, Davis
3
University of Pennsylvania
Abstract
Objective: Personality traits are associated with well-being, but the precise correlates vary across well-being dimensions and
within each Big Five domain. This study is the first to examine the unique associations between the Big Five aspects (rather
than facets) and multiple well-being dimensions.
Method: Two samples of U.S. participants (total N 5 706; Mage 5 36.17; 54% female) recruited via Amazon’s Mechanical Turk
completed measures of the Big Five aspects and subjective, psychological, and PERMA well-being.
Results: One aspect within each domain was more strongly associated with well-being variables. Enthusiasm and Withdrawal
were strongly associated with a broad range of well-being variables, but other aspects of personality also had idiosyncratic
associations with distinct forms of positive functioning (e.g., Compassion with positive relationships, Industriousness with
accomplishment, and Intellect with personal growth).
Conclusions: An aspect-level analysis provides an optimal (i.e., parsimonious yet sufficiently comprehensive) framework for
describing the relation between personality traits and multiple ways of thriving in life.
Keywords: Personality, aspects, Big Five, subjective well-being, psychological well-being
When multiple positive end states are examined, it becomes
apparent that aspects of psychological well-being may be
achieved by more people than just the nonneurotic, extra-
verted members of society. (Schmutte & Ryff, 1997, p. 558)
The large literature describing the associations between person-
ality traits and well-being suggests that Extraversion (the tendency
to be bold, talkative, enthusiastic, and sociable) and Neuroticism
(the tendency to be emotionally unstable and prone to negative
emotions) are especially strong predictors of well-being (e.g.,
Steel, Schmidt, & Shultz, 2008). But is well-being only accessible
to the extraverted and non-neurotic? We propose that more
nuanced insights can be revealed by examining the relation
between narrower traits and a broader spectrum of well-being
dimensions. The goal of the current study is to comprehensively
describe the unique associations between personality aspects and
dimensions of well-being across three well-being taxonomies.
Personality Traits and Three Taxonomies
of Well-Being
Personality traits and well-being dimensions can each be
described at different levels of resolution. The Big Five domains
provide a relatively comprehensive framework for organizing
differential patterns of affect, behavior, and cognition (John,
Naumann, & Soto, 2008). These broad traits can be further bro-
ken dow.
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology1977, Vol. 35, N.docx
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology
1977, Vol. 35, No. 9, 677-688
Self-Reference and the Encoding of Personal Information
T. B. Rogers, N. A. Kuiper, and W. S. Kirker
University of Calgary, Canada
The degree to which the self is implicated in processing personal information
was investigated. Subjects rated adjectives on four tasks designed to force
varying kinds of encoding: structural, phonemic, semantic, and self-reference.
In two experiments, incidental recall of the rated words indicated that adjec-
tives rated under the self-reference task were recalled the best. These results
indicate that self-reference is a rich and powerful encoding process. As an
aspect of the human information-processing system, the self appears to func-
tion as a superordinate schema that is deeply involved in the processing, inter-
pretation, and memory of personal information.
Present research and theory in personality
appear to be placing more and more empha-
sis on how a person has organized his or her
psychological world. Starting with Kelly's
(1955) formulation of personal constructs,
we see a gradual emergence of a number of
avenues of inquiry that use this as their focal
point. In person perception, the concept of
lay personality theory stresses that the ob-
server's analytic network of expected trait
covariations is an integral part of how he
processes (and generates) interpersonal data
(Hastorf, Schneider, & Polefka, 1970). Bern
and Allen (1974), in their embellishment of
Allport's (1937) idiographic position, argue
that an important determinant of predictive
utility of trait measurement is the manner
in which the respondent has organized his or
her view of the trait being measured. These
authors see the overlap between the respond-
ent's and the experimenter's concept of the
trait as a necessary prerequisite of predic-
tion. Attribution theory (Jones et al., 1971)
is another example of this increased accent
on personal organization. Here the emphasis
is on how the subject explains past behavior
This research was supported by a grant from the
Canada Council. We would like to thank the fol-
lowing persons for their useful ideas and comments
on earlier drafts: F. I. M. Craik, E. J. Rowe, P. J.
Rogers, H. Lytton, J. Clark, J. Ells, C. G. Costello,
and especially one anonymous reviewer.
Requests for reprints should be sent to T. B.
Rogers, Department of Psychology, The University
of Calgary, Calgary, Alberta, Canada, T2N 1N4.
and how these explanations are organized in
an attributional network. The common
thread in all of these contemporary research
areas is the notion that the cognitions of a
person, particularly their manner of organ-
ization, should be an integral part of our
attempts to explain personality and behavior.
Of concern in the present article is the
construct of self and how it is implicated in
the organization of personal data. Our gen-
eral position is that the self is an extremely
active and powerful agent in the organizati.
Journal of Pcnonaluy and Social Psychology1»M. Vd 47, No 6. .docx
Journal of Pcnonaluy and Social Psychology
1»M. Vd 47, No 6. 1292-1302
Copynghi I9S4 by the
American Psychological Association. Inc
Influence of Gender Constancy and Social Power
on Sex-Linked Modeling
Kay Bussey
Macquarie University
New South Wales, Australia
Albert Bandura
Stanford University
Competing predictions derived from cognitive-developmental theory and social
learning theory concerning sex-linked modeling were tested. In cognitive-develop-
mental theory, gender constancy is considered a necessary prerequisite for the
emulation of same-sex models, whereas according to social learning theory, sex-
role development is promoted through a vast system of social influences with
modeling serving as a major conveyor of sex role information. In accord with
social learning theory, even children at a lower level of gender conception emulated
same-sex models in preference to opposite-sex ones. Level of gender constancy
was associated with higher emulation of both male and female models rather
than operating as a selective determinant of modeling. This finding corroborates
modeling as a basic mechanism in the sex-typing process. In a second experiment
we explored the limits of same-sex modeling by pitting social power against the
force of collective modeling of different patterns of behavior by male and female
models. Social power over activities and rewarding resources produced cross-sex
modeling in boys, but not in girls. This unexpected pattern of cross-sex modeling
is explained by the differential sex-typing pressures that exist for boys and girls
and socialization experiences that heighten the attractiveness of social power
for boys.
Most theories of sex role development as-
sign a major role to modeling as a basic
mechanism of sex role learning (Bandura,
1969; Kagan, 1964; Mischel, 1970; Sears,
Rau & Alpert, 1965). Maccoby and Jacklin
(1974) have questioned whether social prac-
tices or modeling processes are influential in
the development of sex-linked roles. They
point to findings that in laboratory situations
children do not consistently pattern their
This research was supported by Research Grant No.
M-S162-21 from the National Institute of Mental Health,
U.S. Public Health Services, and by the Lewis S. Haas
Child Development Research Fund, Stanford University.
We thank Martin Curland, Brad Carpenter, Brent Sha-
phren, Deborah Skriba, Erin Dignam, and Pamela Minet
for serving as models. We are indebted to Marilyn
Waterman for filming and editing the videotape modeling
sequence, to Eileen Lynch and Sara Buxton, who acted
as experimenters, and to Nancy Adams, who assisted in
collecting the data. Finally, we also thank the staff and
children from Bing Nursery School, Stanford University.
Requests for reprints should be sent to either Kay
Bussey, School of Behavioral Sciences, Macquarie Uni-
versity, North Ryde, Australia, 2113, or to Albert Bandura,
Department of Psychology, Stanford University, Building
420 Jordan Hall, Stanford,.
Journal of ManagementVol. 42 No. 7, November 2016 1904 –1933.docx
Journal of Management
Vol. 42 No. 7, November 2016 1904 –1933
DOI: 10.1177/0149206314522298
© The Author(s) 2014
Reprints and permissions:
sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav
1904
Pay Attention! The Liabilities of Respondent
Experience and Carelessness When Making Job
Analysis Judgments
Frederick P. Morgeson
Michigan State University
Matthias Spitzmuller
National University of Singapore
Adela S. Garza
Independent Consultant
Michael A. Campion
Purdue University
Job analysis has a central role in virtually every aspect of HR and is one of several high perfor-
mance work practices thought to underlie firm performance. Given its ubiquity and importance,
it is not surprising that considerable effort has been devoted to developing comprehensive job
analysis systems and methodologies. Yet, the complexity inherent in collecting detailed and spe-
cific “decomposed” information has led some to pursue “holistic” strategies designed to focus
on more general and abstract job analysis information. It is not clear, however, if these two dif-
ferent strategies yield comparable information, nor if respondents are equally capable of gener-
ating equivalent information. Drawing from cognitive psychology research, we suggest that
experienced and careless job analysis respondents are less likely to evidence convergence in their
decomposed and holistic job analysis judgments. In a field sample of professional managers, we
found that three different types of task-related work experience moderated the relationship
between decomposed and holistic ratings, accounting for an average ΔR2 of 4.7%. Three other
more general types of work experience, however, did not moderate this relationship, supporting
predictions that only experience directly related to work tasks would prove to be a liability when
making judgments. We also found that respondent carelessness moderated the relationship
Acknowledgment: This article was accepted under the editorship of Deborah E. Rupp.
Corresponding author: Frederick P. Morgeson, Eli Broad Graduate School of Management, Michigan State
University, 632 Bogue St., Room N475, East Lansing, MI 48824, USA.
E-mail: [email protected]
522298 JOMXXX10.1177/0149206314522298Journal of ManagementMorgeson et al. / Job Analysis Judgments
research-article2014
Morgeson et al. / Job Analysis Judgments 1905
between decomposed and holistic ratings, accounting for an average ΔR2 of 6.2%. These results
link cognitive limitations to important job analysis respondent differences and suggest a number
of theoretical and practical implications when collecting holistic job analysis data.
Keywords: job analysis; work experience; cognitive limitations; decomposed and holistic
judgments; human resource management
Job analysis represents one of the most commonly used organizational data collection
techniques. As “a wide variety of systematic procedures for examining, documenting, and
drawing inferences about work activities, work.
Journal of Monetary Economics 22 (1988) 3-42. North-Holland.docx
Journal of Monetary Economics 22 (1988) 3-42. North-Holland
ON THE MECHANICS OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT*
Robert E. LUCAS, Jr.
University of Chicago, Chicago, 1L 60637, USA
Received August 1987, final version received February 1988
This paper considers the prospects for constructing a neoclassical theory of growth and interna-
tional trade that is consistent with some of the main features of economic development. Three
models are considered and compared to evidence: a model emphasizing physical capital accumula-
tion and technological change, a model emphasizing human capital accumulation through school-
ing. and a model emphasizing specialized human capital accumulation through learning-by-doing.
1. Introduction
By the problem of economic development I mean simply the problem of
accounting for the observed pattern, across countries and across time, in levels
and rates of growth of per capita income. This may seem too narrow a
definition, and perhaps it is, but thinking about income patterns will neces-
sarily involve us in thinking about many other aspects of societies too. so I
would suggest that we withhold judgment on the scope of this definition until
we have a clearer idea of where it leads us.
The main features of levels and rates of growth of national incomes are well
enough known to all of us, but I want to begin with a few numbers, so as to
set a quantitative tone and to keep us from getting mired in the wrong kind of
details. Unless I say otherwise, all figures are from the World Bank's World
Development Report of 1983.
The diversity across countries in measured per capita income levels is
literally too great to be believed. Compared to the 1980 average for what the
WorId Bank calls the 'industrial market economies' (Ireland up through
Switzerland) of U.S. $10,000, India's per capita income is $240, Haiti's is $270,
*This paper was originally written for the Marshall Lectures, given at Cambridge University in
1985. ! am very grateful to the Cambridge faculty for this honor, and also for the invitatiou's long
lead time, which gave me the opportunity to think through a new topic with the stimulus of so
distinguished an audience in prospect. Since then, versions of this lecture have been given as the
David Horowitz Lectures in Israel, the W.A. Mackintosh Lecture at Queens University, the Carl
Snyder Memorial Lecture at the University of California at Santa Barbara, the Chung-Hua
Lecture in Taipei. the Nancy Schwartz Lecture at Northwestern University, and the Lionel
McKenzie Lecture at the University of Rochester. I have also based several seminars on various
parts of this material.
0304-3932j88j$3.50©1988, Elsevier Science Publishers B.V. (North-Holland)
4 R. E. Lucas, Jr., On the mechanics of economic development
and so on for the rest of the very poorest countries. This is a difference of a
factor of 40 in living standards! These latter figures are too low to sustain life
in, say, England or the United States, so they ca.
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