A first blush, it probably seems easy to define what we're talking about when we talk about gender. It's just men and women, and the differences between them, right? But things are not so simple, and explaining what actually constitutes gender is surprisingly difficult.

1. GENDER AND SEXUALITY
RITESH CHAUDHARY

2. WHAT IS GENDER?
 A first blush, it probably seems easy to define what we're talking about when we talk about gender. It's
just men and women, and the differences between them, right? But things are not so simple, and
explaining what actually constitutes gender is surprisingly difficult.
 Before we can talk about the geography of gender, we need to get a handle on what goes into
gender -- what its internal structure is. We can think of gender as being comprised of three
components: physical sex, gender expression, and gender identity.

3. WHAT IS GENDER?
Physical sex is the shape and functioning of our bodies. Physical sex is in turn made up of many sub-
components -- the shape of one's genitals, the presence of secondary sex characteristics like breasts and
beards, the balance of hormones like estrogen and testosterone, and the combination of X and Y
chromosomes, to name a few of the more salient ones. These characteristics are not always clear-cut as
"male" or "female" -- for example, at what point do we say a given organ passes from being a large
clitoris to being a small penis? Further, they may not all line up in the same way in every person.
Someone with an XY chromosome makeup may nevertheless, due to other genetic or hormonal
variations, develop a vagina, breasts, and other characteristics usually associated with an XX chromosome
makeup. Deciding whether to call a certain person's physical sex characteristics "male" or "female," and
how to deal with people who don't fit what we imagine to be a "normal" male or female pattern, are
cultural questions.

4. WHAT IS GENDER?
Gender expression is a set of behaviors, practices, and social roles that a person occupies. This gender
role is typically assigned on the basis of the society's judgment as to the person's physical sex. Gender
roles are commonly naturalized, that is, treated as given by nature rather than created by society. But in
fact gender roles are extremely variable between societies. For example, in contemporary US culture,
giving great attention to one's appearance is considered a female trait. A truly feminine woman is
considered to be one who uses makeup and carefully selects the most attractive clothes, and men who
do this may be denigrated as effeminate or "metrosexual." However, in many other cultures, attention to
appearance, makeup, and clothes are male practices. There remains much debate about where to draw
the line between what aspects of people's gender are the result of biology (physical sex) and which
aspects are cultural (gender expression), but in general research has tended to expand the realm of
culture. For example, it is widely believed that girls are not as good at math as boys, and that this
difference is rooted in some biological difference between male and female brains. But in fact studies
have shown that if girls are given the same amount of attention as boys, and are exposed to positive
messages about their abilities rather than stereotypes that tell them they are bound to do poorly, girls'
math achievement is equal to boys'.

5. WHAT IS GENDER?
 Mainstream US culture recognizes only two genders, male and female. However, many other cultures have
additional gender categories, collectively referred to as third genders. The specific social role of third gender
people varies greatly from society to society. For example, bissu is one of the five genders recognized by the
Bugis people of Indonesia. Bissu have their own distinctive type of clothing and act as religious specialists
with roles in ritual that cannot be performed by men or women. In the US, terms such as "genderqueer,"
"gender fluid," "androgyne," and "boi" are coming into use to describe third genders, though the definitions
of these terms are not standardized.
 Gender identity is a person's internal sense of themselves as a man or woman or another gender. For most
people, their gender identity matches up with their physical sex and gender expression. We call this
condition cis, which is sometimes lengthened to cissexual or cisgender. Because things match up so well, cis
people are often not conscious of having a distinct gender identity. On the other hand, some people's
gender identity does not match up with their physical sex and/or the gender expression that they are
expected to exhibit. We call this condition trans, sometimes written out transsexual or transgender. Trans
people should be referred to by the terminology and pronouns consistent with their gender identity -- thus,
for example, someone whose gender identity says "I am a man" and who was born with a vagina would be a
trans man.

6. THE GEOGRAPHY OF GENDER
Human populations typically have an equal
number of females and males (the size of the
third gender population is difficult to
determine because the existence of these
people is often not recognized by statistics,
but in any case is fairly small). At birth, there
are normally a slightly larger number of boys
born, because the Y chromosome is slightly
lighter than the X, giving sperm carrying a Y a
slight advantage in fertilizing the egg. Over
the course of life this ratio evens out because
male physiology is less resistant to disease and
stress, leading to a surplus of women over
men in elderly populations

7. THE GEOGRAPHY OF GENDER
Various social and cultural factors can further skew
gender ratios in one direction or another. For
example, war may result in a loss of men (this is
generally seen as the reason why the Prophet
Muhammad allowed Muslim men to take up to four
wives, to ensure that all women had a husband
despite the death of many men in battle). One
notable example of a social factor altering gender
ratios in the world today is the phenomenon of
"missing girls" or "missing women" in Asia. Looking
at Figure, you can see that several countries (notably
India and China) show a distinct surplus of boys
being born over girls. As many as 100 million women
may be "missing" -- that is, those women ought to
exist if they were being born at a rate proportional
to men.

8. THE GEOGRAPHY OF GENDER
Various explanations have been suggested for the "missing women." Parents of daughters will continue
having children until they get a son, whereas parents of sons are more likely to stop rather than
continuing to try to get a daughter too. Parents may neglect care and feeding of girls, making them
more susceptible to death. They may also engage in sex-selective abortion, aborting female fetuses but
not male ones. The root cause is a cultural preference to have a son who will carry on the family into the
next generation and support his parents as they age. A daughter, on the other hand, would be expected
to marry and become an asset to her husband's family. When a culture practices dowry -- the
requirement that the bride's parents give large gifts of money and goods to the groom -- girls come to
be seen as a burden on the family. Gender ratios become particularly skewed in richer, more urbanized
areas, where the pressure to have a successful son, the expected size of a dowry, and the ability to obtain
a sex-selective abortion are greater.

9. THE GEOGRAPHY OF GENDER
 Many scholars and politicians are concerned about what will happen when these heavily-male
generations come of age. In particular, there is much concern about the fact that since most of these
men will be heterosexual, they will have difficulty finding a romantic partner. This could lead to an
increase in sex trafficking and seeking brides from countries with more even gender ratios. Some also
fear that a large population of men unable to start families will instead turn to violent ideologies.
 In addition to examining the distribution of men and women themselves, we can also look at the
distribution of features of gender expression. If gender expression is culturally variable, then it may be
constructed in different ways in different areas. One example is Figure 2, showing the responses to a
survey question about the gendered division of labor in different regions of the US. While equal
proportions of the population of New England and the southern Atlantic coast may be women, the
experience of being a woman is going to be quite different in a place where there is a strong
expectation that you will be a homemaker, as compared to a region where there is not this
expectation.

10. GENDERED SPACES
A critical concept in the geography of gender is
the idea of gendered spaces. Gendered spaces are
areas in which particular genders of people, and
particular types of gender expression, are
considered welcome or appropriate, and other
types are unwelcome or inappropriate. Gendering
of spaces is an important means by which social
systems maintain the organization of gender. They
reinforce particular ways of being a man or being
a woman, and can maintain the relationships
between men and women. (Note that while the
commonly used term is "gendered spaces," we
may be talking about things that would more
technically be called "gendered places," "gendered
landscapes," or "gendered environments").

11. GENDERED SPACES
Some cultures make extensive and strict divisions of space into women's space and men's space. In
subsistence agricultural societies, for example, farmland is often divided up between genders. Men
control certain types of land to grow certain crops, while women get control of other land for other
crops. Figure 3 shows an example of the gender division of a field in the Dominican Republic. The
specifics of which lands and crops are assigned to which gender can profoundly shape the roles, and
relative power, of men and women. For example, in many such societies women are assigned to the
crops that are basic staples of the household, while men grow the cash crops that bring in money for the
household -- giving men greater control of the family's finances, while women's roles as keepers of the
household are reinforced. Changing circumstances can interact with the gendering of spaces to create
conflict between men and women. For example, if a development agency creates opportunities to
expand certain types of cash crops usually grown by men (in the interest of raising the region's economic
prosperity), there may be an incentive for men to encroach on women's land to enhance their own
profits. The result could be a greater degree of inequality between the genders. For this reason, many
development agencies have recently begun to specifically target things that are traditionally women's
activities, in hopes of reducing gender inequality.

12. GENDERED SPACES
One very common form of gendered spaces is referred to as the public-private divide. The traditional
view in most Western and Islamic societies is that private space belongs to women, while public space
belongs to men. Thus, women should remain in the home and care for the family's own affairs.
Meanwhile interactions between family groups and the wider world, in the public realms of the market
and government, should be managed by men. This divide may be reinforced in various ways, from
explicit legal barriers (such as the laws in some Islamic societies requiring women to wear concealing
garments so that their presence doesn't create a distraction in male public space) to informal
assumptions about people (such as that the food I bring to my public workplace for lunch must have
been cooked for me in our private home by my wife). In many cases, it has historically been difficult for
poor women and women of color to follow the gendered public-private divide, because they had to go
out into the working world to support their families. Dominant groups then took this failure to follow the
public-private divide as evidence that these women were not properly feminine.

13. GENDERED SPACES
Gendered spaces are not simply assigned to men or women. They are typically assigned to particular
forms of masculinity or femininity. Take, for example, public restrooms in the US and similar countries. The
signs on the door simply say "men" and "women." But some types of men and women are excluded. In
order to enforce the gender segregation of bathrooms, people whose gender expression does not
conform to social expectations may be kicked out -- for example, women whose hair and clothing
appears masculine or androgynous may be barred from the women's room. Transgender people also
may face bathroom exclusion. A trans woman may not be regarded as a "real" woman, and therefore she
may be prohibited from going in the women's room, while she faces the possibility of harassment if she
enters the men's room.

14. GENDERED SPACES
Symbolic landscapes are also often highly gendered. In societies like the US and Australia, an important
set of symbolic landscapes are the wilderness and the domestic sphere. These are closely associated with
masculinity and femininity, respectively. The wilderness is taken to be a place where men could prove and
enhance their manliness through struggle against the elements. Women's role, on the other hand, was to
maintain the virtues of civilization by tending to the domestic sphere in the home and settlements. This
gendering of these symbolic landscapes was a significant part of the motivation for the establishment of
national parks. People like Teddy Roosevelt wanted to maintain places where men could develop their
manliness by "roughing it" and killing large animals, and feared that a loss of wilderness would lead to
men becoming effeminate due to living their whole lives in civilized settings. And these ideals survive
today, for example in the Boy Scouts' idea that boys can be taught specifically manly virtues through a
program centered around camping.

15. GENDERED SPACES
The gendering of spaces helps to reinforce a culture's gender norms. People who are in the "wrong"
spaces are subject to punishments of various sorts, from teasing to violence. Which spaces receive which
gendering sends messages about the proper character and duties of a person of a given gender (e.g. the
wilderness is a masculine space, so men should be strong and tough). And gendered spaces can enable
the dominant gender to retain control of valuable resources, as when important informal mentoring or
making of business deals occurs at an all-male country club.

16. SEXUALITY AND SEXUALIZED SPACES
A further consideration related to gender is sexuality. Sexuality refers to what sort of romantic and sexual
practices a person wants to pursue. One of the most important aspects of sexuality has to do with the
gender of the people one wishes to engage in romantic and sexual relations with. This leads most studies
of the geography of sexuality to deal with people in terms of being heterosexual, homosexual, bisexual,
pansexual, or asexual -- though one could also do a geography of BDSM versus vanilla sex, of
monogamy versus non-monogamy, or of any other difference in sexual practices. The term "queer" is
frequently used by geographers as an umbrella term for all non-privileged sexualities, though the term's
origins as a slur mean that non-queer people should be careful about using it. In other cases,
geographers use acronyms that attempt to list the major ways that people who are not cis and
heterosexual define their identities -- the most common of which is LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender, queer), though the order of the letters may be changed and additional ones (e.g. A for
asexual, or a second Q for questioning) may be added.

17. SEXUALITY AND SEXUALIZED SPACES
Just as spaces may be gendered, they may be sexualized. Certain areas of the world are more or less
welcoming to people of particular sexualities. Since heterosexuality is the privileged sexuality in the US, most
spaces in the US are more welcoming to heterosexuals than to other people. LGBTQ people learn quickly that
certain spaces may be physically dangerous if their sexuality becomes known, as some people will use violence
to enforce the privileging of heterosexuality. Other spaces may subject them to ostracism, harassment, and
unwanted intrusion on their private lives. The privileging of heterosexuality means that many spaces that are
not explicitly exclusionary toward LGBTQ people are still heteronormative. A heteronormative space is one in
which the organization of the space, and of the activities that take place within it, presume that everyone either
has or wants an opposite-sex partner (Figure 4). In a heteronormative space, LGBTQ people may be unable to
participate, or may need to ask for special exceptions to be made to accommodate their deviation from the
norm. For example, many institutions -- such as single-sex college dormitories or prisons -- are gender-
segregated in an attempt to stop attendees from engaging in, or being distracted by, the possibility of sexual
liaisons. Those institutions may even organize certain defined events at which the genders are brought
together to allow for sexual relations, such as the "mixers" held between a fraternity and a sorority. None of
these arrangements treat the possibility of same-sex relations as equally normal (and may therefore react with
particular hostility to gays and lesbians).

18. SEXUALITY AND SEXUALIZED SPACES
In response to the sexualizing of so many
spaces in a society, LGBTQ people may try to
construct their own spaces where their
sexualities are accepted on an equal basis -- or
even privileged over heterosexuality. Thus we
see the establishment of gay neighborhoods in
large cities, including gay-friendly businesses,
as well as more radical experiments such as
lesbian separatist communes in rural areas.

19. THANKS
DR. RITESH CHAUDHARY
ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR
SCHOOL OF MEDIA, JOURNALISM & FILM MAKING
HIMGIRI ZEE UNIVERSITY, DEHRADUN, UTTARAKHAND
PHONE: 9936825689