This chapter provides a literature review of previous research on Hijra communities. One study used ethnographic research to show that Hijras in Bangladesh live in extreme social exclusion without recognition as a separate gender beyond the male-female binary. This social exclusion damages their self-esteem and prevents effective safer sex interventions. Another study examined how Hijras are excluded from schools, families, work and social institutions their whole lives, putting them at risk for risky sexual behaviors due to limited access to information and resources. The literature recommends addressing structural exclusion of Hijras and working with mainstream society, policymakers and civil society to create an environment where Hijras can live fulfilling lives on equal footing with men and women.

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Chapter: One
1.1: Introduction
Nothing seems more natural, unchangeable or desirable to us than those human beings are
divided without reminder into two biological sexes, male and female, and into two
genders, masculine and feminine. This division of humans into two sexes takes place at
birth, when sex assignment is male or female; such sex assignment is assumed to be
permanent. The concept of sex and gender as a system of two opposing and non-
changeable categories male and female; masculine and feminine is so both common sense
and most social science. It is difficult for most of us even think about any alternative to
this view of sex and gender.
And yet, a cross-cultural perspective indicates that some cultures include more than two
genders. Such alternative, or third gender roles, which are neither man nor woman have
been described among the Omanis of the Saudia Arabian Peninsula (Wikan 1977); among
many native American tribes (Williams 1986); in Tahiti (Levy 1973); and in New Guinea
and among the Hijras of India (Nanda 1990). I want to do fieldwork among one such
group in Shyampur area usually known as Hijra.
Hijras or hermaphrodites are people with ambiguous genitalia. Also called intersexed,
hermaphroditism is primarily a medical condition which results from multifarious
biological factors. The term „intersexed‟ is reserved to refer to a somatic condition in
which the hermaphroditic person is supposed to posses both masculine and feminine
traits.
Nonetheless for the sake of conceptual clarity, it is important to elaborate upon some
other associated, though not clearly distinct, terms like transsexual, transvestite and
eunuch. Tran-sexuality also known as gender dysphoria is a condition where a person
claims to be trapped into the body of the wrong sex. Pretty often, through surgical
operations, such persons metamorphose them into the desired gender/sex .On the other
hand, trans-vestiteism is a situation in which a male tends to be attired in the garbs of the
opposite sex and vice versa. This emblematizes their hunch for gender crossing. Eunuchs
are castrated males.
In cases of gender dysphoria a man‟s sex-surgery issues in his being castrated. Besides,
Transvestitic people especially those with the proclivity to dress as women are similar to
many intersexed people who identify themselves as feminine. Eunuchs because of their
being castrated experience sexual impotency like many hermaphroditic people.
Consequently there is a considerable amount of overlap among these terms. However all
these gargonistic and notional differences are peppered with reductive and heterosexists
nuances and are therefore redundant to the sexually different. They have instead divined
an umbrella term "transgender‟ to subsume all these diverse categories.

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However, Hijras of Bangladesh define themselves as people who are neither male nor
female. They regard themselves as people incapable of sexual sensation. They also claim
to have neither a male nor female genitalia.
The Hijras are viewed as “neither male nor female” containing elements of both. The
Hijra are commonly believed by the larger society to be intersexes, impotent men, who
undergo emasculation in which all or part of the genitals are removed. They adopt female
behavior. Hijras traditionally earn their living by collecting alms and receiving payment
for performances at weddings, births and festivals.
Hijras are most clearly „ not men ‟ in relation to their claimed inability and lack of desire
to engage in the sexual act as man with woman, a consequence of their claimed biological
intersexuality and their subsequent castration. Thus Hijras are unable to reproduce
children, especially sons, an essential element in our society‟s concept of the normal,
masculine role for males.
But if Hijras are „not men‟, neither is they women, in spite of several aspects of feminine
behavior associated with the role. These behaviors include dressing as women, wearing
their hair long, plucking their facial hair, adopting feminine mannerisms, and taking on
women‟s name and using female kinship terms and a special feminized vocabulary. But
Hijras are not considered as women, because they cannot give birth, and their behavior
such as their sexual aggressiveness is considered outrageous and very much in opposition
to the expected demure behavior of ordinary women in their roles of wives, mothers and
daughters. Hijra performances are essentially burlesques of women, and the
entertainment value comes from difference between themselves, acting as women, and
the real women they imitate.
The Hijras are outsider community in our society though they born in our society. They
are outsider because in our society in every sector people are identified as male or female.
But they are not fall into any of those categories.
They are marginalized in the society. They cannot mix up frequently with others in the
society. They live in their own communities. They have no normal sexual organ but they
have sexual desires. They fulfill their desire in different ways.
Statement of the problem
Most modern discussions of the relationship of biological sex to gender presuppose that
there are two genders male and female, founded on the two biological sexes. But not all
cultures share this essentialist assumption. Bringing together historical and
anthropological studies, Third Sex, Third Gender challenges the usual emphasis on sexual
dimorphism and reproduction, providing a unique perspective on the various forms of
socialization of people who are neither "male" nor "female". The existence of a third sex
or gender enables us to understand how eunuchs and Hijras met the criteria of special

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social roles that necessitated practices such as self-castration and how intimate and
forbidden desires were expressed. By conceptualizing these practices and by allowing
these bodies, meanings and desires to emerge, Third Sex, Third Gender provides a new
way to think about sex and gender systems that is crucial to contemporary debates within
the social sciences.
Third gender categories and roles are described and educated a central descriptive of
exploration and documentation. This required a basic understanding of the cultural and
historical contexts in which the gender schemata under question have evolved, become
institutionalized, changed and matured, for instance is a Hijra what criteria exist for the
recruitment and legitimating of Hijras as individuals and as a categories? How long have
the Hijras been defined as such in the Bangladeshi tradition.
Neither is the categories hermaphrodite or transsexual the same as third sex and third
gender variations around the world notwithstanding the enormous confusion surrounding
the use of such terms. One is tempted for instance, to think of the Hijras or Bangladesh as
hermaphrodites (or homosexuals). When, in fact they constitute a different kind of social
person and cultural reality. Likewise the abuse of the term hermaphrodite in cross-cultural
serological research shows the failure of this biologically oriented field to take seriously
sex and gender variations. In the category of the eunuch there is a difference between
some who is castrated and someone who castrated himself and there is a further
classification.
Identifying individuals who diverge from the male and female categories can prove to be
difficult even in cultures in which a third gender role is present, because the condition
may nonetheless be somewhat disparaged or considered deviant. Because of laws and
implicit rules, divergent individuals to whom these categories of being and action apply-
sodomites, berbache, women dressed in men‟s clothes, Hijras and son on-may slip
between male and female roles. They may engage in the act of “passing” as normatively
male or female or masculine or feminine. Though behaviors and practices that either set
them apart from others or enable them to conform and to pass as normative such persons
carve out a special niche in their societies. Thus if the Hijras bears a secret nature, there is
not necessarily any reason to confess this nature for it may offer sensibilities or spiritual
and social rules.
Research Questions
What is the present status of Hijras livelihood in Shyampur area?
Objective of the study
Most of the people takes being either a man or a woman for granted, although many of
them are not conventional men or women. Hijras are one of those types of people. The
researcher‟s endeavor is to find out how biological difference distinguishes them from
majority people and how they minimize it.

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General Objectives
 Livelihood pattern of Hijra community in Shyampur area.
 To know their socio-political conditions.
 To know about their problems.
Specific objectives
 To find out the identity making process of Hijras.
 To know about their social system.
 To know about their sexual behavior.
 To find out the process of their adaptation in the society.
Operational Definitions
What or rather who is a hijra, is probably one of the most difficult questions to answer
and defining who and who is not a hijra is a current debate in Pakistan. According to Dr.
M. Aslam Khaki the difficulty in classifying hijras is presently creating obstacles to the
introduction of identity cards which include a category “third sex”.
Rehan et al., (2009) describe the word hijra as “an umbrella term used for those men,
who are transgender, eunuch, transvestites, hermaphrodites or intersexed, bisexuals or
homosexuals”. However, based on observations during the fieldwork bisexuals and
homosexuals that did not have visible gender dysphoria are not called hijra.
Hijra: The term Hijra, which, is of Urdu origin and the masculine gender, has the
primary meaning of hermaphrodite. It is usually translated as eunuch. In our country
Hijra means those who are anatomically true hermaphrodite and a special character
distinguished a class of individuals from both men and women and attributed them with a
constellation of traits comparable to those traits used to define other gender.
List key Variables
 Age
 Education
 Occupation
 Community
 Religion
 Housing
 Socio-economic condition

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 Social status
 Health
Limitations of the study
In every research there would be some limitations. In this study the researcher also has
some limitations.
One of main that time duration, the researcher have got one semester for the work but it
could not be easier to stay in the study area because of continuous academic purposes
(class, term test). As the shortage of time it was very difficult for the researcher to build
up rapport with the study population and it makes more difficult for their language. So
conversation with them was very hard for the researcher.
Summary
This chapter has integrated central information on the background of the Hijra
Community and has underscored the complexity of oppression faced by Hijra
community, in particular by studying the Shyampur areas hijra of their socio-
economic, livelihood conditions. Education, upward mobility, and opportunities that
might be available for other levels within the social hierarchy of contemporary
Bangladesh are still inaccessible to this group.

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Chapter: Two
Introduction
This chapter provides detailed information on the design of the study, the bounds of the
study, and the data collection and analysis process. The data collection component further
details the setting, participants, and the unique focal point of this study.
Methodology
The study employed survey, and case studies to collect qualitative data. Information
regarding the households and nature and extent of discrimination were collected through
in-depth interviews. Primary data was collected from the Shyampur area.
Location of the Study
Study area of this study is Shyampur union of Kadomtoly Thana under Dhaka in
Bangladesh.
Duration of the study
This study was being conducts from September 2016 to December 2016.
Target population
The study has analyzed the situation of Hijras of Shyampur union. The target population
is the Hijra communities of 3 units.
Sample Size
Due to shortage of time and resources samplings was done purposively but samples were
taken from all unit.
Sample Technique
In this study researcher selected the five key informants. Five key informants are well-
informed in different ways in which Hijra live in Shyampur union in Kadomtoly Upazila.

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Data collection Technique
In this study, researcher used primary and secondary sources data to do the survey. Semi-
structured questionnaire use the key informant and Structured questionnaire in-death
interviews, open question and use the observation methods to collect the Hijra community
in study area. The secondary source of data was collected from books, research papers,
journals, and articles and online data etc.
Data Processing and Analysis
This is a mix method study. So in-death interviews will recorded by the personal
recorder. After collect the data use the qualitative methods. Survey data were analyzed
through SPSS.
Ethical Consideration
In this study is analyzing a sensitive issue in Bangladesh perspective because Hijra
community is deprived, neglected from the society and so on. But researcher said the
every respondent of the purpose of the study before the interview. Researcher assured the
every respondent, never to disclose their original identity in this study report to establish
their confidentiality. Every interview was collected in respondent‟s free time and never
lose their working time and try to complete every interview up to 35-40 minutes to ensure
before collect all interview.
Summary
This chapter has included a discussion of the overall study design, the setting, the
participants, ethical considerations, the procedures for data collection methods for
analyzing the data, and verification procedures that were implemented in this study. More
specifically, this research is a qualitative inquiry using a case study approach as the

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medium of the study. Through direct observation and intensive interviewing, this
researcher was able to depict a portrayal of the primary participant.
Chapter: Three
LITERATURE REVIEW
Introduction
For a special purpose to read analyze and summarize, books, articles is known as

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literature review. Every research is small part of knowledge. For this it is necessary to
know about the world of knowledge. To know about the previous knowledge about the
research topic related writings.
Khan et al., (2009) have done an ethnographic study where they describe the social
exclusion of hijra community focusing on the factors and the pathway between exclusion
and sexual health issue. The study has been built on 50 in-depth interviews with
hijra, 20 key-informant interviews and 10 focus-group discussions along with extensive
field observations. The outcome of the study shows that hijra community in Bangladesh
lives in extreme margin of exclusion having no sociopolitical space where they can lead
life being with dignity. Their deprivations are grounded in non-recognition as separate
gender human being beyond male-female gender construction. The study has also been
pointed out that extreme social exclusion diminishes their self-esteem and sense of
social responsibility, therefore, before effective safer sex interventions, hijra need to
be recognized as having a space on society‟s gender continuum and their gender, sexual
and citizenship rights need to be protected.
Khan et al., (2009) examines his paper how the hijra community is excluded in every step
of their life from childhood until death and how these deprivations put them at risk-
behavior in their sexual life. For example, in the heterosexist norm, a hijra having
feminine attitude in male body is excluded from school, family and then work. At the
same time, situating at the lowest level in hierarchical social structure, hijra are refused to
develop relation with mainstream society which prevent their accessibility to social
institutions, resources and services. Therefore, hijra cannot participate in social, cultural,
economic and political activities and remain limited in knowledge, and are not associated

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with any mainstream social system (Khan et al, 2009). On the other hand, being excluded
from every part of the society, hijra are looking for a space through their sexual partners.
Their restricted accessibility to information and their frustrated minds encourage them to
pursue a risky life-style that includes unprotected sex (Khan et al, 2009). Khan et al
(2009) have also pointed out the problematic environment concerning health issue, for
example, hijra who work in CBO, often face severe harassment by the local boys. Having
a strong religious value and no policy related to sexual and gender issues, protection of
health rights (HIV intervention) for hijra remain unsuccessful.
Further, in this study, Khan et al (2009) enlighten some recommendation through
their discussion. For instance, they assert that health interventions need to create a
space to challenge the sociopolitical and socio-religious discourses of sex and gender
relations in the society in Bangladesh (Khan et al, 2009). In addition, the authors also
describe that the social movements by the hijra community alone are deficient when the
legal, religious and political support is still lacking. Therefore, the work has to be
done with the members of the mainstream society, policy planners and civil society as
well as the exclusion of hijra community at the structural level must be addressed
(Khan et al, 2009). In this study, the ultimate suggestion and hope have been
drawn in order to ensure a supportive and congenial environment where along with
men and women, hijra can live fulfilling lives by upholding their human, gender and
citizenship rights.
Another study, concerning HIV protection, human rights and social exclusion of
hijra/transgender women, has been prepared in India by Dr. Venkatesan Chakrapani
under UNDP. The study is reviewed from various published research in different context
of India under the human rights and exclusion framework. The discussion of the study

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mainly focuses on the need of sexual health service based on specific gender role
of hijra and other transgender people that highlight the relation between the social
exclusion and vulnerability to HIV and other health risks (Chakrapani, 2010).
The author revealed that the information about sexual risk behaviors of hijra or
transgender women are limited and often found under the information about larger gender
minority group for example MSM intervention. However, the available data indicate that
they engage in high risk sexual behavior. According to Chakrapani (2010) the available
information surveyed in 2007 in some selected districts, conducted by Integrated
Biological and Behavioral Assessment (IBBA) which show that the tendency of condom
use is low among hijra community.
This review also shows the exclusion of hijra in India. Though, in general, India has the
tolerance to accept the wide and diverse culture but the family in that context cannot
accept when their male child start behaving in a way that is considered as feminine.
Parents may provide several reasons for having this reaction. For example mostly they
think about the future and the end of their generation since the hijra cannot reproduce
(Chakrapani, 2010). Additionally, due to the cross- dressing eventually hijra are excluded
from their family. Their female attitudes become barriers for their progress in school and
work as well. Even apart from family and social life they are often abused, forced to have
sex, extorted for money and harassed by police. In addition, hijra community has been
restricted to access in knowledge and health service because of their lower literacy and
economic status. Moreover, about sex change operation, the Indian legal system is silent.
Only in the state of Tamil Nadu free Sex Reassignment Surgery (SRS) is
performed in selected government hospitals (Chakrapani, 2010). Having no recognition

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by the government, they are often discriminated by various social, legal and welfare
services. All these circumstances put them at risky sexual behavior where they are
unaware of their health issue.
Further, this review has drawn some recommendations, for example, introducing
hijra in welfare scheme and increase public knowledge about hijra/transgender
community through policies and law. At the same time, attitudes of government and
health care system also need to be in favor of this sexual minority group.
Brooks and Héberts (2006)
“Gender in media has also been discussed adding on a racial distinction, as done in Brooks and Héberts
section on gender, race, and media representation in Sage handbook on gender and communication. The
reason to why race and gender as identical traits are measured together is as they are both seen as a social
construction. Media is here seen as what represents our cultural realities. While the different sexes are
rooted in biology, the term gender is instead based on culture”.
Consalvo (2006) The way scholars theorizing on gender identity is also aligned with the
rise of new technologies. It advanced vastly during the 1990s, where the notion of new
media got added in the studies. The challenge here lies within posing relevant research
questions, whilst keeping up with the trends. One way of looking at it is; studying the
intersections in gender and (new) media is critical to the general research of gender and
communication. The challenge lies in finding the most current research on the topic of
gender and media, as the field includes a rapid development given innovative uses of
media.
Another review which has been done by Blue Diamond Society in Nepal discusses the
treatment of homosexuals in Nepal by the authorities and the society while a new
constitution in favor of this group is in the process of being implemented. The review has
been conducted based on other published research and national and international annual

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reports concerning with the legal framework (Blue Diamond Society, 2010). The whole
study has described that the period of accepting and implementation of legislation for
homosexual group in Nepal took time in order to provide the space for acceptance of
diverse sexual identity in the heterosexist society.
The study shows diverse sexual identity under the homosexual term, for example, gay,
kothi, hijra and so on for whom new legislation and policy are being introduced. The
study has pointed out that the court found the rights of sexual minority groups against the
British Penal Code that has historically been carried out by the Indian-sub continent
countries. The information of this study indicates that the acceptance of homosexual‟s
protection through legislation is made possible with the efforts of the court and NGOs as
they stood for the rights of the homosexuals against the stance of the government.
However, it is still a problem for the society until the government accepts this issue (Blue
Diamond Society, 2010).
The study has revealed the aim of the legal acceptance in order to include this minority
group in every social activity, for example, employment, and health services,
political and social participation among others. Though the supreme court of Nepal
prohibited the discriminations against sexual minority groups; often societies of Nepal
showed discrimination towards this group for example, excluded them from family,
school and work. Nevertheless, there are very few positive aspects of society towards
them. And now there is a hope because, regarding identity and health services, sexual
minority groups have been supported by the organizations through providing training on
the concept of human rights, advocacy for legal and policy change and skill building
programs (Blue Diamond Society, 2010).

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Further, the whole review has been focused on the need of legislation which will ensure
their identity, property rights and accessibility of basic rights without any harassment in
the society.
However, later on the identity rights of transgender people have been accepted
through legislation which has been a great achievement of homosexual and transgender
group in Nepal.
Misra (2009) discussed;
“Decriminalization of homosexuality in India concerning law and policy, LGBT organizations and sexual
rights. The paper examines the successful fight against provision in section 377 of the penal code of India
that used to criminalize private consensual sex between adults of the same sex”.
The article discusses about the history of section 377 and how it has been enforced and
particularly affects people at risk of or living with HIV. Section 377 of the Indian penal
code has been established as part of Britain‟s effort to impose Victorian value on its
biggest colony. The law said that “whoever voluntarily has carnal intercourse against the
order of nature with any man; woman or animal shall be punished with imprisonment”
(Misra, 2009). While later on most western democracies abandoned this law including
Britain, the weight of the law over the centuries has fallen on homosexual sex in Indian-
sub continent although heterosexual also partake in these acts. The existence of this law
had enormous negative impact on many people‟s lives, for example, it is used to threat of
possible arrest, have allowed the authorities to discriminate against homosexuals and
organizations that are working with them.
According to Misra (2009) the fight against the law and successful advocacy to change

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the civil society group. Concerning this issue the author has pointed out that though
government has been silent on this issue, sexual minority groups, child rights activists and
feminist group have come together to start strong movements to fight against
discrimination. In addition, various advocacy and counseling services have been provided
by the organizations and the members of the hijra community; for example, raising
awareness among general public, the media, the health professions and students as well as
counseling the sexual minority people regarding their identity and human rights (Misra,
2009). To achieve the legal right, this effort made a strategy against section 377 and
based on that India has worked through technically to convince the government and
later on this strategy made the success to draw the attention about the rights of LGBT
groups.
Finally, the study has suggested further changes which are necessary for marginalized
LGBT individuals to gain broad acceptance and equality within the wider society in India
(Misra, 2009). Though sexual minority people have the freedom and legal rights to have
their sexual partner but still there is a big challenge to change the society in this
heterosexist society of India. For instance, after implementation of the law, the next
challenges and responsibilities are work with family and employment. In addition, the
author also points out the challenge of religious values, important knowledge on human
rights within the education field of children as well as actively focuses on sexual health
support.
Bondyopadhyay and Ahmed (2010) have done a comparative study of their previous
researches on specific sexual minority groups that is;
“Hijra, kothi and discuss all sexual minorities, that is, lesbians, gays, bisexuals and transgender in their
study. The study is aimed to explore the similarities and differences among various sexual minority groups

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in Bangladesh regarding their identity, experiences, situation of human rights and how it affects and
impacts on HIV prevention activities”.
Bondyopadhyay and Ahmed (2010) shows that is in itself a capacity development
opportunity for sexual minority groups where a major part of the data collection has been
conducted by themselves who have been trained for the purpose of advocacy for their
own community and can also help to work with stakeholders when needed.
However, the study has been conducted in Shyampur area, Dhaka, Bangladesh by way of
snowball sampling and the research covered by both qualitative and quantitative
component with LGBT population. For quantitative component 25 respondents has been
taken from each community and for qualitative component in depth interviews, focused
group discussion and specific exploratory interviews with major stakeholders have been
conducted.
Bondyopadhyay and Ahmed (2010) findings of this study reveal that the
identification of each sexual minority group is influenced by various terms; for
example, hijra deny homosexuality and identify themselves based on gender role which is
in contrast with homosexual people who identify themselves based on sexual role.
However, homosexual gay are more masculine powerful compare to hijra and kothi who
are historically playing feminine role in their male body. Women in Bangladesh, in
general, are a vulnerable group, therefore, hijra who consider feminine attitude found
them in that situation.
Authors discuss about the HIV intervention and the human rights experiences
based on different sexual minority groups. For example, significantly transgender
people (hijra) are victimized for rape and sexual assault, in addition, often they are
harassed and face violating acts by local boys during outreach work for HIV intervention

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because they are perceived as feminine gender which is weaker. Moreover, regarding
accessibility to education, employment, health services or other public services,
transgender group face more barriers because of their feminine attitude compared to
homosexuals whose sexual identity is hidden in their masculine gender identity. Authors
have also pointed out the challenges regarding strong religious value and marriage norm
in Bangladesh which impacts all the gender minority groups.
Further, the study concludes that sexual minority groups in Bangladesh often
experience limited access in basic human rights as well as have lack of expression
of individual requirements. In addition, in order to achieve inclusion in public sphere and
all the basic rights; long-term planning, advocacy and campaign regarding gender issue
and HIV prevention has been recommended by the authors.
A qualitative study by Hahm (2010) has shown the;
“Human security of hijra in Pakistan and how the insecurities could be overcome. The study mainly looks
at three dimensions of human security in the livelihood of hijra: community, economic and personal
security. However, in some extent political security also has been considered by the author. The study also
focuses on improving the lives of hijra from beyond the hijra community particularly while the decision of
Supreme Court of Pakistan is in favor of this community. This research has been conducted with 67
respondents consisting three groups of hijra: asli-hijra, non-asli hijra and zenana. For this study, different
urban and rural area from two provinces has been selected, in addition, significant discussion has been held
with pro bono lawyers and two others who submitted the petition for the rights of hijra to the Supreme
Court.
Hahm (2010) shows that the main factors which influence human security of hijra are
age, location, family wealth and gender which are very much linked with each other.
Regarding age issue, the study revealed that young hijra is more secure in economy
through traditional work and prostitution while old hijra depend on young hijra or

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begging. Regarding gender issue, asli-hijra who is biologically in between of male and
female are respected for their traditional work by the public, whereas, non-asli hijra who
mentally feel like women are hated by the society. These indicate the discriminations are
influenced by the reflection of social construction regarding natural or unnatural gender
role. However, in some cases all the criteria of hijra faced similar deprivation; for
example, discriminated to access in education or mainstream job. Apparently this
gender issue influences other factors by which hijra community face various insecurities
comprising poverty, discriminations in their rights, harassment in work and so on. The
author also discussed that in order to overcome the insecurity; hijra community works
and gets supports from their own living area/neighborhood. At the same time, Pakistan
Supreme Court has submitted the petition which ensures the protection of the hijra
community‟s rights through the supports of skill development and providing
education accessibility as well as providing the human rights knowledge to all the
children in education level.
Further, the author concludes by pointing out that there is a lack of action to support hijra
by both the government and NGOs, although there are available fund as well as Supreme
Court has made the decision in favor of their human security, thus, this situation indicates
that hijra have strived for a long time to achieve their rights.
Husain (2005) has done the study on transgender people (hijra) in Bangladesh which
described their criteria of identity, religious view, social and gender role and their socio-
economic position in that context. The study has covered by both quantitative component
with 82 respondents and qualitative component through in-depth interviews and the case
study as well. The research has been conducted in different district from every division of

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the country. In addition, the study also includes the information through informal
interviews with different public welfare departments, religious scholars and psychiatrists,
medical doctors and so on. The aim of this study is to draw the view of the situation of
hijra community in Bangladesh which can promote the mainstream society to work for
this community to achieve their human rights and quality of life.
Husain (2005) applied various views regarding criteria of hijra based on cultural
perspectives, scientific perspectives and religious perspectives. For example, from
cultural view, there are several hijra exist in the society who are called natural hijra,
mix10 hijra, un-natural hijra, artificial hijra and so on. In contrast, there is no concept of
hijra in scientific view as well as there is no acceptance of third gender in religious view.
However, the study mainly examined that hijra community is most marginalized group in
Bangladesh.
Husain (2005) wrote his thesis paper that since childhood hijra community are refused to
access education due to their extraordinary gender attitudes. Later on, they face dilemma
regarding their identity and lead a dual gender life. The author has also been presented
that hijra are limited to access in all the public services for example, health care,
employment, housing as well as they are deprived from basic rights and citizenship rights.
They are discriminated to access justice and to participate in religious activities. It is also
pointed out that while hijra joined the community apart from family, sometimes they do
not feel freedom under the discipline of the community.
Further, the study has drawn attention towards state in order to provide support for this
community as well as understand their gender construction. In addition, hijra community
has their own capacities which need to be trained to develop their skills; therefore, the

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mainstream society should work with this community.
This chapter presents a review of the earlier research that mainly discusses the
extreme marginalized position of the hijra community, within the South Asian context,
along with other gender minority groups for instance women, gay, lesbian and so on. The
discussions, within the studies, reflect on the recognition of the sexual minority groups by
the mainstream human rights groups, the academia, and certain section of media and
certain state agencies like health department as well as the gathering momentum of
mobilization of this community with increasing efficient articulation of their issues by
a developing movement. In addition, these researches have drawn various
recommendations for civil and mainstream society as well as for the government in order
to take this marginalized group into the development sectors in which the legal rights and
social acceptance have been pointed out as key objectives to improve this community‟s
quality of life. In addition, the discussions within the earlier researches apparently
promote to explore further situation of this community.
Therefore, my study mostly focuses on social work with the excluded hijra and the
progress of their social situations within the social supports. Nonetheless, these previous
researches do not explicitly explain the social work approach with the community but
briefly represent all the social, political and economical environments of hijra community
which are essential for social workers to acknowledge providing the services. Further,
few researches explained the achievement of legal rights for sexual minority groups in
which some methods for instance advocacy, counseling and community work have been
concerned to work at the grass root level. Considering these social work methods,
next chapter will illustrate the conceptual framework in which various working

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approaches with the community have been concerned in order to perceive the social
context and the services as well as the point of view of the respondents.
According to UNDP (2010) hijra is an umbrella term for all sexual minorities. It states
that “hijra cultures are India‟s answer to support systems for sexual minorities. Long
before the West gave birth to gay lib, India‟s homosexuals, bisexuals, transvestites,
transsexuals and kothis found refuge under this umbrella.”
Another way of understanding hijras is by understanding how they are different from
eunuchs, transvestites, transsexuals, homosexuals, bisexuals, intersexes and
hermaphrodites. All these terms appear to mean the same, but in fact they do not. For
instance, the Oxford Minidictionary (1988) describes the eunuch as a “castrated
man”. The Chambers 20th Century Dictionary (1983) describes eunuch as “a castrated
man, especially one in charge of a harem, or a high-voiced singer: an ineffectual
person.” There is no reference in these definitions to a person‟s desire to wear female
attire and to behave like a female.
Winter and Udomsak (1997) quote a study conducted by C.M.Cole, M.O‟Boyle, L. E.
Emory, and W. J. Meyer in North America which primarily devoted to identification of
psychiatric disorder among transgenders. It included a short form MMPI (Minnesota M
Personality Inventory) to a sub group consisting of 93 MtFs and 44 FtMs (pre- and post
surgical). FtMs displayed Mf (=masculinity – femininity) scores well within the normal
range for females and therefore appeared to retain characteristics consonant with genetic
self. However, the MtFs displayed Mf scores that were far typical of genetic females
than males and so seemed to have embraced a cross gender personality to a greater

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degree than had the FtMs, abandoning male traits to a greater extent than FtMs abandon
female traits. The same authors also quote a study done in Netherlands in 1988 by
Kuiper and Cohen-Kettenis who interviewed 36 FtMs (Female to Male) and 105 MtFs
(Male to Female) post-surgical transgenders. They found that the vast majority had a
gender identity consistent with their sex reassignment, and that most were confident and
happy in their new role.
Zhou et al., (1997) conducted a study which was the was the first to show “a female brain
structure in genetically male transsexuals and supports the hypothesis that gender identity
develops as a result of an interaction between the developing brain and sex hormones.”
Swaab concluded that the transsexuals were right in their deep-seated belief that they
were assigned the wrong gender at birth.
Conceptual Framework
Low
Income
Violence
High
Social
inequality
Hijra
Community
Low
Health
Condition
Low
Nutritional
Status
High
Gender
inequality
Low
Educational
status

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Framework Design
Leshem and Trafford (2007) note that there is “[no] common language regarding the nature of
conceptual frameworks”. In this research perhaps the most relevant perspective of a conceptual
framework is from Maxwell (1996 cited in Leshem and Trafford 2007) who sees it as “a picture
of what you think is going on with the phenomenon you‟re studying.”
The following “picture” is based on institutional and academic concepts of the different
dimensions of human security and their relationship to one another; frameworks that although not
directly linked to human security, can be used to analyze components of human security; personal
experience and observation; and reflections and assumptions from academic literature.
Although the individual dimensions of human security and aspects of the dimensions can
influence one another, for each dimension used in this research, a separate analytical framework is
provided. Each framework consists of the main factors, which can vary according to the
individual person and time that influence the individual dimensions as well as the effect of these
factors within a particular dimension. The individual frameworks also include the potential
outcomes of insecurity relative to a particular factor and possible methods of overcoming that
insecurity.
4.2 Community Security
Community security comes from membership in a group such as the family, community, and
racial and ethnic groups that provide an individual with a cultural identity, values and practical
support (UNDP 1994). The CHS (2003) also emphasises the importance of social networks and
informal arrangements that provide mutual assistance and coping strategies against everyday
insecurities and risks. Coping strategies do not have to be material, but include emotional support
through belonging and social integration. Social integration is also important for reducing
morbidity and delaying mortality (WHO 2002).
Social Networks
Social capital and social cohesion are interlinked factors that affect community security and
determine the levels of reciprocity between members. Social capital consists of informal,

24. Page | 24
organized, reciprocal systems that originate from social bonds (Moser 1998), mostly based on
origin and kinship that contribute to the well-being of a community (ibid.).
The consolidation of social capital within a community is important for overcoming insecurities
(ibid.). Stress can affect reciprocity levels and both strengthen or weaken social networks (ibid.).
If there is less trust and social cohesion this may result in social fragmentation and the breakdown
of the community. Social capital can also be eroded and this happens when the stocks of
individual households are depleted and the community can no longer be supported (ibid.).
Violence in an area in particular can impact social capital both positively and negatively (ibid.,
Moser and McIlwaine 1999). Social capital may also have negative aspects such as exclusion,
disproportionate claims on members and limitations of individual autonomy (ibid.).
Insecurities arising from dwindling social capital and reduced social cohesion can be overcome
through increasing and decreasing membership of the community and through selective
membership.
Community Security at the Household Level
Households are an important unit that provide community security and can reduce the
vulnerability of members short-term if there is economic stress (Moser 1998). The characteristics
of a household that affect community security include: size, composition and structure; household
relations and traditions; and life-cycle factors of the household. These factors affect the extent of
reciprocity and the distribution of entitlements within the household.
A household may benefit from having many members that support individual members suffering
a crisis, but be at a disadvantage if the crisis affects many or all members. The composition of the
household also affects vulnerability particularly if members are weak and elderly (ibid.). The
ability of a household to cope with external stress can be affected by lifecycle factors such as
births, marriages and deaths (ibid.). If a household member dies a valuable economic and political
contribution may be missing. The household might also be relieved of a burden though. A new
member may be a burden or may provide additional benefits to the household.
Community insecurity can result in the generation of household inequalities that may be based on
gender and age, increased internal friction, and the overburdening of some members.
Unfavourable economic conditions may strain inter-personal relationships within a household,
which can result in increased conflict and violence (ibid.). Coping with stress can also be more

25. Page | 25
difficult if there is inequity within the household regarding rights and obligations (ibid.) and
members are unequally burdened (ibid.).
Insecurity can be overcome by restructuring the household and positively influencing social
capital and cohesion. This may be through the selection of a new household head, through the
expulsion of members with low contributions or through taking new high-contributing members
into the household. The division of households can also be a method of overcoming insecurities
particularly if the household has grown too big or internal friction is affecting social cohesion.
If a member of a household has a social bond beyond the household this can both increase and
decrease community security depending upon the direction of the flow of benefits.
Chapter: Four
Location Introduction
Kadamtali Thana
Kadamtali Thana (Dhaka metropolitan) area 10.16 sq, located in between 23°39' and
23°42' north latitudes and in between 90°26' and 90°28' east longitudes. It is bounded by
jatrabari thana on the north, keraniganj upazila on the south, narayanganj sadar upazila
and demra thana on the east, shyampur and Jatrabari thanas on the west.
Population Total 330565; male 183169, female 147396; Muslim 322574, Hindu 7856,
Buddhist 69, Christian 40 and others 26.
Water bodies buriganga River.
Administration Kadamtali Thana was formed on 23 September 2008 comprising parts of
Shyampur and Demra thanas.

26. Page | 26
Thana
Ward Mohalla Population Density (per sq km) Literacy rate (%)
Urban Rural Urban Rural
4+2 (part) 15 97332 233233 32536 63.45 64.49
Ward
Name number of Ward Area (sq km) Population Literacy rate (%)
Male Female
Ward No. 88 0.26 17785 14446 65.30
Ward No. 89 0.73 27068 23266 65.21
Ward No. 90 (part) 0.20 8439 6328 59.85
Dhania Union 3.32 79688 66097 71.02
Matuail (part) Union 1.38 7916 6345 60.34
Shyampur Union 4.27 42273 30914 61.53
Source Bangladesh Population Census 2001, Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics.
Archaeological heritage and relics Shanir Akhra and Shani Mandir (1191).
Religious institutions Mosque 55, temple 2. Noted religious institutions: Baitul Najat
Mosque, Mujahid Nagar Mosque, Shanir Akhra Mandir, Sree Sree Banga Bihari
Radharani Jeu Mandir (1200 BS).

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Literacy rate and educational institutions Average literacy 63.87%; male 67.28%,
female 59.53%. Educational institutions: college 4, secondary school 18, primary school
15. Noted educational institutions: Dhania University College, AK High School and
College, Shyampur Model School and College (2006), Barnamala Ideal Higher
Secondary School, Kutubkhali High School, Agradut Biddya Niketan, Dhania Ideal Girls'
High School, Sheikhdi Abdullah Mollah High School, Janatabagh High School, Haji
Shariatullah Ideal Junior School, East Kadamtali Islamia Dakhil Madrasa.
Cultural organisations Club 3, community centre 4, cinema hall 1.
Noted installations Dhaka Water Treatment Plant, Pagla Sewerage, Dhaka Electric
Supply Company Sub Station, Tits Gas Transmission Centre, Shyampur Launch Terminal
and the first Bangladesh China Friendship Bridge.
Main sources of income Industry 4.16%, agriculture 1.13%, non-agricultural labourer
1.77%, commerce 28.49%, transport and communication 13.71%, construction 4.0%,
service 30.92%, religious service 0.13%, rent and remittance 3.78% and others 11.91%.
Ownership of agricultural land Landowner 55.85%, landless 44.15%.
Main crops Paddy, vegetables.
Main fruits Mango, jackfruit, coconut, guava, banana, papaya.

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Fisheries, dairies and poultries This thana has a number of poultries.
Communication facilities Total road 43.91 km.
Extinct or nearly extinct traditional transport Palanquin, horse carriage.
Noted manufactories Garments industries, packaging industries, television factory, shoe
factory, match factory, rubber and plastic industries, furniture factory, tyre and electrical
goods production industries. Kadamtali industrial area is also notable.
Cottage industries Goldsmith, ironsmith, handicrafts.
Hats, bazars and markets Hats and bazars are 13, most noted of which are Dhania Bazar,
Bou Bazar, Shyampur Bazar, Dhaka Match Bazar, Baitus Sharaf Market, Alam Market,
Janata Market and Meraj Nagar Super Market.
Main exports Readymade garments, foot ware, car tire and plastic goods.
Access to electricity All the wards and unions of the thana are under electrification net-
work. However 96.71% of the dwelling households have access to electricity.
Sources of drinking water Tube-well 39.50%, pond 0.17%, tap 59.59% and others 0.74%.
Sanitation 92.02% of dwelling households of the thana use sanitary latrines and 7.58% of
dwelling households use non-sanitary latrines; 0.40% of households do not have latrine
facilities.
Health centres Hospital 2; Matuail Maternity Institute and Shyampur Family Planning
Clinic are notable.
http://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Kadamtali_Thana

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Chapter: Five
Findings of the Study
Table 5.1: Percentage distribution of Hijra respondents by age group
Age group Frequency (n) Percentage (%)
10-19 7 12.28
20-29 26 45.61
30-39 12 21.05
40-49 7 12.28
50-Above 5 8.78
Total 57 100
Here shows that highest 45.61% respondent age group 20-29. Age group 30-39 is
21.05%, age group 40-49 and 10-19 are same 12.28%. The smaller age group 50-above is
8.78%.
Table 5.2: Percentage distribution classification of Hijra respondents
Classification Frequency (n) Percentage (%)
Real Hijra 27 47.37
Male Hijra 14 24.56
Female Hijra 16 28.07
Total 57 100
The table revels that real hijra is 47.37%. Female hijra is 28.07%. The rest of the
(24.56%) is male hijra.
Table 5.3: Percentage distribution of Hijra respondents having sexual relations
Having sexual relations Frequency (n) Percentage (%)

30. Page | 30
Yes 15 26.32
No 42 73.68
Total 57 100
Table shows that most of the Hijra (73.68) having no sexual relations. Yes is 26.32%.
Condom use Frequency (n) Percentage (%)
Yes
No
Total
Table 5.4: Percentage of the Hijra respondents’ according to occupation
Occupation Frequency (n) Percentage (%)
Sexual worker 20 35.09
Traditional occupation and Sexual worker 33 57.89
Business 4 7.02
Total 57 100
Here shows that (57.89%) Hijra are doing traditional occupation and sexual worker.
35.09% Hijra is only sexual relations. The rest of the (7.02%) Hijra doing business.
Table 5.5: Percentage of the monthly income of Hijra Respondents
Income Frequency (n) Percentage (%)
Total

31. Page | 31
Table 5.6: Percentage of the Hijra using mobile Phone
Mobile Phone use Frequency (n) Percentage (%)
Yes 51 89.47
No 6 10.53
Total 57 100
Mobile phone is a great invention in globalization period. Most of the people use mobile
phone. 89.74% Hijra are using mobile phone. 10.53% do not use mobile phone.
Table 5.7: Knowledge about HIV/AIDS of Hijra Respondents
Knowledge about HIV/AIDS Frequency (n) Percentage (%)
Yes 52 91.22
No 5 8.78
Total 57 100
Table shows that most of the Hijra (91.22%) knowledge about HIV/AIDS. 8.78% Hijra
do not know about HIV/AIDS.
Table 5.8: Percentage of the Hijra respondents’ having relation with their families
Having relation with their families Frequency (n) Percentage (%)
Yes 15 26.32
No 42 73.68
Total 57 100

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Here shows that (73.68%) Hijra have no relation their family. The rest of the (26.32%)
Hijra have relation with family.
Table 5.9: Percentage of the Hijra respondents’ having problem to collect or begging
money
having problem to collect or begging money Frequency (n) Percentage (%)
Yes 32 56.14
No 25 43.86
Total 57 100
Table shows that 56.14% Hijra having problem to collect or begging money. 43.86%
Hijra having no problem to collect or begging money.
Table 5.10: Percentage of the Hijra respondents’ facing problem to eat food at
restaurants.
Facing problem to eat food at restaurants Frequency (n) Percentage
(%)
Yes 57 100
No 00 000
Total 57 100
Here shows that 100% Hijra facing problem to eat food at restaurants.
Table 5.11: Percentage of the Hijra respondents’ facing problem at hospital.
Facing problem at hospital Frequency (n) Percentage (%)
Yes 57 100
No 00 000
Total 57 100
Table shows that 100% Hijra facing problem at hospital.
Table 5.12: Percentage of the Hijra respondents’ practice religion

33. Page | 33
Name of religions Frequency (n) Percentage
(%)
Hindism 23 40.35
Muslim 30 52.63
Others 4 7.01
Total 57 100
Table shows that 52.63% Hijra is muslim. 40.35% Hijra is Hinduism. The rest of the
Hijra (7.01%) other religion.
Table 5.13: Percentage of the Hijra respondents’ education level.
Education level Frequency (n) Percentage (%)
Illiterate 12 21.05
Primary 23 40.36
Secondary 7 12.28
Higher secondary 9 15.79
Above 6 10.52
Total 57 100
Table shows that primary education is 40.36%. Illiterate is 21.05%. Higher secondary is
15.79%. Secondary level is 12.28%. The rest of the education level is 10.52%.
Table 5.14: Percentage of the Hijra respondents’ having past work experience.
Having past work experienced Frequency (n) Percentage
(%)
Yes 35 61.40
No 22 38.60
Total 57 100

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Table shows that 61.40% Hijra having past work experience. 38.60% Hijra having no
past work experience.
Table 5.15: Percentage of the Hijra respondents’ choosing surgery for transforming.
Choosing surgery for transforming Frequency (n) Percentage (%)
Hormones
Breasts 17
Uterus
Follopiantube
Boyce
Vagina 14
Penis 11
Adamis Apple 1
Total 57 100
Table 5.16: Percentage of the Hijra respondents’ paying the amount for transition.
Paying the amount for transition Frequency (n) Percentage (%)
Community 43
Own 14
Total 57 100
Table 5.17: Percentage of the Hijra respondents’ involving with any organization.
Involving with any organization Frequency (n) Percentage (%)
Yes 12 21.05
No 45 78.95

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Total 57 100
Table shows that 78.95% Hijra do not involve any organization. Yes is 21.05%.
Table 5.18: Percentage of the Hijra respondents’ Spending in leisure time.
Spending in leisure time Frequency (n) Percentage (%)
Listening/ Singing song 7 12.08
Dancing 23 40.35
Gossiping 20 35.09
Nothing 7 12.08
Total 57 100
Table shows that 40.35% Hijra spending in leisure time to danching. 35.09% Hijra is
gossiping. Listening/ Singing song and nothing are 121.08%.
Table 5.19: Percentage of the Hijra respondents’ has face harassment.
Having face harassment the last one
years
Frequency (n) Percentage
(%)
Yes 57 100
No 00 000
Total 57 100
All Hijra are harassment all time.
Table 5.19: Percentage of the Hijra respondents’ using social media.
Having face harassment the last one
years
Frequency (n) Percentage
(%)
Facebook 27 47.37
Imo 13 22.81
Nothing 17 29.82
Total 57 100
Table shows that 47.37% Hijra use facebook. Nothing is 29.82%. The rest 22.81% Hijra
use imo.

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CHAPTER: SIX
DISCUSSION, ANALYSIS

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Chapter: Seven
Conclusion
Third gender is used to identifying a social status that required showing consistent
labeling and other linguistic practices in a society that distinguished a class of individuals
from both men and women, and attributed them with a constellation of traits comparable
to those traits used to define other gender.
All hijras are human beings and logically all human rights apply to all hijras. As all
human beings have the right to live with dignity at all times, regardless of their legal,
social or political status so do hijras. The content analysis of the problems narrated by
the hijras revealed that the majority of them (87.5%) suffered harassment at the hands of
the police (both railway and traffic) particularly for begging and soliciting clients for
sex work. There have also been cases when hijra respondents have been raped and even
gang raped by the police especially in the first class compartments of the local trains in
Mumbai. Few hijras complained that they suffered inhuman and disrespectful treatment
especially in the Government hospitals at the hands of the doctors and nurses.
“The emerging global system is redefining the roles of state, business, and civil society
in the protection and promotion of human rights especially of the marginalized groups.
Citizens and civil society are the main and most responsible actors in such processes.
No single actor can be expected to provide for the fulfillment of all human rights. But
by working together progress is possible” (Cheria, Petcharamesree, and Edwin 2004).
An ongoing interface between the hijras and civil society through further research,

38. Page | 38
mutual dialogue and coordinated efforts involving all sectors at the national and
international levels could be the key to mainstream hijras into civil society.
Stenqvist (2015) in Bangladesh, hijras are highly marginalized. Poverty and exclusion
from minimum daily requirements such as health services, housing and work are the
reality many hijras live in. Since the situation here is urgent, it is important for society to
understand the lives they live, and the socio-economic conditions they find themselves in.
Media and online representation of the third-gender community will play a vital role in
confronting negative public stereotypes of the community. Declaring their gender to be
“third gender” is not enough it would be useless unless supportive measures are not taken
to protect the rights and livelihoods of this minority population.
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