Operational report to Metropolitan Police Federation (October 2016), based on the findings of a 2014-2015 qualitative study of police morale with London based Police Officers (and comparative ex-London officers)
This document outlines key concepts and ideas related to congressional elections in the United States. It discusses primary types, campaign strategies, the role of money, and differences between congressional and presidential elections. Specifically, it notes that congressional elections are held every two years for one third of the Senate and all House seats, and that midterm elections can impact a sitting president's ability to pass legislation.
Political Institutions and Online campaigningNickAnstead
The document outlines Nick Anstead's research on explaining the discrepancy in how political institutions in the US and UK have impacted the adoption of the internet by political actors. It analyzes factors like the party system, primary elections, campaign financing laws, and cultural narratives that have led to more online success stories in US politics compared to the UK, where the internet has had little impact. Anstead proposes using an institutional approach and new institutionalism as an analytical framework to address this question.
A2 G&P the electoral college and how it worksOliver Pratten
This document provides an overview of the US Electoral College system. It describes how electors are chosen and allocated to each state based on representatives. It explains that electors vote for president and vice president, and the candidates who receive an absolute majority of electoral votes win. If no candidate achieves a majority, the House of Representatives and Senate decide the winner. The document outlines arguments both for and against the Electoral College system.
This document discusses a referendum in the UK on whether to adopt the Alternative Vote (AV) electoral system to replace the current First Past the Post system for electing Members of Parliament. It provides information on what referendums and electoral systems are, compares FPTP and AV, discusses their pros and cons, and considers whether proportional representation could be a better option. Some key points made are that FPTP can exclude smaller parties and minorities, while AV may increase consent between parties and foster more cooperative politics. It concludes that while AV and FPTP have similarities, AV could increase representation.
The document analyzes the relationship between political polarization, wealth inequality, voter turnout laws, and voter turnout. Regression models found that political polarization and voter ID laws did not significantly impact turnout, but wealth inequality did have a significant negative effect on turnout. While the study has limitations, it provides initial evidence that increasing wealth inequality, rather than polarization alone, may contribute to decreasing voter participation. Further research is needed to more fully understand the impacts of polarization and inequality on political engagement.
Party Structure and the Development Of Online Campaigning: The US and UK in C...NickAnstead
The document discusses how differences in political party structures between Britain and America have influenced the development of online electoral campaigning. It outlines characteristics of British and American parties, with British parties having formal membership and internal democratic structures, while American parties have no formal membership and weak central organization. It argues that the candidate-focused model of internal democracy used by American parties, manifested through primaries, has allowed the internet to facilitate information transfer between participants, making online campaigning more successful in the US.
This internship abstract examines the relationship between socioeconomic factors and presidential primary outcomes in swing states in 2016. The intern will use quantitative analysis to determine if a state's race, gender, political culture, and workforce participation affected whether candidates won primaries or caucuses. Preliminary descriptive statistics found non-minority populations correlated with certain candidates' success and inverse relationships between Democratic and Republican candidates. Workforce factors also correlated with outsider candidates' vote percentages. Further regression analysis was planned to estimate the predictive power of states' compositions.
Operational report to Metropolitan Police Federation (October 2016), based on the findings of a 2014-2015 qualitative study of police morale with London based Police Officers (and comparative ex-London officers)
This document outlines key concepts and ideas related to congressional elections in the United States. It discusses primary types, campaign strategies, the role of money, and differences between congressional and presidential elections. Specifically, it notes that congressional elections are held every two years for one third of the Senate and all House seats, and that midterm elections can impact a sitting president's ability to pass legislation.
Political Institutions and Online campaigningNickAnstead
The document outlines Nick Anstead's research on explaining the discrepancy in how political institutions in the US and UK have impacted the adoption of the internet by political actors. It analyzes factors like the party system, primary elections, campaign financing laws, and cultural narratives that have led to more online success stories in US politics compared to the UK, where the internet has had little impact. Anstead proposes using an institutional approach and new institutionalism as an analytical framework to address this question.
A2 G&P the electoral college and how it worksOliver Pratten
This document provides an overview of the US Electoral College system. It describes how electors are chosen and allocated to each state based on representatives. It explains that electors vote for president and vice president, and the candidates who receive an absolute majority of electoral votes win. If no candidate achieves a majority, the House of Representatives and Senate decide the winner. The document outlines arguments both for and against the Electoral College system.
This document discusses a referendum in the UK on whether to adopt the Alternative Vote (AV) electoral system to replace the current First Past the Post system for electing Members of Parliament. It provides information on what referendums and electoral systems are, compares FPTP and AV, discusses their pros and cons, and considers whether proportional representation could be a better option. Some key points made are that FPTP can exclude smaller parties and minorities, while AV may increase consent between parties and foster more cooperative politics. It concludes that while AV and FPTP have similarities, AV could increase representation.
The document analyzes the relationship between political polarization, wealth inequality, voter turnout laws, and voter turnout. Regression models found that political polarization and voter ID laws did not significantly impact turnout, but wealth inequality did have a significant negative effect on turnout. While the study has limitations, it provides initial evidence that increasing wealth inequality, rather than polarization alone, may contribute to decreasing voter participation. Further research is needed to more fully understand the impacts of polarization and inequality on political engagement.
Party Structure and the Development Of Online Campaigning: The US and UK in C...NickAnstead
The document discusses how differences in political party structures between Britain and America have influenced the development of online electoral campaigning. It outlines characteristics of British and American parties, with British parties having formal membership and internal democratic structures, while American parties have no formal membership and weak central organization. It argues that the candidate-focused model of internal democracy used by American parties, manifested through primaries, has allowed the internet to facilitate information transfer between participants, making online campaigning more successful in the US.
This internship abstract examines the relationship between socioeconomic factors and presidential primary outcomes in swing states in 2016. The intern will use quantitative analysis to determine if a state's race, gender, political culture, and workforce participation affected whether candidates won primaries or caucuses. Preliminary descriptive statistics found non-minority populations correlated with certain candidates' success and inverse relationships between Democratic and Republican candidates. Workforce factors also correlated with outsider candidates' vote percentages. Further regression analysis was planned to estimate the predictive power of states' compositions.
Dashboard 2015 - Boston Trends_07.29.15William Want
This document summarizes the findings of an analysis of socioeconomic and educational indicator data from Boston from 2003-2013 across race and gender. The analysis found:
1) General improvements in proficiency, high school graduation, and employment rates but persistent gaps between white males and black/Latino males.
2) Black and Latino males have significantly lower rates of proficiency, high school completion, higher education, and employment and higher rates of disconnection from school and work.
3) Gaps between white males and black/Latino males are increasing in many indicators, and black males generally have worse outcomes than black females.
The data analysis suggests inequities in educational opportunities that disproportionately provide fewer
This document summarizes research on the effects of multiple candidates competing in primary elections in different countries. It discusses studies on primary systems in the Netherlands, China, Latin America, and the US state of California. The findings from these studies varied - in some places like China, multiple candidates hindered election outcomes by encouraging voting based on kinship rather than qualifications, while in Latin America it increased voter participation. Overall, the document concludes that multiple candidates can affect outcomes positively or negatively depending on other cultural and societal factors in each location.
Creating a New Way to Search - CNI Fall 2017Alex Humphreys
This document discusses a new text analysis tool created by JSTOR Labs. It allows users to upload documents and extracts key terms, topics, and entities. The tool uses topic modeling and NLP techniques like OCR, TF-IDF, and Alchemy API. A demo of the tool is available online. The document notes that JSTOR Labs is working to improve the algorithm and release an API. It seeks feedback on how to change researcher behaviors and determine if the tool is a feature, product, or service.
This document outlines a research proposal to analyze the deportation of non-citizens for criminal behavior from 1997-2007. The objectives are to estimate potential human rights violations and inconsistencies with ICE policy. Secondary data on deportees, prisoners, and detainees will be used to test hypotheses about effects on families, proportionality of punishment, correlation with crime rates, ICE priorities, and impacts of budget changes. The methodology involves applying variables from these datasets to the full population of criminal deportees to generate quantitative estimates and descriptive statistics.
Where's the Caucus - A Study of Minority Agenda-Setting BehaviorChristine Kim
This study examines the role of the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) and Congressional Hispanic Caucus (CHC) in influencing minority legislation. Through interviews with legislative directors and caucus members, the study finds evidence that the CBC and CHC are able to assert agenda control and block bills that contradict minority interests. Quantitative data is also being analyzed to further understand the variables related to individual members of Congress and minority-related bills. While research is ongoing, preliminary evidence suggests the caucuses empower minority voices and work as a unified voting bloc to advance the priorities of their constituents.
This document provides an overview of key concepts related to US national party conventions, including:
1) The formal functions of conventions are to choose presidential candidates, vice presidential candidates, and decide party platforms, but these functions have been lost as candidates are now chosen in primaries and caucuses.
2) The informal, but important, functions of conventions now are to promote party unity, enthuse party members, and enthuse ordinary voters in the lead up to the general election.
3) While the formal functions have been lost, conventions still serve important purposes through their ability to rally support and motivate different groups in the run up to the November election.
This document analyzes the verbal and visual presentations on openly LGBT candidates' campaign websites compared to their opponents' websites. It was found that LGBT candidates discussed LGBT issues and progressive political ideology more frequently than their opponents. There were no significant differences found between the candidates in discussing religion, family, economic issues, or their visual presentations in images. The results provide empirical evidence for how LGBT candidates represent themselves and their constituencies through their online campaigns.
Question pro webinar presentation finalQuestionPro
The document discusses using online surveys to tailor diversity initiatives in recruitment strategies. It finds that different demographic groups consider different factors important and use different job search strategies. Gen Y considers personal fit with boss most important, while older groups value company reputation and work-life balance more. Minorities value advancement opportunities more than Caucasians. Different ethnicities prefer various search methods, such as social media for Asians and demographic sites for African Americans. The document concludes recruitment strategies should be tailored to different demographic groups.
Different models of issue voting in britainAnurag Gangal
This document summarizes and compares different models of issue voting, and how they explain voting behavior in recent British elections. It discusses models like the Michigan Model, proximity models, valence voting models, and how they have evolved over time from the 1950s to today. While no single model can fully capture unpredictable voter behavior, these models provide useful frameworks for analyzing trends and major patterns of issue-based voting. The document also analyzes how factors like party identification, policy preferences, leadership images, and economic conditions influence how voters make choices between parties in British elections.
Pushed (Back) In The Closet March 25 2010[1]rcamer
The document summarizes research findings on safety needs of LGBTTIQQ2S communities in Toronto. An online survey was conducted from June to October 2008. Key findings include: respondents felt unsafe using public transit and in parks at night; many experienced verbal harassment, threats of violence, and discrimination; impacts included increased isolation and reluctance to report incidents to police due to lack of confidence they would be taken seriously. Recommendations focus on education, reporting tools, and advocacy to address safety issues.
Comparing Political Cultures Through Political WebsitesHan Woo PARK
South Korean and Japanese Politicians Online: Comparing Political Cultures Through Political Websites
Leslie M. Tkach-Kawasaki and
Han Woo Park
Aoir 8.0 Vancouver, Canada
October 18-20, 2007
This document analyzes survey data from seven Arab countries to explore attitudes toward the political role of Islam. It finds:
1) There is broad support for democracy but also a deep divide on whether and how Islam should influence politics.
2) While most favor democracy, the key split is between those wanting secular democracy and those favoring a system that is democratic and incorporates Islamic principles.
3) Values of those favoring a political role for Islam are largely similar to those wanting separation of religion and politics.
Candidate perception communication and voting choice (rome 2015)PatriziaCatellani
Candidate-based voting is affected by contextual, political and individual factors.
Candidate evaluation weighs more in vote choice when other elements are absent or less informative to voters.
The perception of candidates's personality dimensions differentially affects their evaluation.
The negativity effect applied to candidate perception results in varying diagnosticity of different dimensions in candidate evaluation.
The document discusses various topics related to the dynamics of voting, including 2012 exit polls, how the makeup of the electorate varies in different elections, ballot initiatives and electoral timing, and theories of surge and decline in voter turnout. It also examines how voters decide, changing voter distributions between presidential and midterm elections, and evidence that the timing of an election can systematically affect the results of ballot initiative campaigns.
Day 2 - The Representative-Constituency Linkage (U.S. Congress)Lee Hannah
The document discusses several Supreme Court rulings and their implications for Congress, including the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) and comprehensive immigration reform. It also examines the relationship between representatives and their constituents, discussing Edmund Burke's perspective that representatives should use their own judgment rather than always obeying constituents' opinions. The document summarizes a key study by Miller and Stokes that used surveys and roll call votes to examine constituent influence on representatives across different policy issues, finding the strongest influence on civil rights issues and the weakest on foreign policy issues.
This document outlines different forms of government and executive-legislative relationships. It discusses parliamentarism, presidentialism, and semi-presidentialism. For each system it covers the nature of the executive office, electoral mechanisms, continuance in office, and the executive-legislative relationship. Semi-presidentialism splits executive power between a president who is head of state and a prime minister who is head of government. It requires both officials to pass legislation. The document also examines accountability, identifiability, checks and balances, and the role of a president as an "arbiter-in-chief" under different systems.
This document provides a summary of gang violence in the African American community and recommendations to prevent it. It defines the problem of gang violence and prevalence rates. African American gangs have high rates of violence despite lower membership. Factors that contribute to gang violence include poverty, lack of opportunities, and social disorganization. The document recommends that the mayor implement community outreach programs to reduce poverty and increase social and economic well-being, citing two specific programs as examples: Neighborhood Centers Inc. and Connecticut Association for Human Services. Both work to improve communities and move families out of poverty.
This document provides an overview of the Major Cities Chiefs Association (MCCA) and the Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS Office), which have tasked a community policing team with building trust between police and communities. It analyzes the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats for both organizations. It also researches details about MCCA such as its leadership breakdown and social media presence. MCCA's plan to increase public trust focuses on policies for releasing information, leveraging social media, and subjecting agencies to public reviews. The document aims to inform the team's program goals, objectives, strategies and tactics.
Are Women Really Less Corrupt Than Men? Evidence from Sudaninventionjournals
There is the suggestion in the literature devoted to corruption that women are less corrupt than men. As will be discussed in this paper, that suggestion has not been universally supported. This paper assesses gender differences in the payment of bribes for basic public services and is based on the responses of 1,200 respondents collected by the Afrobarometer project in Sudan. The research does take place in what appears to be a strange place to conduct such a study. Sudan is a Muslim country, with very low ratings on both the HDI (Human Development Index) and the GDI (Gender Development Index), factors that would appear to mitigate women being involved in paying bribes to public servants. Corruption is measured in this study by respondent’s self-reported payment of bribes for basic public services, included obtaining documents, sanitation, medical and school services, as well as bribes paid to the police to avoid a problem. The study looked at the availability of services in the respondent’s area, and then the bribes paid in each of those areas for various services by gender. When the total number of bribers paid was calculated, the findings were surprising. There were no significant differences in the payment of bribes by gender
Balance of power. Report final (june, 23, 2015)Ysrrael Camero
This report examines global public opinion about the United States, China, and the international balance of power, as well as key issues in Asia. It is based on 45,435 face-to-face and telephone interviews in 40 countries with adults 18 and older conducted from March 25 to May 27, 2015. For more details, see survey methodology and topline results.
Chapter 1 explores America’s image worldwide, including views of U.S. actions against ISIS, post- 9/11 interrogation practices, whether the U.S. government respects Americans’ personal freedoms and President Obama and his handling of international issues. Chapter 2 examines China’s image and perceptions about the balance of power between the U.S. and China. Chapter 3 puts Asia in focus, looking at support for TPP, economic ties with the U.S. and China, U.S. military resources in the region, relationships with China and Americans’ willingness to defend Asian allies against China.
Dashboard 2015 - Boston Trends_07.29.15William Want
This document summarizes the findings of an analysis of socioeconomic and educational indicator data from Boston from 2003-2013 across race and gender. The analysis found:
1) General improvements in proficiency, high school graduation, and employment rates but persistent gaps between white males and black/Latino males.
2) Black and Latino males have significantly lower rates of proficiency, high school completion, higher education, and employment and higher rates of disconnection from school and work.
3) Gaps between white males and black/Latino males are increasing in many indicators, and black males generally have worse outcomes than black females.
The data analysis suggests inequities in educational opportunities that disproportionately provide fewer
This document summarizes research on the effects of multiple candidates competing in primary elections in different countries. It discusses studies on primary systems in the Netherlands, China, Latin America, and the US state of California. The findings from these studies varied - in some places like China, multiple candidates hindered election outcomes by encouraging voting based on kinship rather than qualifications, while in Latin America it increased voter participation. Overall, the document concludes that multiple candidates can affect outcomes positively or negatively depending on other cultural and societal factors in each location.
Creating a New Way to Search - CNI Fall 2017Alex Humphreys
This document discusses a new text analysis tool created by JSTOR Labs. It allows users to upload documents and extracts key terms, topics, and entities. The tool uses topic modeling and NLP techniques like OCR, TF-IDF, and Alchemy API. A demo of the tool is available online. The document notes that JSTOR Labs is working to improve the algorithm and release an API. It seeks feedback on how to change researcher behaviors and determine if the tool is a feature, product, or service.
This document outlines a research proposal to analyze the deportation of non-citizens for criminal behavior from 1997-2007. The objectives are to estimate potential human rights violations and inconsistencies with ICE policy. Secondary data on deportees, prisoners, and detainees will be used to test hypotheses about effects on families, proportionality of punishment, correlation with crime rates, ICE priorities, and impacts of budget changes. The methodology involves applying variables from these datasets to the full population of criminal deportees to generate quantitative estimates and descriptive statistics.
Where's the Caucus - A Study of Minority Agenda-Setting BehaviorChristine Kim
This study examines the role of the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) and Congressional Hispanic Caucus (CHC) in influencing minority legislation. Through interviews with legislative directors and caucus members, the study finds evidence that the CBC and CHC are able to assert agenda control and block bills that contradict minority interests. Quantitative data is also being analyzed to further understand the variables related to individual members of Congress and minority-related bills. While research is ongoing, preliminary evidence suggests the caucuses empower minority voices and work as a unified voting bloc to advance the priorities of their constituents.
This document provides an overview of key concepts related to US national party conventions, including:
1) The formal functions of conventions are to choose presidential candidates, vice presidential candidates, and decide party platforms, but these functions have been lost as candidates are now chosen in primaries and caucuses.
2) The informal, but important, functions of conventions now are to promote party unity, enthuse party members, and enthuse ordinary voters in the lead up to the general election.
3) While the formal functions have been lost, conventions still serve important purposes through their ability to rally support and motivate different groups in the run up to the November election.
This document analyzes the verbal and visual presentations on openly LGBT candidates' campaign websites compared to their opponents' websites. It was found that LGBT candidates discussed LGBT issues and progressive political ideology more frequently than their opponents. There were no significant differences found between the candidates in discussing religion, family, economic issues, or their visual presentations in images. The results provide empirical evidence for how LGBT candidates represent themselves and their constituencies through their online campaigns.
Question pro webinar presentation finalQuestionPro
The document discusses using online surveys to tailor diversity initiatives in recruitment strategies. It finds that different demographic groups consider different factors important and use different job search strategies. Gen Y considers personal fit with boss most important, while older groups value company reputation and work-life balance more. Minorities value advancement opportunities more than Caucasians. Different ethnicities prefer various search methods, such as social media for Asians and demographic sites for African Americans. The document concludes recruitment strategies should be tailored to different demographic groups.
Different models of issue voting in britainAnurag Gangal
This document summarizes and compares different models of issue voting, and how they explain voting behavior in recent British elections. It discusses models like the Michigan Model, proximity models, valence voting models, and how they have evolved over time from the 1950s to today. While no single model can fully capture unpredictable voter behavior, these models provide useful frameworks for analyzing trends and major patterns of issue-based voting. The document also analyzes how factors like party identification, policy preferences, leadership images, and economic conditions influence how voters make choices between parties in British elections.
Pushed (Back) In The Closet March 25 2010[1]rcamer
The document summarizes research findings on safety needs of LGBTTIQQ2S communities in Toronto. An online survey was conducted from June to October 2008. Key findings include: respondents felt unsafe using public transit and in parks at night; many experienced verbal harassment, threats of violence, and discrimination; impacts included increased isolation and reluctance to report incidents to police due to lack of confidence they would be taken seriously. Recommendations focus on education, reporting tools, and advocacy to address safety issues.
Comparing Political Cultures Through Political WebsitesHan Woo PARK
South Korean and Japanese Politicians Online: Comparing Political Cultures Through Political Websites
Leslie M. Tkach-Kawasaki and
Han Woo Park
Aoir 8.0 Vancouver, Canada
October 18-20, 2007
This document analyzes survey data from seven Arab countries to explore attitudes toward the political role of Islam. It finds:
1) There is broad support for democracy but also a deep divide on whether and how Islam should influence politics.
2) While most favor democracy, the key split is between those wanting secular democracy and those favoring a system that is democratic and incorporates Islamic principles.
3) Values of those favoring a political role for Islam are largely similar to those wanting separation of religion and politics.
Candidate perception communication and voting choice (rome 2015)PatriziaCatellani
Candidate-based voting is affected by contextual, political and individual factors.
Candidate evaluation weighs more in vote choice when other elements are absent or less informative to voters.
The perception of candidates's personality dimensions differentially affects their evaluation.
The negativity effect applied to candidate perception results in varying diagnosticity of different dimensions in candidate evaluation.
The document discusses various topics related to the dynamics of voting, including 2012 exit polls, how the makeup of the electorate varies in different elections, ballot initiatives and electoral timing, and theories of surge and decline in voter turnout. It also examines how voters decide, changing voter distributions between presidential and midterm elections, and evidence that the timing of an election can systematically affect the results of ballot initiative campaigns.
Day 2 - The Representative-Constituency Linkage (U.S. Congress)Lee Hannah
The document discusses several Supreme Court rulings and their implications for Congress, including the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) and comprehensive immigration reform. It also examines the relationship between representatives and their constituents, discussing Edmund Burke's perspective that representatives should use their own judgment rather than always obeying constituents' opinions. The document summarizes a key study by Miller and Stokes that used surveys and roll call votes to examine constituent influence on representatives across different policy issues, finding the strongest influence on civil rights issues and the weakest on foreign policy issues.
This document outlines different forms of government and executive-legislative relationships. It discusses parliamentarism, presidentialism, and semi-presidentialism. For each system it covers the nature of the executive office, electoral mechanisms, continuance in office, and the executive-legislative relationship. Semi-presidentialism splits executive power between a president who is head of state and a prime minister who is head of government. It requires both officials to pass legislation. The document also examines accountability, identifiability, checks and balances, and the role of a president as an "arbiter-in-chief" under different systems.
This document provides a summary of gang violence in the African American community and recommendations to prevent it. It defines the problem of gang violence and prevalence rates. African American gangs have high rates of violence despite lower membership. Factors that contribute to gang violence include poverty, lack of opportunities, and social disorganization. The document recommends that the mayor implement community outreach programs to reduce poverty and increase social and economic well-being, citing two specific programs as examples: Neighborhood Centers Inc. and Connecticut Association for Human Services. Both work to improve communities and move families out of poverty.
This document provides an overview of the Major Cities Chiefs Association (MCCA) and the Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS Office), which have tasked a community policing team with building trust between police and communities. It analyzes the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats for both organizations. It also researches details about MCCA such as its leadership breakdown and social media presence. MCCA's plan to increase public trust focuses on policies for releasing information, leveraging social media, and subjecting agencies to public reviews. The document aims to inform the team's program goals, objectives, strategies and tactics.
Are Women Really Less Corrupt Than Men? Evidence from Sudaninventionjournals
There is the suggestion in the literature devoted to corruption that women are less corrupt than men. As will be discussed in this paper, that suggestion has not been universally supported. This paper assesses gender differences in the payment of bribes for basic public services and is based on the responses of 1,200 respondents collected by the Afrobarometer project in Sudan. The research does take place in what appears to be a strange place to conduct such a study. Sudan is a Muslim country, with very low ratings on both the HDI (Human Development Index) and the GDI (Gender Development Index), factors that would appear to mitigate women being involved in paying bribes to public servants. Corruption is measured in this study by respondent’s self-reported payment of bribes for basic public services, included obtaining documents, sanitation, medical and school services, as well as bribes paid to the police to avoid a problem. The study looked at the availability of services in the respondent’s area, and then the bribes paid in each of those areas for various services by gender. When the total number of bribers paid was calculated, the findings were surprising. There were no significant differences in the payment of bribes by gender
Balance of power. Report final (june, 23, 2015)Ysrrael Camero
This report examines global public opinion about the United States, China, and the international balance of power, as well as key issues in Asia. It is based on 45,435 face-to-face and telephone interviews in 40 countries with adults 18 and older conducted from March 25 to May 27, 2015. For more details, see survey methodology and topline results.
Chapter 1 explores America’s image worldwide, including views of U.S. actions against ISIS, post- 9/11 interrogation practices, whether the U.S. government respects Americans’ personal freedoms and President Obama and his handling of international issues. Chapter 2 examines China’s image and perceptions about the balance of power between the U.S. and China. Chapter 3 puts Asia in focus, looking at support for TPP, economic ties with the U.S. and China, U.S. military resources in the region, relationships with China and Americans’ willingness to defend Asian allies against China.
Partiendo del análisis de más de 500 elecciones alrededor del mundo Alfred Cuzán explora cinco pautas regulares y recurrentes, que se convierten en pautas de funcionamiento del poder político.
The document is a report by the World Economic Forum titled "The Global Competitiveness Report 2014–2015" that analyzes the competitiveness of various countries. It was edited by Klaus Schwab and Xavier Sala-i-Martín and thanks various partner institutes around the world for their contributions to the report. The report contains three parts that measure competitiveness, assess progress towards sustainable competitiveness, and discuss the executive opinion survey.
The document analyzes the evolution of homicides in Venezuela between 1985 and 2010 and proposes three phases:
1) 1985-1993: Characterized by the 1989 looting crisis and 1992 coups, homicide rates rose from 8 to 20 per 100,000 inhabitants.
2) 1994-1998: A period of recovery with stable institutions and politics, homicide rates remained around 20.
3) 1999-2010: Beginning with Chavez's government, institutional destruction caused rates to increase from 20 to 57, reflecting transformations in social and political institutions.
Resolución 488 de la Cámara de Representantes de Estados Unidos sobre VenezuelaYsrrael Camero
Resolución aprobada por la Cámara de Representantes 393 votos contra uno salvado condenando la violación de derechos humanos ocurridas en Venezuela el mes de febrero de 2014.
This document provides a summary of Jean Tirole's scientific contributions in the fields of industrial organization and regulation. It highlights that Tirole established a new standard of rigor by deriving results from fundamental assumptions about preferences, technologies, and information asymmetries. He created a unified theoretical framework and brought order to the literature. Tirole's models have sharpened policy analysis by focusing on the fundamental features that generate divergences between private and public interests. The document provides an overview of Tirole's seminal work on public regulation of natural monopolies and industry-specific regulation, noting his exceptional ability to grasp key economic features and produce normative conclusions with practical significance.
The 2014 Global Peace Index showed a slight deterioration in global peace continuing a seven year trend. The economic impact of violence amounted to $9.8 trillion or 11.3% of global GDP, up from 2012. Europe remained the most peaceful region while South Asia improved the most. Internal conflicts increased, especially in sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East due to issues like South Sudan's civil war and Syria's conflict. Militarization decreased in some areas but increased in others like the Middle East.
Perfil de Venezuela en Informe Doing Business 2015Ysrrael Camero
This document provides an overview of key information about doing business in Venezuela in 2015. It discusses 11 indicators that measure regulations affecting various aspects of running a business, including starting a business, dealing with construction permits, getting electricity, registering property, getting credit, protecting minority investors, paying taxes, trading across borders, enforcing contracts, resolving insolvency, and labor market regulation. The data and analysis can help identify which regulatory reforms have worked in improving the business environment and where challenges still remain.
This document is the 2015 annual report on economic freedom around the world published by the Fraser Institute. It measures the degree of economic freedom in 157 countries based on 42 indicators in 5 areas. Countries with high economic freedom have faster economic growth, higher incomes, and better human development outcomes. The report finds that average global economic freedom has increased since 1980 but declined in the United States in recent years, which could significantly slow its economic growth. It provides country-by-country data on levels of economic freedom and discusses the importance of economic freedom for human progress.
Company profile of MARKETiN CEE - a business strategy, trade and marketing consultancy using customized market research and competitive intelligence to provide clients with relevant information and knowledge on markets, industries and companies in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE).
2016 Cronograma Historia Económica de Venezuela (Sem. 2-2015)Ysrrael Camero
Cronograma de Historia Económica de Venezuela, correspondiente al Semestre 2-2015, a iniciar el 11 de enero de 2016. Está sujeto a cambios derivados de la reprogramación del semestre.
The document summarizes the debate around whether democracy is experiencing a global decline or recession. It argues that claims of a democratic recession are overstated and not supported by empirical data from leading democracy indices. While a few countries have experienced democratic breakdowns, like Thailand and Venezuela, the number is relatively small and is matched by countries that have become more democratic. Overall, global democracy has remained stable over the last decade according to measures like the number of democracies and average democracy scores in indices. Perceptions of decline are skewed by unrealistic expectations following the democratic optimism of the early post-Cold War period.
¿Qué es la democracia? ¿Cuál es su razón de ser? por GoldmanYsrrael Camero
This document is an academic article that examines different theories of what constitutes democracy. It argues that democracy is best defined as a system that features substantial equality of political power among citizens, with political power measured in terms of people's ability to influence political outcomes. It acknowledges that measuring and comparing political power can be complex, and introduces some conceptual tools like distinguishing between conditional and unconditional power. The article also compares the political power approach to alternative epistemic and deliberative theories of democracy, and discusses reasons why equality of political power is an attractive feature of democratic systems.
The top 3 trends for 2015 are:
1. Deepening income inequality as wages stagnate and the gap between rich and poor widens.
2. Persistent jobless growth as strong GDP growth fails to generate sufficient employment opportunities.
3. A lack of leadership and rising geopolitical tensions as the global political system fragments and nationalism increases, threatening stability.
2016 Cronograma Historia Económica I (Sem. 2-2015)Ysrrael Camero
Cronograma de Historia Económica I, a dictarse en el semestre 2-2015, que se inició el 11 de enero de 2016. Es una versión preliminar, sujeta a las reformas derivadas de la reprogramación del semestre.
This document provides an overview of Dutch Christian anarchists in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. It lists the names of key figures such as Felix Ortt, who was the most important Dutch Christian anarchist theorist, as well as locations like the village of Blaricum where the first Christian anarchist colony was founded. Various ministers, theologians, and intellectuals are mentioned who were involved with or influenced by the Christian anarchist movement in the Netherlands during this time period.
Here are the key points about the variables:
- Age and age-squared are included because age is commonly found to impact voter turnout. Age-squared accounts for non-linearity.
- Income is included through low-income and medium-income dummy variables based on research finding a non-linear relationship between income and turnout.
- Education is included through low-education and medium-education dummy variables as higher education is found to increase likelihood to vote.
- Employment status is included as some research found employment decreases turnout.
- Religious status, political trust, political interest, and charity involvement are included as social/civic engagement factors found to increase likelihood to vote.
- Mar
This document summarizes a research paper on the poor representation of women in political decision-making structures in Cameroon. It discusses the recruitment mechanisms that hinder women's participation, including how political parties tend to select charismatic male leaders who can guarantee electoral success. It also examines how the supply and demand factors affect the selection of candidates, noting that women are less likely to see themselves as politically motivated and face social and financial barriers. Educational requirements also disadvantage many women from being appointed to high-ranking political and administrative roles. Overall, the recruitment mechanisms and patriarchal norms in Cameroonian society limit women's access to leadership positions.
Written by Manuel Bagues & Pamela Campa
Abstract
We provide a comprehensive analysis of the short- and medium-term effects of gender quotas in candidate lists using evidence from local elections in Spain. In the context of a closed list system with proportional representation, quotas were introduced in 2007 in municipalities with more than 5,000 inhabitants, and were extended in 2011 to municipalities with more than 3,000 inhabitants. Using a Regression Discontinuity Design, we find that quotas increased the share of women in candidate lists by around 8 p.p. and among council members by 4 p.p. However, within three rounds of elections, we do not observe any significant variation in voting behaviour, the quality of politicians, the probability that women reach powerful positions such as party leader or mayor, or the size and composition of public finances. Overall, our analysis suggests that quotas in candidate lists fail to remove the barriers that prevent women from playing an influential role in politics.
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The rise of nationalism poses a threat to globalization and the set of values that the international community has sought to develop in the past. The election of President Donald Trump and Brexit threatened the neoliberal agenda that has promoted free enterprise and globalization. Understanding the rise of nationalism provides an effective instrument for identifying effective intervention measures. ( 400 words with space) and ( 343 words with no space )
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The election of President Donald J Trump and Brexit have highlighted the resurgence of nationalism in the modern society as workers who are anxious about the effects of globalization on their employment chances turn on outsiders. In addition, the strong performance of Marine Le Pin in the presidential election in France and the resurgence of nationalist parties in Eastern Europe have increased the anxiety of stakeholders about the rise of nationalism and its implications for the society.
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The rise of nationalism
Introduction
The rise of nationalism poses a threat to globalization and the set of values that the international community has sought to develop in the past. The election of President Donald Trump and Brexit threatened the neoliberal agenda that has promoted free enterprise and globalization. Understanding the rise of nationalism provides an effective instrument for identifying effective intervention measures.
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An online survey experiment was conducted in which hypothetical candidates with varying gender, biographical information, and policy positions on issues were presented to respondents. The experiment found that respondents did not distinguish between male and female candidates with similar policy positions, and primarily based their evaluation on how much they agreed with the candidates' presented policy positions rather than gender. The study also found that female candidates could overcome issues of competence stereotypes by highlighting their specific policy positions. This illustrates that the availability of information about candidates' policy positions is more influential for voters than gender cues alone.
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The document discusses proposals to reduce the influence of money and criminal networks in Indian politics through electoral reforms. It notes the nexus between criminals, politicians, police and bureaucracy in some parts of India. Existing laws on disclosure of assets and criminal cases against candidates have not fully addressed the problems. The document proposes a strategy involving a task force of professionals, retired officials and bureaucrats to implement reforms like restricting illegal funding, screening candidates, and educating voters. Challenges include opposition from political parties, difficulty enforcing reforms, and potential corruption of task force members. The strategy aims to strengthen transparency and accountability rather than replace the existing political system.
Progress Now Arizona conducted an online poll in April 2018 to quantify themes from qualitative research, including Arizonans' negative views of politics. Key findings include:
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U.S. Electoral Fairness Report revised as of April 11, 2013
Executive Summary
The American federal electoral system borders a failed state as determined by the overall unsatisfactory audit score of 54.5 percent (out of 100 percent). The FDA auditors measured
1) two failing scores for legislation pertaining to electoral finance (48.25 percent) and media election content (42.5 percent);
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The FDA auditors factored in 52 independent variables and used matrices and financial spreadsheets in its calculations and determinations. Based on its measurements, the FDA believes that the American federal election outcomes may not reflect the voice of Americans from electoral districts. The significant legislated unfair competition between American candidates and parties coupled with electoral finance legislation favoring wealthy money interests and media legislation favoring large corporate media and imbalanced election coverage creates a system tilted heavily to special and minority interests, rather than the American people. The FDA believes that reforms are necessary in electoral finance and election coverage in order to help realign the American federal electoral process with Americans as a whole. The FDA recommends, for examples, expenditure limits on congressional candidates and privately funded presidential candidates, caps on independent third-party expenditure, caps on media ownership concentration, and a voluntary media code of conduct during the 60 day campaign period which supports impartial and balanced campaign coverage of all registered candidates and parties.
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“If liberty and equality, as is thought by some, are chiefly to be found in democracy, they will be best attained when all persons alike share in government to the utmost.”
- Aristotle
The document discusses several aspects of successful political campaigns, including building name recognition, voter mobilization through get-out-the-vote efforts, decreasing support for opponents, fundraising, hiring professional consultants, and focusing the campaign strategy. Fundraising is important in the beginning to hire staff who can work on voter outreach, while consultants can advise on multiple races. The campaign aims to get voters to the polls and persuade them through different methods.
The document promotes scientists and engineers running for political office. It summarizes the mission of Scientists and Engineers for America (SEA) to promote evidence-based policymaking. It discusses common excuses for not entering politics, why technical backgrounds are needed in government, and how SEA can provide resources and training, but not direct support, to help scientists and engineers launch political campaigns.
The document promotes scientists and engineers running for political office. It summarizes the mission of Scientists and Engineers for America (SEA) to promote evidence-based policymaking. It discusses common excuses for not entering politics, why technical backgrounds are needed in government, and how SEA can provide resources and training, but not direct support, to help scientists and engineers launch political campaigns.
The document promotes scientists and engineers running for political office. It provides an overview of Scientists and Engineers for America (SEA), which aims to promote evidence-based policymaking. SEA offers resources like campaign training to help scientists and engineers enter politics. While politics presents challenges, scientists and engineers are uniquely qualified with skills in problem-solving and technical knowledge that policymaking needs. SEA encourages more STEM professionals to consider public service through running for office.
Different models of issue voting in britainAnurag Gangal
This document discusses various models of issue voting and how they explain voting behavior in recent British elections. It summarizes the key models including the Michigan Model, Clarke's proximity model, valence voting model, and position issue model. It analyzes how these models have helped understand factors like party alignments, issue salience, economic conditions, and leadership images that influence how British voters make choices. However, it also notes limitations of these models in fully capturing an increasingly disengaged electorate and failures to consider strategic versus sincere voting behavior with multiple candidates.
Sentencia de la Sala Constitucional del Tribunal Supremo de Justicia que modifica el Reglamento Interior y de Debates de la Asamblea Nacional, colocando al Parlamento bajo control irregular del Ejecutivo, destruyendo su autonomía institucional.
Carta de Luis Almagro, Secretario General de la Organización de Estados Americanos, a Tibisay Lucena, Presidente del Consejo Nacional Electoral de Venezuela. Texto tomado de http://sumarium.com/la-carta-integra-de-almagro/
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Quotas and qualications
1. European Political Science Review
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Quotas and qualications: the impact of gender quota
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Ana Catalano Weeks and Lisa Baldez
European Political Science Review / Volume 7 / Issue 01 / February 2015, pp 119 - 144
DOI: 10.1017/S1755773914000095, Published online: 09 April 2014
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Ana Catalano Weeks and Lisa Baldez (2015). Quotas and qualications: the impact of gender
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3. By putting gender identity center stage, quotas preclude the possibility that elections
will be based on ‘ideas’ or ‘merit’ alone. Other electoral rules that restrict candidate
selection, such as the centralization of candidate selection common in closed list PR
systems, have been found to reduce the quality of candidates (Carey and Shugart,
1994; Gagliarducci et al., 2011), while rules that open up selection, such as
primaries, result in higher quality candidates (Carey and Polga-Hecimovich, 2006;
Hirano and Snyder, 2013). We exploit the institutional design of Italy’s mixed
electoral system in 1994, where quotas were applied only to the PR portion of
the list (closed-list) to compare the qualifications of men, women, and ‘quota
women’. Using data from a mixed electoral system allows us to determine whether
women who were selected under a quota differ from those who were not.
We estimate regressions on several measures of deputies’ qualifications for office.
We include performance in office as a measure of candidate qualifications,
exploiting available data to generate an ex post measure of qualifications.
We find that unlike other rules limiting candidate selection, quotas are not
associated with lower quality on most measures of qualifications. On the contrary:
quota women may have improved the overall level of qualifications. Quota women
are 5% more likely to have local government experience than other representatives.
Quota women show up for work more than their male counterparts: they attend
legislative sessions 7% more than men elected to PR seats. Once the quota law was
rescinded, quota women are less likely to be re-elected than non-quota women or
men. To the extent that we regard re-election as a clean indicator of performance,
this result is troubling as it might suggest that voters repudiated quota women.
In Italy, however, it was not voters but party leaders who determined the re-election
prospects of quota women. With the quota gone, party leaders buried female can-
didates deep on their electoral lists in 1996. Our results thus suggest that dis-
crimination by party leaders – not qualifications – explains the lower numbers of
women nominated for office once the quota was gone.
Theoretical background: who is qualified to run for office?
What does it mean to be qualified for political office? If an assembly is to be
‘an exact portrait of the people at large’, as American founding father John
Adams urged, then everyone is equally capable of representing the people. None-
theless, when critics suggest that gender quotas will result in the election of
unqualified candidates, they have in mind a specific set of characteristics, many of
which are captured by political science research. The literature on challenger
quality, political ambition, and gender quotas offers a range of possible measures
of qualifications. Our analysis takes these characteristics at face value; we offer a
more critical perspective on qualifications in the conclusion. We developed our
measures on the basis of empirical relevance (i.e., the concept of qualifications must
be measurable and not only theoretical) and frequency of citation, as described
in Table 1.
120 A N A C A T A L A N O W E E K S A N D L I S A B A L D E Z
4. Table 1. Identifying common formulations of qualifications for political office
Ever held elective office Occupation (type/status) Campaign spending Honesty /integrity Education Fame/recognition Google citations
Challenger quality
Jacobson and Kernell (1981) ✓ 779
Green and Krasno (1988)a
✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ 437
Jacobson (1989) ✓ 243
Bond et al. (1985) ✓ ✓ 209
Caselli and Morelli (2001) ✓ ✓ 184
Abramowitz (1991) ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ 179
Stone et al. (2004)b
✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ 80
McCurley and Mondak (1995)c
✓ 79
Squire (1992)d
✓ 79
Shugart et al. (2005)e
✓ 63
Backgrounds/ambition
Putnam (1976) ✓ ✓ 798
Schlesinger (1966) ✓ ✓ 458
Carroll (1994)f
✓ ✓ ✓ 404
Loewenberg and Patterson (1979)g
✓ 302
Burrell (1994)h
✓ ✓ ✓ 270
Norris (1997)i
✓ ✓ ✓ 217
Canon (1990) ✓ ✓ ✓ 152
Fox and Lawless (2004)j
✓ 132
Gender quotas
Besley et al. (2005) ✓ ✓ 64
Bird (2003)k
✓ ✓ ✓ 31
Murray (2010)l
✓ ✓ 7
Total 15 11 4 6 7 4
a
Green and Krasno also use ever running for elective office and political activism as measures of qualification.
b
Stone et al. also include problem-solving ability, public speaking, dedication to public service, grasp of issues, and performance in office as measures of quality (all are survey-based).
c
McCurley and Mondak also use a measure of perceived competence (survey-based).
d
Squire also employs a measure of campaign skills, for example public speaking, derived from media reports.
e
Shugart et al. also use birthplace in the district nominated as a measure of qualification.
f
Carroll also measures party activity, organizational activity, and campaign resources/planning.
g
Loewenberg and Patterson also include social class and interest group affiliations.
h
Burrell also includes party and civic activity, marital status, and children.
i
Norris also includes age, class, and ambition.
j
Fox and Lawless consider a range of other personal characteristics, including political attitudes and experience, family responsibilities, and self-perceived qualifications.
k
Bird also assesses family connections to politics, household income levels, age, children at home, and political party membership.
l
Murray also includes age as a measure of qualification.
Quotasandqualifications121
5. We found that the six most common formulations of qualifications are previous
experience in elective office, occupational type or status, campaign spending, honesty or
integrity, education, and fame or recognition. Of these, previous experience in elective
office is the most prevalent by far. Political experience is sometimes seen as a proxy for
many ‘good’ qualities, like charisma and campaign skills, which are demonstrated by
virtue of the individual’s success in previous elections (Squire, 1995). It can also be
interpreted as an indicator of the candidate’s ability to perform the duties of office in the
future, because those who have held office before are thought to accumulate practical
skills and a relevant knowledge base (Carroll, 1994).
Occupation and education are the next most common definitions of qualifica-
tions. The social backgrounds literature has found that legislators consistently have
higher-status occupations and are better educated than the average citizen (Putnam,
1976). Educational credentials are frequently viewed as measures of competence for
holding national office (Burrell, 1994), and a high status occupation signifies success
in the business, civic, or professional world that voters use as an indicator of future
performance in office (Carroll, 1994).
In this study we are interested in measuring both the characteristics that define
‘good’ candidates for legislative office, and the characteristics that define the
behavior of ‘good’ legislators once they are in office. We follow recent literature in
defining three characteristics of performance in office. The number of bills intro-
duced is a basic and frequently used measure of legislator output (see Ferraz
and Finan, 2008; Gagliarducci et al., 2008; Anzia and Berry, 2011). Legislators
introduce bills to communicate their commitment on a particular issue to their
constituents and to party leaders. Introducing no bills can be seen as an indicator of
low quality, even if institutional constraints limit opportunities to do so. Another
common indicator of legislator quality is absenteeism (see Gagliarducci et al., 2011;
Galasso and Nannicini, 2011). Elected officials must show up for legislative sessions
and vote in order to represent constituents effectively. Finally, re-election is perhaps
the ultimate measure of legislator quality (see Diermeier et al., 2005; Keane and
Merlo, 2007). According to our model, less qualified candidates introduce fewer
bills, show up less frequently to work, and are re-elected less often than their
non-quota peers. We explain how we operationalize these three measures of
qualifications (previous political experience, occupation, and education) and three
measures of quality in office (bills proposed, absenteeism, and re-election) in the
Data and Methods section.
Research has established a strong link between the implementation of gender
quotas and an increase in the percentage of women elected to office, contingent on
how the quota is designed and how it interacts with the electoral system (Jones,
1996, 1998, 2004; Jones and Navia, 1999; Meier, 2004; Norris, 2004; Schmidt and
Saunders, 2004; Dahlerup and Freidenvall, 2005; Squires, 2005; Dahlerup, 2006;
Matland, 2006; Baldez, 2007; Tripp and Kang, 2008; Krook, 2009; Schwindt-
Bayer, 2009; Hughes, 2011). Research examining the impact of quotas on sub-
stantive representation focuses on the qualifications that candidates bring to office,
122 A N A C A T A L A N O W E E K S A N D L I S A B A L D E Z
6. their behavior in office, and attitudes toward various issues. Legislative quota
policies often apply to all female candidates, so that all women elected effectively
become ‘quota women’.
This study adds new dimensions to the growing literature on the impact of gender
quotas by focusing on the impact of quotas on candidate qualifications and by
examining the impact of quotas as distinct from gender. Most of the literature on
the substantive effect of gender quotas reflects this, examining cases in which quotas
apply to all of the female candidates and none of the men (Childs, 2002; Htun and
Jones, 2002; Bird, 2003; Cowley and Childs, 2003; Schwartz, 2005; Sater, 2007;
Franceschet and Piscopo, 2008; Zetterberg, 2008; Júlio and Tavares, 2010). These
studies make it impossible to determine whether the observed effects derive from
differences between men and women, or from the presence of a quota. We compare
men to quota women and non-quota women, taking advantage of data from Italy’s
mixed electoral system and a one-time application of gender quotas in the 1994
parliamentary elections. Our analysis thus allows us to determine whether women
who were selected under a quota differ from those who were not. Our approach
builds on the work of a handful of scholars who isolate the impact of a quota on
candidate qualifications (Chattopadhyay and Duflo, 2004; Besley et al., 2005;
Murray, 2010; O’Brien, 2012).
Case selection: why Italy?
To test assumptions about gender quotas and qualifications, we use data about
members of the Italian Camera dei Deputati (House of Representatives) elected in
1994.2
During this period, Italy had just undergone a major change to its political
system, triggered by a 2-year investigation of widespread political bribery. The mani
pulite (clean hands) scandal exposed illegal patronage and kickbacks for government
contracts involving all of Italy’s major political parties. As a result, in June 1993,
Italians voted in a referendum to change the electoral system from a proportional
system to a mixed-member system, whereby 75% of representatives were elected via a
majoritarian system and 25% via a proportional system. In the majoritarian tier,
members of parliament were elected in single-member districts (SMDs) with simple
plurality voting. In the proportional tier, they were elected from closed party lists at the
regional level (Bartolini and D’Alimonte, 1996; Bartolini et al., 2004).
Capitalizing on the wave of reforms in the early 1990s, women representatives
from the center-left coalition introduced a bill designed to ensure adequate repre-
sentation of women on party lists. The quota proposal gave rise to a lively debate,
both in parliament and in the broader public. Advocates claimed that adopting a
gender quota would mitigate the negative effects that a majoritarian system would
have on women’s representation. Opponents argued that the quota entailed an
2
The quota law did not apply to the Senate, so we do not include it in the analysis.
Quotas and qualifications 123
7. unnecessary form of protectionism and would result in electing less qualified
women to office (Guadagnini, 2005). While controversial, the quota legislation
passed into law in August 1993.3
The law stipulated that candidates in the pro-
portional tier would be listed in alternate order on the party lists according to
gender, a practice known as ‘zipping’.4
In the pre-quota era, all seats were elected by PR. In 1992, women held 8% of
seats. After the implementation of the quota law, the percentage of women elected
to the Chamber of Deputies reached an unprecedented level, nearly doubling from
8% (51 women of 630 total seats) in 1992 to 15% (92 women) in 1994 (see
Figure 1). There were two tiers in the 1994 election, one (PR) with gender quotas
and the other (SMD) with no gender quotas. On the quota side, women won 32% of
Figure 1 Number of women elected to the Italian Parliament by electoral system, 1992–96.
3
Law no. 277 of August 4, 1993: ‘New regulations for the election of the Chamber of Deputies’.
4
The law includes a clause (Art. 2) stating that for the 155 PR seats, lists should consist of candidates of
both sexes in alternate order. The text reads: ‘Qualora una lista sia stata formata da candidate e da can-
didate, I medesimi devono essere elencati in ordine alternato sia sul manifesto contenente le liste dei can-
didate della circoscrizione che sulle schede di votazione’. We translate this as, ‘For the PR lists, male and
female candidates must be listed in alternating order on both the manifesto containing the lists of candidates
for the constituency and on the ballots’.
124 A N A C A T A L A N O W E E K S A N D L I S A B A L D E Z
8. the seats. On the SMD side, women won 9% of the seats.5
In 1995, the Constitutional
Court declared the quota law unconstitutional and the legislature repealed it before the
next election. Without the quota, the total percentage of women elected in the 1996
elections fell to 11% (71 women). More than half of the gains for women in the PR tier
were lost; the percentage of women dropped from 32% to 19%. The percentage of
women elected in the majoritarian tier remained around 9%.
The one-time quota policy in Italy is an instructive case to analyze the qualifica-
tions issue because it allows us to distinguish quota women from non-quota women,
as well as to compare them with men, addressing the lacuna we discuss above. The
numbers are small, but analyzing differences within the 12th parliament (1994–96),
as opposed to a before and after analysis, has the added advantage of avoiding
biases from comparisons over time that could be the result of other factors specific
to particular elections. Evaluating men, women, and quota women within the same
legislative term allows us to hold constant many factors that could potentially
change after a quota policy has been implemented, such as party selection procedures
or voter preferences.
Ideally, we might like to bolster our results by using a ‘difference-in-differences’
research design to compare female representatives’ qualifications across the differ-
ent types of electoral system before and after the quota law was implemented. Like
our strategy, this method also avoids contamination by extraneous factors (a problem
with simple pre-post designs). In addition, the double difference would provide a more
plausible estimate of the impact of the quota law compared with findings based on a
single, ‘between groups’ difference because it would account for selection bias. In our
case, women elected in the PR tier may tend to be different from those elected in
the majoritarian tier even in the absence of the quota law.6
Unfortunately, such an
analysis is not possible in the Italian case because the quota law was introduced at the
same time as a change in the electoral system. Before quotas were implemented,
all representatives were elected via proportional representation. In order to account for
this, we model the main independent variable as an interaction effect measuring the
combined influence of gender and method of election. This allows for comparisons of
qualifications between female PR representatives and male PR representatives, female
SMD representatives, and so on.
Because all of the quota women in our sample come from the PR seats, and all of
the non-quota women from the SMD seats, we pay careful attention to potential
5
This is significantly below 50%, the proportion one might have expected women to obtain from the
required alternation of genders on the closed party lists. As it turns out, the parties that could only nominate
one or two individuals on the list would often place the male candidate first (Katz, 1996). In addition, the
decision of party elites to nominate women in non-winnable districts affected the final percentage of women
elected via the PR quota.
6
For example, parties might nominate stronger candidates in SMDs where personal attributes are
thought to matter more (Carey and Shugart, 1994). The existence of the scorporo rule in Italy’s electoral
system, which subtracts a portion of the SMD winners’ votes from the party list’s votes, might also affect
party strategies (although exactly how it might affect overall quality in each group is not obvious).
Quotas and qualifications 125
9. differences between legislators in the two tiers.7
Any differences between quota
women and non-quota women could be the result of the electoral system rather than
the quota law. For example, SMD races tend to be more hotly contested and high
profile than closed-list PR races, so parties are more likely to nominate stronger
candidates in the SMDs or open-list PR where personal attributes and/or connection
to constituents matters more than party loyalty (Carey and Shugart, 1994; Shugart
et al., 2005). Mixed electoral systems have also been found to encourage legislators
to specialize in different areas: those elected through the nominal vote focus on
representing geographic constituencies, while those elected through the list heed the
priorities set by party leaders (Shugart, 2001; Gagliarducci et al., 2011). If these
claims are true, we should expect to find significant differences between candidates
(both men and women) elected in the majoritarian tier and those elected via PR list.
In general, we would expect those elected in SMDs to be more qualified.
Data and methods
We use data on all members of the Italian Camera dei Deputati (House of Repre-
sentatives) who were elected in the general election of 1994 (12th legislative term),
collected by Gagliarducci et al. (2008, 2011). The data set contains a wealth of
information including self-declared demographic characteristics (age, gender, level
of education, previous job, and marital status); past and current political experience
in elections and party appointments at the local, regional, and national level; past
and current appointments in government and parliament; income information from
the year before election; information on bills proposed as main sponsor; absences in
floor voting sessions without any legitimate reason; and data on re-election.8
Table 2 provides a complete list of all variables used in the analysis, as well as
summary statistics.
The key independent variable in our analysis is quota women, which is oper-
ationalized as the interaction between female gender and being elected in the pro-
portional tier of the electoral system, where the quota was implemented
(Female*PR). We compare quota women to non-quota women, those elected in the
majoritarian tier. This is the main comparison group we are interested in testing.
7
Representatives in the (closed list) PR system relied on party loyalty to be nominated and elected, while
representatives in the SMD system relied on party loyalty but also personal reputation and constituency
service. Party leaders had complete control over PR candidates’ inclusion and ranking on the party lists,
unlike in open list or preference vote systems (Ferrara, 2004). Candidates could run in both systems, but if
they won a SMD seat they had to accept it. If they lost in the SMD election, they could still be elected in the
PR system if they were ranked high enough on the party list. This distinction was clear to voters: candidates
elected in the SMD system were seen as a representative of that constituency and asked to provide con-
stituency services, whereas candidates elected in the PR system were perceived to be party leaders, likely to
serve in government or parliament appointments (Gagliarducci et al., 2011).
8
The original sources of the data were individual biographies for personal details, the Parliament Press
office for data on voting absences, the Parliament Tax Declarations Archive for data on income, and the
Parliament website for data on bills.
126 A N A C A T A L A N O W E E K S A N D L I S A B A L D E Z
10. Table 2. Summary statistics, Italian members of parliament 1994–96
Variable Mean std. dev. Range
Female 0.15 0.35 0–1
PR 0.25 0.43 0–1
Age 47.04 9.93 27–84
Government/parliament appointment 0.34 0.47 0–1
Past party appointment 0.34 0.47 0–1
Higher education 0.68 0.46 0–1
Pre-election Income (€1000s) 85.01 356.81 0.2–8393
National government experience 0.30 0.46 0–1
Local government experience 0.47 0.50 0–1
Number of bills proposed 4.95 7.42 0–95
Absentee rate 0.38 0.20 0.02–0.98
Re-election 0.69 0.46 0–1
Political party (electoral list)
Forza Italia 0.22 0.42 0–1
Lega Nord 0.19 0.39 0–1
Alleanza Nazionale 0.17 0.38 0–1
Partito Democratico della Sinistra 0.13 0.34 0–1
Alleanza Democratica 0.07 0.26 0–1
Rifondazione Comunista 0.06 0.24 0–1
Partito Popolare Italiano 0.05 0.22 0–1
Partito Socialista Italiano 0.03 0.18 0–1
Federazione dei Verdi 0.03 0.17 0–1
Patto di Rinascita Nazionale - Patto Segni 0.02 0.14 0–1
Other 0.01 0.10 0–1
Parliamentary party
Progressisti-Federativo 0.26 0.44 0–1
Forza Italia 0.18 0.38 0–1
Lega Nord 0.18 0.38 0–1
Alleanza Nazionale 0.17 0.38 0–1
Rifondazione Comunista 0.06 0.24 0–1
Partito Popolare Italiano 0.05 0.22 0–1
Misto-altro 0.05 0.22 0–1
Centro Cristiano Democratico 0.04 0.20 0–1
Previous job
Lawyer 0.12 0.33 0–1
Entrepreneur 0.11 0.31 0–1
Self-employed 0.11 0.30 0–1
Teacher 0.10 0.30 0–1
Journalist 0.09 0.28 0–1
Physician 0.09 0.29 0–1
Professor 0.09 0.29 0–1
Manager 0.06 0.24 0–1
Bureaucrat 0.05 0.22 0–1
Professional politician 0.05 0.23 0–1
White-collar 0.05 0.22 0–1
Magistrate 0.02 0.16 0–1
Trade Union Representative 0.01 0.10 0–1
Quotas and qualifications 127
11. Without the gender quota, we would expect all women elected to have similar
qualifications for office.
We operationalize our measures of qualifications for office as follows: (1) Higher
Education, a binary variable coded 1 if the legislator reported having a Bachelor’s
degree or above, and 0 otherwise; (2) Pre-election Income, a continuous variable mea-
suring occupational achievement, from tax returns measured in 2005 Euros; (3) National
Government Experience, a binary variable coded 1 if the legislator previously served
in the Chamber of Deputies, and 0 otherwise (4) Local Government Experience,
a binary variable coded 1 if the legislator previously served in local government (mayor
or councilor), and 0 otherwise. Following recent studies, we use income as a measure of
occupational achievement and overall status because it reflects the market value of an
individual’s ability or skills (e.g., Gagliarducci et al., 2008).9
One obvious problem with
using national-level political experience for our purposes is its correlation with gender.
An average of 6.5% women served in the Italian national parliament from 1946 to 1994;
a consistently low percentage of women in office is precisely what prompted support for
gender quotas in the first place. Thus, we would expect women, and quota women in
particular, to have lower levels of national level experience compared with men.
We explore the similarities and differences between quota women, non-quota
women and men once they are in office using three measures of legislative behavior:
(1) Bills Proposed, a count variable for the number of bills the legislator proposed as
primary sponsor over the legislative term; (2) Absentee Rate, the percentage of votes
for which the legislator was absent; and (3) Re-election, a binary variable for
whether the legislator won re-election to the next legislative term, conditional on the
legislator running.
In the following section we examine the relationship between quota women and
our measures of qualifications and quality. First, we use bivariate analysis to answer
the question of whether quota women and non-quota women differ on the measures
we care about. Specifically, we use χ2
goodness of fit tests for binary variables
(Higher Education, National Government Experience, Local Government
Experience, and Re-election) and t-tests for other variables (Pre-election Income,
Bills Proposed and Absentee Rate). We next turn to the question of determinants of
legislator qualifications and quality more broadly. What predicts or explains qua-
lifications, and do gender quotas have a negative impact? We use multivariate
analysis because it allows us to control for other factors that may be correlated with
gender, such as previous job or incumbency. The first set of regressions assesses
determinants of qualifications for office, and the second set explores determinants of
quality once in office. Because our key independent variable is an interaction term
(Female*PR), the constituent terms Female and PR in our regression models should
be interpreted as women elected in SMDs, and men elected in PR seats, respectively.
9
The Gagliarducci, Nannicini, and Naticchioni data are gross individual income declared in year 1 of
the term (which refers to the previous fiscal year), collected from the Parliament Income Tax Declarations
Archive.
128 A N A C A T A L A N O W E E K S A N D L I S A B A L D E Z
12. We are interested in testing whether women who are elected as a result of gender
quotas (and who, presumably, would not have been elected otherwise) are as qua-
lified as their counterparts. We consider their most comparable counterparts to be
women elected without the aid of a quota in the majoritarian tier. The key statistic
we use to assess whether quota women are different from non-quota women is thus
a Wald χ2
test that measures the significance of differences between the two coeffi-
cients Female and Female*PR. Because ‘quota women’ is operationalized as an
interaction term in our data (Female*PR), the regression models do not provide us
with clear estimates of the marginal effects of female gender or method of election
on qualifications. We provide this using ‘first differences’ in expected values.10
First
differences are calculated from a counterfactual simulation (N = 1000), where a
legislator typical in all respects is assumed to change the column variable from its
minimum to its maximum (e.g. from a non-quota woman to a quota woman). They
give us a measure of the magnitude of the effect of each key variable estimated in the
models on the scale of the dependent variable (King et al., 2000).
As previously discussed, any differences between quota- and non-quota women
could be due to their different method of election rather than the quota law. We are
able to address this issue by including Wald χ2
test statistics measuring the sig-
nificance of differences between the coefficients for men and women elected in the
same system. We also provide the marginal effects of PR method of election along
with other quantities of interest, including female gender and quota women. In
order to convey the average effects of our quantities of interest, most importantly
the effect of being a quota woman, we illustrate the distributions of simulated first
differences in expected values in Figure 3. We provide the numeric values in Table 6.
We control for other background characteristics where appropriate, including
Age, Incumbency, Electoral Political Party, Parliamentary Group, Previous Job,
and Government/Parliament Appointment.11
In the analysis of quality (perfor-
mance in office), we also control for Education, Pre-election Income, National
Government Experience, and Local Government Experience. These variables may
be linked to gender and our measures of qualifications and/or quality, and so we
account for them in the model(s) in order to avoid detecting spurious relationships.
In general, we expect Age and Incumbency to have a positive ‘effect’ on qualifi-
cations/performance. We expect Higher Education to have a positive impact on
pre-election income and measures of performance. We also expect Pre-election
Income and Local Government Experience to have a positive effect on measures of
performance if qualifications for office should be correlated with quality of
10
Including marginal effects also deals with the problem of interpreting the coefficients of probit (Higher
Education, National Government Experience, Local Government Experience, and Re-election) and negative
binomial (Bills Proposed) regression models, which have little substantive meaning in themselves.
11
Government/Parliament Appointment indicates appointment to a position within the government or
parliamentary group of the current legislature. Appointment in government is coded 1 if the individual is
president, vice president, minister, or vice minister in government (self declared). The figures for Electoral
List in Table 2 include both PR and SMD candidates.
Quotas and qualifications 129
13. performance in office. We expect Government/Parliament Appointment to have a
positive effect on performance measures because these representatives have worked
their way up in the party and are likely to hold certain responsibilities, like intro-
ducing key bills to the parliament. We control for Previous Job only in the regres-
sion on Pre-election Income because certain types of jobs are correlated with
particular income bands and gender. Finally, we expect Electoral Political Party and
Parliamentary Group variables to have different impacts depending on the party.
Electoral Political Party refers to the political party affiliation on the candidate list,
while Parliamentary Group refers to the group affiliation once in office; the two are
sometimes the same. We control for Electoral Political Party when measuring
determinants of candidate qualifications, and Parliamentary Group when measur-
ing determinants of legislator performance.12
We would expect members of
the Communist party to have a negative effect on higher education and income
because of the party’s traditional recruitment of working-class candidates (Cotta
and Verzichelli, 2007). However, Forza Italia was known for recruiting business
professionals for their managerial experience (Newell, 2010), so we would expect FI
membership to have a positive impact on these measures of qualification.
For the dependent variables Pre-election Income and Absentee Rate, we use
ordinary least squares regression, transforming pre-election income by the loga-
rithmic function to ensure that extreme incomes do not play a disproportionate
role [Log (Pre-election Income)]. For the dependent variables Higher Education,
National Government Experience, Local Government Experience, and Re-election
we estimate probit regression models because the outcomes are binary. For the
dependent variable Bills Proposed, we use negative binomial regression because the
outcome is a count.13
The sample for the regression on Re-election includes only
those representatives who stood for re-election (456 of the 630 representatives).
We are not able to distinguish the reasons why some representatives, including
14 of 50 quota women, did not run for re-election. We note that the percentage of
quota women who ran for re-election is exactly the same percentage of repre-
sentatives who ran for re-election overall – 72%.
Analysis
How do the women representatives elected under the 1993 quota law compare to non-
quota female and male representatives? If either the quota law or the type of electoral
12
The data on electoral party affiliation are from the Camara dei Deputati website (http://legislature.
camera.it/frameset.asp?content=%2Faltre_sezionism%2F10247%2F10261%2Fdocumentotesto%2Easp
%3F) and specifically from the ‘Deputati’ link at the top left of that page. We obtained ‘Lista di elezione’ by
clicking on the page for each individual legislator.
13
A likelihood ratio test for overdispersion comparing Poisson and negative binomial models strongly
suggests that the negative binomial model is more appropriate than the Poisson model (χ2
= 2029.1). The
model is not zero-truncated because every representative has the opportunity to propose bills, and most
propose one or more.
130 A N A C A T A L A N O W E E K S A N D L I S A B A L D E Z
14. system impacts the selection of female candidates, we would expect the initial bivariate
analysis to show significant differences between quota- and non-quota women.
On most of our measures, we find no significant difference between quota women
and non-quota women. Table 3 reports the mean values for quota women and
non-quota women, and the P-value for associated χ2
and t-tests.14
While we find
evidence of some differences, none of them is statistically significant. A smaller
percentage of quota women have achieved a degree in higher education (Bachelor’s
level and above) than non-quota women, but this difference is not statistically sig-
nificant. A greater percentage of non-quota women have experience in local and
national government. This provides some evidence either toward the theory that
candidates elected via SMD will be more invested in their constituency, or toward
the theory that quota women will be less experienced. We note that the differences
are not statistically significant. Quota women propose fewer bills than non-quota
women on average and are less likely to be re-elected, but these differences are not
statistically significant. On the other hand, pre-election income is slightly higher
for quota women compared with non-quota women, and quota women also have
lower absentee rates than non-quota women on average (differences are not
statistically significant).
Figure 2 shows the standardized difference in means between quota women and
non-quota women, with 95% confidence intervals. The standardized difference in
Table 3. Comparison of quota women and non-quota women
Quota women Non-quota women P-value
N 50 42
Mean higher education (0 or 1) 0.64 0.73 0.31
Mean pre-election income (€100s) 45.69 42.68 0.65
Mean national government experience (0 or 1) 0.26 0.31 0.77
Mean local government experience (0 or 1) 0.30 0.45 0.13
Mean number of bills proposed 4 7.5 0.13
Mean absentee rate 0.30 0.32 0.50
Mean re-election (0 or 1) 0.71 0.85 0.16
Notes: P-values are for a Pearson χ2
goodness of fit test (with Yates’ continuity correction) when
the variable is binary, or Welch Two Sample t-test (when the variable is continuous or count).
Both test the hypothesis that proportions are the same for quota women and non-quota women.
Analysis was carried out in R.
14
We use two-tailed t-tests, which test the hypothesis that quota women and non-quota women are
equally qualified. Some might argue that a one-tailed test, which tests the hypothesis that quota women are
less qualified than non-quota women, is more appropriate. We calculated the P-values for one-tailed t-tests
for all variables, and find no substantive changes to our results. The biggest change is in the hypothesis test
on mean Number of Bills Proposed, which becomes significant at the 0.10 level, but not at the standard 0.05
level (P = 0.07).
Quotas and qualifications 131
15. means is the difference in the mean value for quota women and the mean value for
non-quota women, divided by the standard deviation for quota women. It converts
the average differences between the groups to a common scale, so they can all be
plotted on the same axis and compared. Every confidence interval bar in the chart
crosses 0, showing that although there are average differences between quota and
non-quota women, none is statistically significant.
Multivariate analysis allows us to compare quota women and non-quota women
to their male counterparts. We begin with ex ante qualifications. Table 4 presents
the results of four separate models that estimated the effect of quotas on three
aspects of representative characteristics. Model (1) tests the hypothesis that quota
women are less educated than non-quota women or men. Model (2) examines the
impact of gender and quotas on average pre-election income, controlling for pre-
vious job. This model tests the hypothesis that quota women held lower status jobs
than non-quota women or men. Finally, models (3) and (4) test the hypothesis that
gender quotas increase the number of legislators who have less previous national
and local political experience, respectively.
The results of model (1) show that women, whether elected with the aid of a
gender quota or not, do not differ from men in terms of overall educational quali-
fications. The top left distribution in Figure 3 is a simulation of the expected values
of achieving higher education for different types of legislators. The dotted line
Figure 2 Standardized differences between quota women and non-quota women.
132 A N A C A T A L A N O W E E K S A N D L I S A B A L D E Z
16. shows the expected difference when we move from a legislator who is not a quota
woman to one who is a quota woman (i.e. the value of Female*PR from 0 to 1). The
broken line represents all men and women elected in the PR tier and the solid line
represents all women (quota- and non-quota women combined). The associated
vertical lines represent the mean first difference in expected value (also reported in
Table 6). In the case of education, we can see that all the distributions are centered
around zero, indicating that quotas have no impact on level of education – nor does
gender or being elected in a PR seat.15
Model (2) demonstrates that, when controlling for previous job, income for
quota women (our measure of occupational status) does not differ from that of
other legislators. The marginal effect of female gender and quota women on earn-
ings is shown in the top middle panel of Figure 3. The parallel distributions for
female legislators and quota women show the similarity of differences in expected
Table 4. Determinants of legislator qualifications
(1) Higher
education
(2) Log (pre-election
income)
(3) National
government
(4) Local
government
λ Female*PR
(quota woman)
− 0.36 (0.33) − 0.20 (0.20) − 1.04 (0.35)** 0.15 (0.32)
α Female (non-quota
woman)
0.27 (0.23) − 0.24 (0.16) 0.29 (0.23) − 0.15 (0.22)
γ PR 0.02 (0.17) 0.14 (0.11) 0.72 (0.17)*** − 0.65 (0.16)***
Constant − 0.26 (0.54) 2.32 (0.38) − 1.89 (0.69) 0.08 (0.52)
N 630 630 630 630
P-value, test (α = λ) 0.21 0.89 0.01 0.54
P-value, test (λ = γ) 0.37 0.22 0.00 0.06
Adjusted R2
0.31
χ2
31.14 173.79 101.62
Controls for previous
job
No Yes No No
Notes: White-corrected standard errors are in parentheses. Models (1), (3), and (4) are estimated
using probit regression and model (2) is estimated using ordinary least squares regression.
Previous job controls are dichotomous variables indicating occupational background, including
lawyer, bureaucrat, journalist, teacher, physician, magistrate, professor, entrepreneur,
white-collar, self-employed, and retired. All models include controls for age and electoral
political party. Model (2) also includes controls for national government experience and higher
education. Model (3) includes controls for local government experience and past party
appointment, and model (4) includes controls for national government experience and past
party appointment. All analyses were carried out using Zelig for R (Imai et al., 2008).
Significant codes: ***0.001; **0.01; *0.05.
15
To test the robustness of our findings, we also ran a regression using an ordinal dependent variable
for level of education, where 1 = primary school education and 5 = Masters degree or higher (specifying an
ordinal probit model). Our results do not change substantively. Age remains the only significant predictor of
educational background.
Quotas and qualifications 133
17. values of income for being a woman, regardless of method of election. Women
elected in both tiers are expected to have lower pre-election income compared
with men, although the difference is not statistically significant. This link does not
surprise us, given the persistent gender gap in income. As of 2003, Italian
women’s salaries were 74% of men’s, a figure that was probably lower in 1993
(ISTAT, 2003).
Model (3) shows that, as we expected, quota women are less likely to have
experience in national office compared with non-quota women and their male peers
in the PR tier. A test of the coefficients Female*PR and Female suggests that the
difference between quota- and non-quota women is significant (P = 0.01), and a
Figure 3 First differences of quota women on qualifications and quality.
Notes: Figures show density plots of the simulated first differences reported in Table 6, with the
corresponding vertical bars indicating the mean first difference in expected values for each type
of legislator.
134 A N A C A T A L A N O W E E K S A N D L I S A B A L D E Z
18. similar test also finds the difference between quota women and their male colleagues
in the PR tier to be significant (P = 0.00). The density plot in the top right panel of
Figure 3 shows that quota women are associated with a 22% decrease in national
government experience, while women in general are associated with a 10% increase
(although this is not significant at standard levels). This finding does not surprise us
because the very reason many give for adopting quotas is the paucity of women who
manage to reach national office. We turn to our alternative measure of previous
experience, service in local government, to explore whether this relationship
extends to other characterizations of political capability.
Model (4) indicates that there is a significant relationship between men elected in
the PR tier and previous local government experience. Male PR candidates are less
likely to have previous experience serving in local government compared with their
SMD peers. However, the coefficient for quota women is positive and not sig-
nificant, and a test of the two coefficients Female*PR and PR indicates that the
difference between the two is significant at the 0.10 level (P = 0.06). That is, the
negative relationship between method of election and local experience is significant
only for male representatives. This finding confirms previous studies that show that
politicians elected in PR systems are less likely to have strong local ties than those
elected in SMDs (Gagliarducci et al., 2011). The first differences reported in Table 6
(and shown in Figure 3) provide a substantive measure of the magnitude of this
effect. Representatives (both men and women) elected in the proportional tier are
24% less likely to have local government experience than legislators elected in SMD
seats. However, women elected in the proportional tier (quota women) are 5%
more likely to have local government experience than other representatives. If we
assume that in the absence of a quota law more men would have been elected in the
PR tier, this finding suggests that quota women may have improved the overall level
of qualifications.
Next, we turn to legislative behavior, which we consider as a measure of ex post
qualifications. How does the average performance of quota women in office com-
pare to that of non-quota women and men? Table 5 presents the results of the
models estimating the impact of various legislator characteristics on overall quality.
We present three separate models to test three different measures of legislative
behavior. Model (5) tests the hypothesis that quota women propose fewer bills than
non-quota women or men. Model (6) tests the hypothesis that quota women are
more likely to shirk their political duties than other representatives, measured in
terms of attendance at legislative sessions. Finally, model (7) tests the hypothesis
that quota women are less likely to win re-election, which is of course conditional
on their running in the next election. Table 5 shows that quotas have a significant
impact on two out of three measures of representative quality. Quota women do not
differ from their peers in terms of bill introductions, but they do have lower rates of
absenteeism and are associated with lower re-election rates.
Model (5), a regression of number of bills proposed, finds that the PR method of
election is again associated with negative quality, but quota women do not differ
Quotas and qualifications 135
19. from men elected in the PR tier. Representatives elected by PR propose just over one
less bill per legislative term compared with other representatives (Table 6). A Wald
test of the difference between Male*PR and PR coefficients was not significant,
indicating that we cannot reject the hypothesis that quota women are significantly
different from their male PR peers on this measure of performance. The density
plots shown in Figure 3 illustrate that the distribution of expected values of bills
proposed is similar for quota women and all those elected in the PR tier.
Model (6) finds that men elected in the proportional tier have higher rates of
absenteeism than others. Compared with other legislators, PR elected legislators are
associated with a 5% increase in the absentee rate (see Table 6). However, quota
women are associated with a significant decrease in absenteeism. A Wald test of the
difference between PR and Female*PR coefficients is significant, suggesting that the
difference between quota women and men elected in the PR tier is significant
(P = 0.04). The density plots at the bottom of Figure 3 show that quota women are
associated with a 7% decrease in absenteeism (female members in general are
associated with a 1% decrease, although this is not significant at standard levels).
This finding adds another piece of evidence suggesting that, contrary to critics,
quota laws may have a positive impact on legislator quality.
Our last model of legislator quality, model (7), considers the relationship between
personal characteristics and the likelihood of re-election. In some ways, this is
perhaps the best measure of legislator quality: do political parties and voters
Table 5. Determinants of legislator quality
(5) Bills proposed (6) Absentee rate (7) Re-election
λ Female*PR (quota woman) − 0.12 (0.29) − 0.08 (0.04)* − 1.22 (0.50)**
α Female (non-quota woman) 0.27 (0.19) − 0.01 (0.03) 0.75 (0.38)
γ PR − 0.28 (0.14)* 0.05 (0.02)* 0.38 (0.23)
Constant 2.44 (0.37) 0.39 (0.07) 0.30 (0.69)
N 630 599 456
P-value, test (α = λ) 0.36 0.35 0.02
P-value, test (λ = γ) 0.68 0.04 0.01
McFadden’s pseudo R2
0.39
Adjusted R2
0.21
χ2
88.04
Notes: White-corrected standard errors are reported in parentheses. Model (5) is estimated using
negative binomial regression, model (6) is estimated using ordinary least squares regression, and
model (7) is estimated using probit regression. The sample for model (7) includes only those
representatives who ran for re-election. The sample for model (6) is smaller due to missing data in
the dependent variable. All models include controls for age, national government experience,
higher education, log (pre-election income), local government experience, appointment in
government or parliament, and electoral political party (models 5 and 6) or parliamentary party
(model 7). All analyses were carried out using Zelig for R (Imai et al., 2008).
Significant codes: ***0.001; **0.01; *0.05.
136 A N A C A T A L A N O W E E K S A N D L I S A B A L D E Z
20. Table 6. Marginal effects of quota women on qualifications and quality
(1) Higher education
(2) Log(pre-election
income)
(3) National govern-
ment experience
(4) Local government
experience (5) Bills proposed (6) Absentee rate (7) Re-election
Female*PR
(quota
woman)
− 0.14 ( − 0.38, 0.09) − 0.20 ( − 0.58, 0.20) − 0.22 ( − 0.29, − 0.10) 0.05 ( − 0.18, 0.28) − 0.35 ( − 2.28, 2.25) − 0.07 ( − 0.16, 0.01) − 0.43 ( − 0.72, − 0.07)
Female (all
women)
0.08 ( − 0.06, 0.21) − 0.24 ( − 0.56, 0.07) 0.10 ( − 0.06, 0.26) − 0.06 ( − 0.22, 0.10) 1.51 ( − 0.35, 3.89) − 0.01 ( − 0.06, 0.05) 0.16 (0.00, 0.26)
PR (men and
women)
0.01 ( − 0.01, 0.12) 0.14 ( − 0.08, 0.35) 0.26 (0.13, 0.38) − 0.24 ( − 0.36, − 0.12) − 1.10 ( − 2.12, 0.02) 0.05 (0.01, 0.10) 0.10 ( − 0.02, 0.22)
Notes: Significant effects are in bold. Cells give the estimated change in probability or predicted values (for the negative binomial model (4)) that comes from a counterfactual simulation
(N = 1000), where a legislator typical in all respects is assumed to change the column variable from its minimum to its maximum, for example from not a quota woman to a quota woman.
First differences were simulated from models reported in Tables 4 and 5; 95% confidence intervals for the changes in probability are given in parentheses. First difference effects are estimated
using the Zelig package for R (Imai et al., 2008).
Quotasandqualifications137
21. want to re-invest in the legislator, or do they want to kick them out? Recall that
voters had two votes in Italy’s mixed system: one for a candidate in a SMD and one
for a political party represented by closed regional lists. Those elected in the
majoritarian seats are thus assessed by their party for re-nomination in a good
district and by constituents who vote for them directly, while those elected in the
proportional seats mainly look to their political party for good placement on the list
in a safe district.
Model (7) finds that quota women are less likely to be re-elected compared with
other legislators. Again, this model includes a sample of only those legislators who
chose or were selected to run for office in the subsequent election. A Wald test of the
difference between PR and Female*PR coefficients is significant, suggesting that the
difference between quota women and men elected in the PR tier is significant.
Similarly, a test of the difference between Female and Female*PR coefficients is
significant, suggesting that the difference between quota women and women elected
in SMDs is significant. Both men in the PR tier and women elected in SMDs
are more likely to be re-elected (the baseline group left out being men elected in
SMDs). Marginal effects presented in Table 6 show that quota women are 43% less
likely to be re-elected compared with other representatives running for re-election
(men and women).
The finding for quota women is important because the quota law was no longer in
effect when representatives were running for re-election. Our results suggest that
when the quota was removed, parties placed quota women in less winnable posi-
tions. This observation is consistent with Folke and Rickne (n.d.) finding that male
incumbents protect their own careers by limiting the re-election of female legisla-
tors, but runs contrary to Bhavnani’s (2009) findings about the withdrawal of
quotas in India. Further research is needed to illuminate decision-making processes
and to understand better the impact quota laws have on candidate selection after
the law is removed.
Our findings are robust to alternative definitions of who counts as quota women.
Perhaps incumbent females elected in the PR portion should not be considered part
of the quota cohort. We identified all incumbents in 1994 re-elected in the PR tier,
dropped them, and re-ran our analysis for a sample of newcomers only (the total
sample dropped from 630 to 439, a number which is still large due to the high
turnover in 1994). Our results do not change substantively (see Appendix B online
for full results). The bivariate analysis shows that quota women are less likely to be
re-elected and have less previous experience in local government, but the differences
are not statistically significant. The multivariate analysis again finds that quota
women do not have a negative impact on local government experience, while their
male peers in the PR tier do. A Wald test of the difference between quota women
and men elected in the PR tier is significant at the 10% level in this model. Quota
women have a negative impact on absenteeism (here the test of the difference
between coefficients for quota women and PR men is significant at the 5% level),
and are less likely to be re-elected (again, associated Wald tests are significant).
138 A N A C A T A L A N O W E E K S A N D L I S A B A L D E Z
22. Women who were first on their PR list might also not be considered quota
women. We identified all women who were first on their PR lists in 1994.16
Ten
of the 50 women were first on their list (compared with 67 of the 105 men elected
via PR). We dropped these 10 women from the sample and re-ran the analysis.
Again there were no substantive changes to our results (see Appendix C online for
full results). The bivariate analysis finds that quota women are less likely to be
re-elected compared with non-quota women, significant at the 0.10 level (P = 0.07).
None of the other differences approach statistical significance. The multivariate
analysis confirms that quota women do not have a negative impact on local
government experience, while their male peers in the PR tier do (the difference is
significant, P = 0.03). Again, quota women are associated with less absenteeism (and
the test of the difference between coefficients for quota women and PR men is
significant), and are less likely to be re-elected (associated Wald tests between quota
women and PR men, and quota women and non-quota women, are significant).
Conclusion
Our aim in this article was to subject to empirical analysis claims that candidates
nominated on the basis of gender quotas will be less qualified to serve in legislative
office. We examined this claim through a case study of Italian legislators. Our
analysis shows that, contrary to the concerns of quota opponents, quota women are
not less qualified than men or than other women in terms of education, occupa-
tional achievement, or previous political experience at the local level. Legislators
elected in the PR portion of Italy’s mixed system are less likely to have previous
experience in national office – but this is not surprising given women’s historic
underrepresentation in Italian politics. Our analysis of ex post legislative quality
reiterates these findings, demonstrating that quota women are just as likely to
propose bills and more consistent in attending sessions of parliament. However,
they are less likely to win re-election compared with their peers, a factor we provi-
sionally attribute to the removal of the quota in the subsequent election. This finding
suggests that the lower percentage of women in office can be attributed to dis-
crimination against them by party leaders. Re-election may not be a fair or accurate
measure of candidate quality in cases where party leaders act as gatekeepers for
candidate selection, placement in a winnable district, and list ranking.
We defined qualifications according to conventional standards used most often in
the political science literature: level of education, professional achievement, and
previous political experience. We also consider behavior in office as a measure of
qualifications. In this study, we take the term ‘qualifications’ at face value and define
and measure it according to the way that most political scientists do – and, perhaps,
the way most people do in everyday language. At the same time, we realize that in
relying on a conventional standard of qualifications, we may also be relying on a
16
List placement information from the Italian Ministry of the Interior: www.interno.it.
Quotas and qualifications 139
23. ‘male’ standard of qualifications. We heed the caution offered by Franceschet et al.
(2012) about how to define qualifications when it comes to gender quotas. We
acknowledge that our approach does not account for the kinds of characteristics
where women may be more likely to have an advantage over men, such as partici-
pation in non-governmental organizations or other non-partisan forms of political
participation. We suspect that when people object to gender quotas on qualifica-
tions grounds, what they oppose, usually without saying so, is making gender itself
a qualification for office. In a sense, gender does become a formal qualification for
office with the adoption of gender quotas (Rehfeld, 2009).
Questions about quotas and qualifications remain relevant in Italy. In 2003, the
legislature passed a constitutional amendment allowing affirmative action to
increase women’s presence in elected bodies, but legislators have not yet acted on
this opportunity to reintroduce legislative quotas (Guadagnini, 2005). In 2010, a
bill requiring a 30% quota for women on all corporate boards inspired the same
type of zero-sum rhetoric about quotas and qualifications as the 1993 legislative
quota did. In letters to the editors of major Italian newspapers, citizens argued that
‘I got my position on my own merits’ (Corriere della Sera, July 5, 2011); that ‘gender
quotas are offensive to the women who fought and are fighting for parity on the
basis of their capacity and their merit’ (La Stampa, March 11, 2011); and even that
‘we need a quota for brains, not sex’ (La Nazione, March 8, 2011).17
The corporate
board bill also split the conservative Popolo della Libertá (Pdl) party (successor to
Forza Italia) along gender lines, with many male party members coming out against
the quota while female members supported it. The bill was passed into law on
June 28, 2011.
The lessons learned in this study have implications beyond the scope of Italy.
Gender quotas remain a popular policy option throughout the international com-
munity. Our results offer some leverage in addressing one of the most common
arguments against quotas and warrant further testing against data from other cases.
One avenue for future research is to expand this research to other countries with
mixed electoral systems in which a quota applies only to the PR seats. Promising
cases include Armenia, Bolivia, Ecuador, Honduras, Korea, Mauritania, Panama,
and Senegal. Our results also suggest broader implications for questions about the
impact of electoral rules on candidate selection. According to this research, rules
that restrict candidate selection reduce the quality of candidates, while rules that
open up selection, such as primaries, generate candidates with higher qualifications.
Our study shows this trend does not hold when the electoral rule concerns the
selection of a marginalized group, in this case women. Even though quota laws restrict
competition, they do not necessarily result in lower quality candidates being elected.
One hypothesis is that political parties, the main gatekeepers to elected office in
systems of proportional representation, do not always choose the most qualified
17
All translations are our own.
140 A N A C A T A L A N O W E E K S A N D L I S A B A L D E Z
24. candidates. While this is the intuition behind the literature suggesting that restricting
competition leads to lower quality candidates, quota laws force parties to change
their behavior and thus constitute a different type of restriction. In fact, quotas can be
viewed as opening up political competition for specific underrepresented groups.
On the supply-side of the political marketplace, plenty of qualified women may
want to pursue a political career, and on the demand side of the equation plenty of
voters might be willing to support them. If parties do not support female candidates
(because of implicit bias or discrimination by party leaders), the explanation for
women’s underrepresentation rests with a block in the supply that prevents women
from being part of the candidate pool in the first place. Quota laws can overcome
this block by forcing parties to change their behavior and select more women.
Further research could test this hypothesis by comparing the outcomes of affirma-
tive action policies in countries with varying levels of supply and demand for female
candidates. We would expect our results to hold in cases where there is good reason
to think the supply is there (e.g. women have access to educational and professional
opportunities) and voter demand is relatively high, suggesting supply-side obstacles
(i.e. the party selectorate) prevent women from entering politics rather than the
supply of women or voter demand.
Supplementary material
To view supplementary material for this article, please visit http://dx.doi.org/
10.1017/S1755773914000095
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