The document analyzes the relationship between political polarization, wealth inequality, voter turnout laws, and voter turnout. Regression models found that political polarization and voter ID laws did not significantly impact turnout, but wealth inequality did have a significant negative effect on turnout. While the study has limitations, it provides initial evidence that increasing wealth inequality, rather than polarization alone, may contribute to decreasing voter participation. Further research is needed to more fully understand the impacts of polarization and inequality on political engagement.
This study aims to examine how political knowledge affects political participation differently for men and women. Specifically, it aims to refute the view that women benefit more from political knowledge than men. The study hypothesizes that political knowledge may actually depress political participation for some groups. It will analyze data on over 1,500 Americans to test how political participation rates vary with political knowledge levels for men and women, as well as for introverted and extroverted personality types. Previous literature commonly finds that women gain more politically from knowledge than men, but the author argues the data does not clearly support this claim and may show men participating less as knowledge increases.
Voter turnout is influenced by a variety of individual and social factors. Research shows that whether a person perceives themselves as a "winner" or "loser" after an election, their level of political and social trust, personality traits like conscientiousness, and social pressures all impact their likelihood of voting. The costs and benefits of voting, like fulfilling a civic duty or facing criticism for not voting, also affect an individual's decision. No single factor determines turnout, and different electoral systems can have varying effects depending on other contextual influences.
This study examines political ideological divides and views on assistance to the poor in the United States. Survey data from the General Social Survey is analyzed, looking at the relationship between income level, political ideology, and views on spending on assistance to the poor. The results show that lower-income individuals and those who identify as more liberal are more likely to believe not enough is spent on assistance. However, a majority across all income levels and political ideologies believe too little is spent. Ethnographic interviews provide further qualitative insight. The findings contradict some prior literature by suggesting the political divide on this issue may not be as stark as portrayed.
This document discusses a study on altruistic punishment in elections. The study uses a voting experiment to provide evidence that many voters are willing to vote at a cost to punish candidates who broke electoral promises, even when the voter is indifferent to the election outcome. Specifically, the experiment found that at least 14% of indifferent voters chose to vote against a candidate who broke a promise, incurring a personal cost to do so, indicating they voted based on altruistic punishment motives rather than strategic concerns. This provides quantitative evidence that altruistic punishment, the desire to sanction uncooperative behavior, can influence political voting decisions.
The document provides a summary of a research paper that investigates the relationship between voters' opinions of President Obama and whether voters feel they can relate to him through personal factors. It reviews literature on how factors like race, religion, age, and political affiliation can influence voter opinions. The research aims to test if a voter's ability to relate to Obama personally affects their opinion of him, while controlling for race, religion, age, political party identification through statistical analysis of survey data. It hypothesizes that if a voter feels they can relate to Obama as a person, their opinion of him will be more positive.
- The document discusses previous studies that have found a positive correlation between weekend voting and increased voter turnout, with estimates of a 5-6% increase.
- However, the author notes some limitations in previous studies, such as limited country samples, assumptions made but not tested, and a lack of analysis on why weekend voting may impact turnout.
- The author proposes to conduct a more comprehensive analysis using data from 288 elections in 96 countries from 2000-2012. The analysis will examine the impact of weekend voting on turnout as well as explore factors like a country's economy, unemployment, and demographics that may influence the effect of weekend voting.
This document summarizes a study on political participation among Mormon Millennials. A survey of 50 BYU-Idaho students found that they report voting at higher rates than the national average for their age group, though they demonstrate low levels of political knowledge in the survey. Focus groups with students suggest obstacles to their political engagement include a lack of trust in government, lack of political knowledge, disliking partisanship, feeling politics are not relevant, and a belief that individual votes do not matter. The author is developing a website to help educate Millennials on politics.
This document summarizes a student paper analyzing the relationship between weekend voting and voter turnout. The paper reviews previous studies that found a positive correlation, but notes limitations in their scope and methods. The student aims to conduct a more comprehensive analysis using data from 288 elections in 96 countries between 2000-2012. Models will examine the direct impact of weekend voting on turnout as well as differences across country groups and indicator interactions. The student hypothesizes that weekend voting increases turnout by lowering the cost of voting compared to weekdays, and expects stronger effects in wealthier, more developed democracies.
This study aims to examine how political knowledge affects political participation differently for men and women. Specifically, it aims to refute the view that women benefit more from political knowledge than men. The study hypothesizes that political knowledge may actually depress political participation for some groups. It will analyze data on over 1,500 Americans to test how political participation rates vary with political knowledge levels for men and women, as well as for introverted and extroverted personality types. Previous literature commonly finds that women gain more politically from knowledge than men, but the author argues the data does not clearly support this claim and may show men participating less as knowledge increases.
Voter turnout is influenced by a variety of individual and social factors. Research shows that whether a person perceives themselves as a "winner" or "loser" after an election, their level of political and social trust, personality traits like conscientiousness, and social pressures all impact their likelihood of voting. The costs and benefits of voting, like fulfilling a civic duty or facing criticism for not voting, also affect an individual's decision. No single factor determines turnout, and different electoral systems can have varying effects depending on other contextual influences.
This study examines political ideological divides and views on assistance to the poor in the United States. Survey data from the General Social Survey is analyzed, looking at the relationship between income level, political ideology, and views on spending on assistance to the poor. The results show that lower-income individuals and those who identify as more liberal are more likely to believe not enough is spent on assistance. However, a majority across all income levels and political ideologies believe too little is spent. Ethnographic interviews provide further qualitative insight. The findings contradict some prior literature by suggesting the political divide on this issue may not be as stark as portrayed.
This document discusses a study on altruistic punishment in elections. The study uses a voting experiment to provide evidence that many voters are willing to vote at a cost to punish candidates who broke electoral promises, even when the voter is indifferent to the election outcome. Specifically, the experiment found that at least 14% of indifferent voters chose to vote against a candidate who broke a promise, incurring a personal cost to do so, indicating they voted based on altruistic punishment motives rather than strategic concerns. This provides quantitative evidence that altruistic punishment, the desire to sanction uncooperative behavior, can influence political voting decisions.
The document provides a summary of a research paper that investigates the relationship between voters' opinions of President Obama and whether voters feel they can relate to him through personal factors. It reviews literature on how factors like race, religion, age, and political affiliation can influence voter opinions. The research aims to test if a voter's ability to relate to Obama personally affects their opinion of him, while controlling for race, religion, age, political party identification through statistical analysis of survey data. It hypothesizes that if a voter feels they can relate to Obama as a person, their opinion of him will be more positive.
- The document discusses previous studies that have found a positive correlation between weekend voting and increased voter turnout, with estimates of a 5-6% increase.
- However, the author notes some limitations in previous studies, such as limited country samples, assumptions made but not tested, and a lack of analysis on why weekend voting may impact turnout.
- The author proposes to conduct a more comprehensive analysis using data from 288 elections in 96 countries from 2000-2012. The analysis will examine the impact of weekend voting on turnout as well as explore factors like a country's economy, unemployment, and demographics that may influence the effect of weekend voting.
This document summarizes a study on political participation among Mormon Millennials. A survey of 50 BYU-Idaho students found that they report voting at higher rates than the national average for their age group, though they demonstrate low levels of political knowledge in the survey. Focus groups with students suggest obstacles to their political engagement include a lack of trust in government, lack of political knowledge, disliking partisanship, feeling politics are not relevant, and a belief that individual votes do not matter. The author is developing a website to help educate Millennials on politics.
This document summarizes a student paper analyzing the relationship between weekend voting and voter turnout. The paper reviews previous studies that found a positive correlation, but notes limitations in their scope and methods. The student aims to conduct a more comprehensive analysis using data from 288 elections in 96 countries between 2000-2012. Models will examine the direct impact of weekend voting on turnout as well as differences across country groups and indicator interactions. The student hypothesizes that weekend voting increases turnout by lowering the cost of voting compared to weekdays, and expects stronger effects in wealthier, more developed democracies.
The document summarizes and critiques the Puno ConCom constitution proposal. It argues that the proposal is objectionable due to the current populist context in the Philippines and some concerning content changes. Specifically, it argues that the proposal would further concentrate power in the presidency and weaken checks on executive authority. Additionally, it questions whether federalism is actually the best means to address poverty and inequality in the country based on empirical studies. The document raises doubts about the transition process and risks of political dynasties gaining more regional control under the proposed federal system.
Election, particiption and voting behaviourShyam Budhwar
Voting behavior in India is influenced by many determinants. Religious, caste, community, and linguistic factors play a role as politicians appeal to these identities. Money also influences votes as it is used by parties to win elections. Ideology and policies can sway voters, as can the purpose of an election. The extent of suffrage also impacts behavior. Additionally, the charisma of leaders is very influential, as slogans and personalities have changed voter minds and election outcomes in India. Some examples given are Indira Gandhi's "Garibi Hatao" slogan and Narendra Modi's strong image. Caste alliances and regionalism further guide how many Indians vote.
This document outlines a study examining the political participation of Latinos in the United States. It introduces the topic and establishes independent variables that may influence Latino participation, including ethnicity, generation, time in the US, education, socioeconomic status, and English proficiency. Hypotheses are presented expecting that socioeconomic status and language barriers will most impact participation. The dependent variable of wearing campaign buttons/signs is identified to measure non-voter participation among Latinos regardless of citizenship status.
This document summarizes a paper analyzing racial gerrymandering and electoral districting. It discusses Supreme Court cases like Shaw v. Reno that found racial gerrymandering unconstitutional but provided no clear legal standard. It also analyzes Illinois' 1st Congressional District, finding it was drawn to include a slim African American majority that typically votes Democrat along with suburban and rural whites that often vote Republican, maximizing the partisan benefit to Democrats. While this helps minority representation, it may increase political polarization and discourage community-building and participation. The document explores potential solutions like emphasizing local communities over partisan goals in redistricting or basing districts on contiguous geographic communities to increase voter engagement, but acknowledges this does not fully solve gerry
The document is a report analyzing political participation in the UK and providing recommendations for how the Parliamentary Outreach Service can work more effectively to engage citizens, particularly those aged 18-40.
The report consists of three chapters: 1) An overview of the academic literature on political participation, which finds declining formal participation and rising informal participation, especially among youth. 2) An analysis of current political participation in the UK, finding low turnout and interest especially among youth but more informal participation. 3) Recommendations for initiatives for the Outreach Service, emphasizing increasing political interest over formal participation. The overall aim is to provide Outreach with insights into today's political landscape and their target group to tailor their services accordingly.
This document summarizes a paper that investigates how major changes in levels of democracy can lead to the polarization or marginalization of ethnic groups. The paper hypothesizes that rapid gains in democracy can politicize previously non-political ethnic identities, increasing the number of politically relevant ethnic groups. Conversely, rapid losses of democracy can marginalize or exclude certain ethnic groups from political participation and decision-making. Both outcomes could increase ethnic tensions and conflict risk. The document reviews literature on nationalism, nation-building, and state manipulation of ethnic relations. It proposes that during political transitions, governments may increase strategies to maintain control by marginalizing groups, even as rapid democratization could also politicize ethnicity and aggravate ethnic cleav
To What Extent is Political Campaign Solicitation Gendered in the United Stat...Andrea Dub
This document provides a literature review of existing research on the gender gap in political campaign donations in the United States. It finds that while women have increasingly participated in voting, their financial contributions to political campaigns have remained stagnant at around 25-30% for decades. Existing literature has not adequately addressed why this gender disparity exists, often attributing it to outdated assumptions about women's socioeconomic status. The review identifies a gap in research focusing specifically on gender variations in campaign fundraising practices and the role of political fundraisers. This paper aims to help fill that gap through interviews exploring how fundraisers view and solicit donations from male and female donors.
Different models of issue voting in britainAnurag Gangal
This document summarizes and compares different models of issue voting, and how they explain voting behavior in recent British elections. It discusses models like the Michigan Model, proximity models, valence voting models, and how they have evolved over time from the 1950s to today. While no single model can fully capture unpredictable voter behavior, these models provide useful frameworks for analyzing trends and major patterns of issue-based voting. The document also analyzes how factors like party identification, policy preferences, leadership images, and economic conditions influence how voters make choices between parties in British elections.
This document summarizes key concepts from Chapter Eight of the textbook "American Government and Politics: Deliberation, Democracy, and Citizenship". It discusses public opinion, how it is measured through polls, and the differences between fleeting opinions and lasting judgments. It also examines political participation in the US, the expansion of suffrage over time, who votes, and how political leaders should use public opinion and deliberation.
The paper attempts to analyze the results of the European Social Survey
Round 6 (2012, 2013), focusing on the section related to how democracy is understood in Poland and in the Czech Republic. The most interesting issue encompassed
the differences in how democracy is defined in the two countries and the outcomes
these differences produce in terms of the perceived legitimacy of the system, as well
as demographic factors that correlate with differences in the understanding of democracy in both surveyed groups. Statistical analyses carried out in the paper indicated
the presence of different definitions of democracy formulated in Poland and in the
Czech Republic (the Czechs gave stronger emphasis to the liberal aspect of democracy, whereas Poles stressed its social aspects more). Nevertheless, the relationship
between the definition of democracy and the perceived level of legitimacy of the democratic system (for dispersed and specific legitimacy alike) were found to be relatively
weak, as was the case of the relationship between the understanding of democracy,
system legitimacy and socio-demographic factors. The only factor found to be significant for the perceived level of legitimacy of the democratic system concerned the
level of satisfaction with one’s own material situation.
A short presentation. Research proposal on the voting preferences of generation X and Y voters in Metro Manila, Philippines. Qualitative research class.
Dov Levin - Partisan electoral interventions by the great powers: Introducing...Davide J. Mancino
This document introduces a new dataset on Partisan Electoral Interventions by the Great Powers (PEIG) between 1946 and 2000. The dataset provides information on instances where the US and USSR/Russia attempted to influence election results in other countries. It defines partisan electoral interventions and how cases were identified and coded. Some initial patterns are presented, such as the US and USSR intervened in about one of every nine competitive national elections. The dataset aims to facilitate further quantitative research on electoral interventions and their effects.
This document discusses factors that influence youth voter turnout in the United States. It notes that while the youth vote could influence elections, youth voter turnout has declined significantly over time. Three main theories are discussed to explain voter participation: rational choice theory, which cites factors like competitiveness; socialization theory, which emphasizes the role of family and community in developing political behaviors; and psychological theories, which focus on individual attitudes and perceptions. However, the document notes that none of these theories fully explain the inconsistent and generally low levels of youth voter turnout seen in the U.S. The relationship between politicians and young voters is described as one of "mutual neglect," with lack of outreach to youth seen as an important factor.
This document summarizes a research paper that examines the complex relationship between access to direct democracy initiatives and public protest in U.S. states. The paper analyzes whether direct democracy provides an incentive to reduce protests by giving citizens an alternative avenue for political participation, or whether it acts as a deterrent by educating citizens and making protests more effective. The document reviews literature on this topic, including studies of Switzerland that found protests were less common among those who participated in direct democracy initiatives. It aims to explore this relationship and its nuances using U.S. data to better understand how to encourage voter participation and efficacy.
This document summarizes research on the drivers of conflict surrounding LGBTQ rights in the United States. It identifies several key drivers: political and interest group strategy perpetuating controversy; demographics like age, religion, and location that influence support; adversarial aspects of American governance and fluctuating leadership; biased media framing of issues and lack of LGBTQ representation; and the historical pattern of stigma against LGBTQ people. The document argues these drivers can be addressed through legal progress on issues like same-sex marriage and increasing representation of real LGBTQ individuals' stories in media.
Racial Profiling in the Black CommunityPATRICK MAELO
Racial profiling in the black community refers to the practice of law enforcement making assumptions about criminal conduct based on race rather than criminal behavior. While some argue that racial profiling enhances protection of minorities, most research shows that it undermines trust in police and causes feelings of alienation among racial minorities. Racial profiling has been documented as disproportionately targeting African American males during traffic stops and searches. It can compromise social cohesion and discriminate against certain groups. Overall the negative impacts of racial profiling are considered to outweigh any potential benefits.
Jaclyn Javurek option 1 pos435 final paperJaclyn Javurek
1) Women are socialized from a young age through societal influences like family, peers, media, and teachers to have less political ambition than men due to a "gendered psyche". This is reinforced through childhood where girls are discouraged from behaviors seen as masculine like being vocal or taking up space.
2) This gendered socialization continues through adulthood where women see fewer female leaders and are conditioned to believe politics is a masculine domain. As a result, far fewer women consider running for office compared to men.
3) When women do make it into political positions, research shows they advocate for issues important to women like health care and approach leadership in a more collaborative way. However, with so few women in
This document discusses challenges in political science research due to the field's relative youth. It notes that a lack of well-established theory makes it difficult to define concepts, operationalize variables, and distinguish systematic from random variation in data. It recommends developing testable implications from existing theory to increase its usefulness. Exploratory research can help formulate questions, and providing clear construct definitions can help future research. Overall, the document argues that political science progress relies on developing a stronger theoretical foundation to guide data collection and analysis.
Brianna Bullock is a student seeking a position where she can use her leadership and customer service skills. She has worked as an assistant manager at Subway and as a CSR at 24-7 Intouch Call Center while attending college classes. She has experience tutoring students, organizing school events, and holding leadership positions in several organizations.
Brenda Cornelisse provides a summary of her qualifications including experience in relationship sales, customer service, and interior design. She has consulted with and sold interior furnishings to customers, increasing sales growth by 4x. As a senior account manager and floral designer, she specialized in home staging and property improvements to maximize value and sales. Her work history includes positions in sales, real estate, and customer service spanning from 1972 to the present.
Meteorological, agricultural, and hydrological drought are the three main types of drought. Several indices are used to measure drought severity, including the Standardized Precipitation Index (SPI), Palmer Drought Severity Index (PDSI), Surface Water Supply Index (SWSI), Moisture Adequacy Index (MAI), and Crop Water Stress Index (CWSI). The SPI quantifies precipitation deficit for different time scales, while the PDSI incorporates temperature and soil moisture data to calculate drought. The SWSI integrates snowpack, rainfall, streamflow, and reservoir levels. The MAI assesses agricultural drought based on actual and potential evapotranspiration. The CWSI provides a daily measure of
The document summarizes and critiques the Puno ConCom constitution proposal. It argues that the proposal is objectionable due to the current populist context in the Philippines and some concerning content changes. Specifically, it argues that the proposal would further concentrate power in the presidency and weaken checks on executive authority. Additionally, it questions whether federalism is actually the best means to address poverty and inequality in the country based on empirical studies. The document raises doubts about the transition process and risks of political dynasties gaining more regional control under the proposed federal system.
Election, particiption and voting behaviourShyam Budhwar
Voting behavior in India is influenced by many determinants. Religious, caste, community, and linguistic factors play a role as politicians appeal to these identities. Money also influences votes as it is used by parties to win elections. Ideology and policies can sway voters, as can the purpose of an election. The extent of suffrage also impacts behavior. Additionally, the charisma of leaders is very influential, as slogans and personalities have changed voter minds and election outcomes in India. Some examples given are Indira Gandhi's "Garibi Hatao" slogan and Narendra Modi's strong image. Caste alliances and regionalism further guide how many Indians vote.
This document outlines a study examining the political participation of Latinos in the United States. It introduces the topic and establishes independent variables that may influence Latino participation, including ethnicity, generation, time in the US, education, socioeconomic status, and English proficiency. Hypotheses are presented expecting that socioeconomic status and language barriers will most impact participation. The dependent variable of wearing campaign buttons/signs is identified to measure non-voter participation among Latinos regardless of citizenship status.
This document summarizes a paper analyzing racial gerrymandering and electoral districting. It discusses Supreme Court cases like Shaw v. Reno that found racial gerrymandering unconstitutional but provided no clear legal standard. It also analyzes Illinois' 1st Congressional District, finding it was drawn to include a slim African American majority that typically votes Democrat along with suburban and rural whites that often vote Republican, maximizing the partisan benefit to Democrats. While this helps minority representation, it may increase political polarization and discourage community-building and participation. The document explores potential solutions like emphasizing local communities over partisan goals in redistricting or basing districts on contiguous geographic communities to increase voter engagement, but acknowledges this does not fully solve gerry
The document is a report analyzing political participation in the UK and providing recommendations for how the Parliamentary Outreach Service can work more effectively to engage citizens, particularly those aged 18-40.
The report consists of three chapters: 1) An overview of the academic literature on political participation, which finds declining formal participation and rising informal participation, especially among youth. 2) An analysis of current political participation in the UK, finding low turnout and interest especially among youth but more informal participation. 3) Recommendations for initiatives for the Outreach Service, emphasizing increasing political interest over formal participation. The overall aim is to provide Outreach with insights into today's political landscape and their target group to tailor their services accordingly.
This document summarizes a paper that investigates how major changes in levels of democracy can lead to the polarization or marginalization of ethnic groups. The paper hypothesizes that rapid gains in democracy can politicize previously non-political ethnic identities, increasing the number of politically relevant ethnic groups. Conversely, rapid losses of democracy can marginalize or exclude certain ethnic groups from political participation and decision-making. Both outcomes could increase ethnic tensions and conflict risk. The document reviews literature on nationalism, nation-building, and state manipulation of ethnic relations. It proposes that during political transitions, governments may increase strategies to maintain control by marginalizing groups, even as rapid democratization could also politicize ethnicity and aggravate ethnic cleav
To What Extent is Political Campaign Solicitation Gendered in the United Stat...Andrea Dub
This document provides a literature review of existing research on the gender gap in political campaign donations in the United States. It finds that while women have increasingly participated in voting, their financial contributions to political campaigns have remained stagnant at around 25-30% for decades. Existing literature has not adequately addressed why this gender disparity exists, often attributing it to outdated assumptions about women's socioeconomic status. The review identifies a gap in research focusing specifically on gender variations in campaign fundraising practices and the role of political fundraisers. This paper aims to help fill that gap through interviews exploring how fundraisers view and solicit donations from male and female donors.
Different models of issue voting in britainAnurag Gangal
This document summarizes and compares different models of issue voting, and how they explain voting behavior in recent British elections. It discusses models like the Michigan Model, proximity models, valence voting models, and how they have evolved over time from the 1950s to today. While no single model can fully capture unpredictable voter behavior, these models provide useful frameworks for analyzing trends and major patterns of issue-based voting. The document also analyzes how factors like party identification, policy preferences, leadership images, and economic conditions influence how voters make choices between parties in British elections.
This document summarizes key concepts from Chapter Eight of the textbook "American Government and Politics: Deliberation, Democracy, and Citizenship". It discusses public opinion, how it is measured through polls, and the differences between fleeting opinions and lasting judgments. It also examines political participation in the US, the expansion of suffrage over time, who votes, and how political leaders should use public opinion and deliberation.
The paper attempts to analyze the results of the European Social Survey
Round 6 (2012, 2013), focusing on the section related to how democracy is understood in Poland and in the Czech Republic. The most interesting issue encompassed
the differences in how democracy is defined in the two countries and the outcomes
these differences produce in terms of the perceived legitimacy of the system, as well
as demographic factors that correlate with differences in the understanding of democracy in both surveyed groups. Statistical analyses carried out in the paper indicated
the presence of different definitions of democracy formulated in Poland and in the
Czech Republic (the Czechs gave stronger emphasis to the liberal aspect of democracy, whereas Poles stressed its social aspects more). Nevertheless, the relationship
between the definition of democracy and the perceived level of legitimacy of the democratic system (for dispersed and specific legitimacy alike) were found to be relatively
weak, as was the case of the relationship between the understanding of democracy,
system legitimacy and socio-demographic factors. The only factor found to be significant for the perceived level of legitimacy of the democratic system concerned the
level of satisfaction with one’s own material situation.
A short presentation. Research proposal on the voting preferences of generation X and Y voters in Metro Manila, Philippines. Qualitative research class.
Dov Levin - Partisan electoral interventions by the great powers: Introducing...Davide J. Mancino
This document introduces a new dataset on Partisan Electoral Interventions by the Great Powers (PEIG) between 1946 and 2000. The dataset provides information on instances where the US and USSR/Russia attempted to influence election results in other countries. It defines partisan electoral interventions and how cases were identified and coded. Some initial patterns are presented, such as the US and USSR intervened in about one of every nine competitive national elections. The dataset aims to facilitate further quantitative research on electoral interventions and their effects.
This document discusses factors that influence youth voter turnout in the United States. It notes that while the youth vote could influence elections, youth voter turnout has declined significantly over time. Three main theories are discussed to explain voter participation: rational choice theory, which cites factors like competitiveness; socialization theory, which emphasizes the role of family and community in developing political behaviors; and psychological theories, which focus on individual attitudes and perceptions. However, the document notes that none of these theories fully explain the inconsistent and generally low levels of youth voter turnout seen in the U.S. The relationship between politicians and young voters is described as one of "mutual neglect," with lack of outreach to youth seen as an important factor.
This document summarizes a research paper that examines the complex relationship between access to direct democracy initiatives and public protest in U.S. states. The paper analyzes whether direct democracy provides an incentive to reduce protests by giving citizens an alternative avenue for political participation, or whether it acts as a deterrent by educating citizens and making protests more effective. The document reviews literature on this topic, including studies of Switzerland that found protests were less common among those who participated in direct democracy initiatives. It aims to explore this relationship and its nuances using U.S. data to better understand how to encourage voter participation and efficacy.
This document summarizes research on the drivers of conflict surrounding LGBTQ rights in the United States. It identifies several key drivers: political and interest group strategy perpetuating controversy; demographics like age, religion, and location that influence support; adversarial aspects of American governance and fluctuating leadership; biased media framing of issues and lack of LGBTQ representation; and the historical pattern of stigma against LGBTQ people. The document argues these drivers can be addressed through legal progress on issues like same-sex marriage and increasing representation of real LGBTQ individuals' stories in media.
Racial Profiling in the Black CommunityPATRICK MAELO
Racial profiling in the black community refers to the practice of law enforcement making assumptions about criminal conduct based on race rather than criminal behavior. While some argue that racial profiling enhances protection of minorities, most research shows that it undermines trust in police and causes feelings of alienation among racial minorities. Racial profiling has been documented as disproportionately targeting African American males during traffic stops and searches. It can compromise social cohesion and discriminate against certain groups. Overall the negative impacts of racial profiling are considered to outweigh any potential benefits.
Jaclyn Javurek option 1 pos435 final paperJaclyn Javurek
1) Women are socialized from a young age through societal influences like family, peers, media, and teachers to have less political ambition than men due to a "gendered psyche". This is reinforced through childhood where girls are discouraged from behaviors seen as masculine like being vocal or taking up space.
2) This gendered socialization continues through adulthood where women see fewer female leaders and are conditioned to believe politics is a masculine domain. As a result, far fewer women consider running for office compared to men.
3) When women do make it into political positions, research shows they advocate for issues important to women like health care and approach leadership in a more collaborative way. However, with so few women in
This document discusses challenges in political science research due to the field's relative youth. It notes that a lack of well-established theory makes it difficult to define concepts, operationalize variables, and distinguish systematic from random variation in data. It recommends developing testable implications from existing theory to increase its usefulness. Exploratory research can help formulate questions, and providing clear construct definitions can help future research. Overall, the document argues that political science progress relies on developing a stronger theoretical foundation to guide data collection and analysis.
Brianna Bullock is a student seeking a position where she can use her leadership and customer service skills. She has worked as an assistant manager at Subway and as a CSR at 24-7 Intouch Call Center while attending college classes. She has experience tutoring students, organizing school events, and holding leadership positions in several organizations.
Brenda Cornelisse provides a summary of her qualifications including experience in relationship sales, customer service, and interior design. She has consulted with and sold interior furnishings to customers, increasing sales growth by 4x. As a senior account manager and floral designer, she specialized in home staging and property improvements to maximize value and sales. Her work history includes positions in sales, real estate, and customer service spanning from 1972 to the present.
Meteorological, agricultural, and hydrological drought are the three main types of drought. Several indices are used to measure drought severity, including the Standardized Precipitation Index (SPI), Palmer Drought Severity Index (PDSI), Surface Water Supply Index (SWSI), Moisture Adequacy Index (MAI), and Crop Water Stress Index (CWSI). The SPI quantifies precipitation deficit for different time scales, while the PDSI incorporates temperature and soil moisture data to calculate drought. The SWSI integrates snowpack, rainfall, streamflow, and reservoir levels. The MAI assesses agricultural drought based on actual and potential evapotranspiration. The CWSI provides a daily measure of
Surf & Sun : Judging of Surfers PerformanceAshley Smith
Judges in surfing competitions evaluate surfers based on their speed, style, and power when riding waves. They consider criteria like commitment, innovative maneuvers, speed and flow to assign scores between 0.5-10 points for each wave. Conditions also affect scoring, as maneuvers are valued differently at different breaks. Judges must carefully observe which surfer gets to their feet first after taking off to determine right of way and avoid interfering with other surfers' rides.
Surf Lessons at Middleton SA 17th December with Surf & Sun Ashley Smith
Surf and Sun provided surf lessons at Middleton Beach on the 17th of December 2013. They had a great day giving surf lessons and invite people to visit their website or call them for more details on future surf lessons.
Surf & Sun - Stay and Enjoy the Vacation, in Victor Harbor,Middleton and Fleu...Ashley Smith
Spending the night for a vacation in Victor Harbor, Middleton or Fleurieu Peninsula? Check out this list of great places where you can stay. Hurry and book now!
Alsindi 1Dhari Alsindi Professor Cole POLS 372 14 April .docxnettletondevon
Alsindi 1
Dhari Alsindi
Professor Cole
POLS 372
14 April 2016
Homework #5
Poverty is responsible for a decrease in voter turnout. Therefore, what are the main components of poverty contributing to a decrease in voter turnout? The following essay will explore the significant voting factors that play a role in the poverty stricken societies. One indicator commonly used to measure voter turnout is the proportion of individuals who participate in the political system. Defining the underlying effects of decreasing voter turnout rates can be challenging. A low turnout may be due to disappointment or indifference, or even complacent satisfaction with the way the nation is being governed. Contrariwise, a high turnout rate may reflect compulsory voting laws or pressure. Voter turnout therefore societies do not maintain sufficient indicator of social cohesion. The vast majority of political analysts, however, consider a high voter turnout to be desirable to a low turnout because it indicates that the government is inclined to reflect the benefits of a larger share of the population. Low voter turnout suggests that the democratic system may not be replicating the happiness of all citizens. Voter turnout tends to be decrease among youth, those who are less educated, and those in lower income brackets.
Literature Review
The following article titled “Income Inequality, Redistribution, and Poverty: Contrasting Rational Choice and Behavioral Perspectives” written by Malte Luebker explores the difference in political representation from citizens according to their income. Income plays a large role within political participation in the United States of America. The article is grounded on the “standard axiom of individual utility maximization”. The author effectively offers research suggesting individuals who earn a higher income inequality translates into greater participation in influencing the median voter's participation. While numerous scholarly articles tested this suggestion, the journal continues through offering separated over the applicable degree for redistribution. The article often refers to additional articles that argue similar aspects. However, the current paper argues that the median voter theory suggests that comparative redistribution should rise in line with poverty. The article also provides empirical evidence. An empirical test was presented based on 110 observations from the Luxembourg Income Study ( LIS ). The results test the narrow concept of human motivation that supports rational choice, and highlight the importance of justice orientations that have been stressed in social economics.
The article “What Affects Voter Turnout” by André Blais explores significant information related to the reasons why the United States faces lower voter turnout rates as opposed to other regions. The article mentions an effective question, “Why is turnout higher in some countries and/or in some elections than in others? And Why does it increase .
Prepare Prior to completing this discussion question, review Chapte.docxshpopkinkz
Prepare: Prior to completing this discussion question, review Chapters 10, 11, and 12 in American Government and review Week Five Instructor Guidance. Also read the following articles: How Voter ID Laws Are Being Used to Disenfranchise Minorities and the Poor, Fraught with Fraud, and Proof at the Polls.
Reflect Icon
Reflect: The U.S. has one of the lowest voter turnout rates among modern democratic political systems. One study ranks the U.S. 120th on a list of 169 nations compared on voter turnout (Pintor, Gratschew, & Sullivan, 2002). During the last decade, many initiatives have been undertaken to increase voter participation, yet concerns about the possibility of election fraud have also increased. Additionally, some political interests feel threatened by the increase in turnout among some traditionally low-turnout ethnic minorities. Several states have recently passed legislation imposing new registration and identification requirements. This has sparked debate about whether these are tactics intended to suppress turnout or to prevent fraud. Think about the media’s role in the election process and how both mass media and social media can impact the election process.
Write Icon
Write: In your initial post, summarize recent developments in several states enacting voter ID laws. Analyze and describe the pros and cons on both sides of the debate about these laws. Is voter fraud a major problem for our democracy or are some groups trying to make it harder for some segments of society to vote? What impact has the media (mass and social) had in influencing public opinion regarding voter ID laws? Draw your own conclusion about the debate over voter ID laws and justify your conclusions with facts and persuasive reasoning.
Fully respond to all parts of the prompt and write your response in your own words. Your initial post must be at least 300 words. Support your position with at least two of the assigned resources required for this discussion, and/or peer reviewed scholarly sources obtained through the AU Library databases. Include APA in-text citations in the body of your post and full citations on the references list at the end. Support your position with APA citations from two or more of the assigned resources required for this discussion. Please be sure that you demonstrate understanding of these resources, integrate them into your argument, and cite them properly.
Respond to the following
1)Many states as many as 27 have recently instituted or tried to institute voters ID laws. Many believe this was done to make it harder on minorities and low-income persons to vote. It has become more so in states with Republican governors. After the previous two presidential elections in which many minority voters came out and made a huge difference in who won certain states believed a change needed to be made. Many thought there was fraud involved.
I believe voter fraud has been around since the birth of our political system. "In .
According to conventional opinion in the larger field of political economy,.pdfWajidKhanMP
According to conventional opinion in the larger field of political economy,
voter ignorance is a significant reason why dishonest or corrupt candidates win elections. There are numerous valid grounds to believe this is also the case in India. After all, in contemporary India, poverty and illiteracy are still pervasive. India has a thriving media, but its distribution still needs to grow, particularly in remote or rural areas.
Since 2003, candidates must publicly declare their criminal histories, financial situation, and educational background. One could counter that most people need help accessing this information. Despite the validity of this "ignorant voters" argument, my research suggests that voters are well-informed about candidates' backgrounds. But even though this information is available, people continue to back candidates with criminal histories.
According to Wajid khan Mp Politics and crime are inextricably linked, which is not unique to India. Similar instances exist in various democracies, including Pakistan and the Philippines. The West is only partially safe. In addition to the United States, Italy is another country where crime and politics have historically coexisted. In essence, I believe the United States may be seeing a very similar dynamic, but with a twist.
You must also respond to this students discussion post. Respo.docxdavezstarr61655
You must also respond to this student's discussion post.
Response posts have a 75 word minimum
Prompt3:
Can democracy be sustained when so few people are involved in the political system? Voter turnout in a local election can run less than 10 percent, yet local governments are the ones that affect people more closely on a daily basis. Why don’t more people vote in America? Explain.
Melissa Marrero
A democracy is a form of government in which the ultimate authority is bestowed upon the people and explicitly expressed within them under a free political society. This is reflected in that the government depends on factors such as the political system. With few people participating, an increase in involvement in old and new ways would come at the risk of a growing gap between the economically wealthy and the financially disadvantaged (Bpp, L., Bruno El-Khoury, I., & Bhusal, T., 2017). The political governance that impacts voters can be attributed to voter apathy on how the control system function in democracy, particularly at the state level. This could be a disparity between how the electorate feel and what they encounter, and this may lead to disaster at general elections and a poor turnout (Khalid, A., Gonyea, D., & Fadel, L., 2018). Despite their participation, others are ignorant of the shift in a country's rise in voter turnout. Often people don't like neither politicians, not polling is a sign of rejection. Many cases voters can't even distinguish between politicians, which drives them not to cast a ballot because they are not interested in obtaining information about candidates.
References
Bpp, L., Bruno El-Khoury, I., & Bhusal, T. (2017, August 24). Is citizen participation actually good for democracy? Retrieved August 02, 2020, from
https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/is-citizen-participation-actually-good-for-democracy/
Ginsberg, B., Lowi, T., Weir, M., Tolbert, C., Campbell, A., & Spitzer, R (2019).
We the people.
New York. W. W. Norton & Company.
Khalid, A., Gonyea, D., & Fadel, L. (2018, September 10). On The Sidelines Of Democracy: Exploring Why So Many Americans Don't Vote. Retrieved August 02, 2020, from https://www.npr.org/2018/09/10/645223716/on-the-sidelines-of-democracy-exploring-why-so-many-americans-dont-vote
.
The document discusses three different polls and analyzes whether they were biased, fair, or a mixture of both. It depicts the polls in a table with their strengths and weaknesses. The findings showed that all three polls had some degree of bias, either in their wording or methodology. The sources of the polls did not influence their reliability or accuracy. The document aims to investigate the fairness of the polls and outlines what makes a poll fair and unbiased. It discusses different types of polls like benchmark, tracking, and exit polls.
Report #3 Changing Public Opinion Before beginning this MoseStaton39
Report #3: Changing Public Opinion
Before beginning this assignment, make certain that you have read Chapter 6 in your text (“Public Opinion
and Political Action”), the 2021 Pew Research Center Report titled “Americans See Broad Responsibilities for
Government; Little Change Since 2019” (March 17), and the 2020 article by Eli Finkel et al. from Science titled,
“Political Sectarianism in America” (October, Vol. 370, Issue 6516). Then write a brief report that contains
three separate sections that address all the points in each set of questions. Notice the expected word count
for each section (exceeding the word count will not negatively affect your grade, but please try to stay within
the range).
1. Relying on the Pew Research Center Report, briefly summarize what Americans think about the role
of the federal government in addressing various policy issues (indicate specific areas and indicate
where support is strongest and where it is weakest). Also, describe general levels of trust of and
contentment with the federal government and indicate what changes can be detected over time.
(approximately 150-200 words)
2. How do attitudes about federal government responsibilities differ by age, race, income, and
partisanship (Democrats and Republicans)? Be sure to indicate where the differences are the least and
where they are the greatest on each of these dimensions (age, race, income, and partisanship).
(approximately 150-200 words)
3. Based on your reading of “Political Sectarianism in America,” (a) summarize the article’s major
findings, (b) list and describe the three causes identified for the increase in political sectarianism, and
(c) identify and elaborate on a few of the consequences of this trend. (approximately 150-200 words)
Be careful not to plagiarize. If you want to quote directly, do so using quotation marks (giving the page number
if available). But try to do this sparingly and simply use your own words in addressing the questions.
In your writing, use an analytical tone that is free of your personal opinions. In other words, try to answer the
questions in a straightforward and objective manner.
When you are done, save the document as a Word file or as an Adobe PDF file (it cannot be Google docs, etc.)
and upload it through Moodle (these parts are very important!). Papers not uploaded by the deadline will receive
a grade penalty.
WARNING: This is an individual assignment and you are to do your own work. Use of another person’s
words without proper citation or copying from another student’s paper is considered plagiarism. All papers are
checked and retained in a plagiarism software program to identify cheating. Any suspicion of plagiarism or
other violations of the university’s academic conduct policies are turned over to the Dean of Students.
Links to the articles:
Pew Report: "Americans See Broad Responsibilities for Government"
Science: "Political Sectarianism in America"
...
Report #3 Changing Public Opinion Before beginning this
Research Paper - Wealth Inequality
1. Voter Turnout, Wealth Inequality, and the Red Herring called Political Polarization
Jordan Summers Chapman
December 8, 2014
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2. Introduction
Voter turnout during a the 2014 midterm election was reported to be the lowest midterm
election turnout since 1942. The percentage of young people who voted in this election was also
the lowest in recent history. The proposed cause for this phenomena is hyper polarization.
Political elites have become increasingly extreme and many Americans have become frustrated
with a lack of moderate candidates. The argument of this paper is that an increase in political
polarization leads to a decrease in traditional citizen engagement in the political system.
Traditional citizen engagement includes volunteering for campaigns, donating to
candidates and PACs, calling and writing representatives, and voting. The first three of these
forms of engagement could potentially be measured. After collecting data, each criteria of
engagement would have to be combined to create some sort of overall engagement indicator.
Doing so would require more time and resources. Because of this, the hypothesis will be limited
to voter turnout as data is easily accessible. Previous literature has concluded that political
polarization is much more pronounced amongst political elites. The hypothesis tested in this
paper will reflect that and be limited to representatives. The testable hypothesis proposed is that
higher levels of political polarization in state legislatures will cause lower levels in voter turnout
in the state.
Background
Previous literature has determined that political polarization, particularly of individuals
who are highly engaged in the political process, has increased. Several different theories about
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3. the causes and effects of this polarization have been provided. Baldsarri and Gelman (2008)
conducted a comprehensive analysis on the causes of political polarization. In their paper,
“Partisans without Constrain: Political Polarization and Trends in American Public Opinion,”
they explain that the increase in political polarization started in the seventies and point to an
increase in activism as one indicator. However, they point out that an increase in electorate
polarization is illusory. They concluded that elite polarization has increased, and that any
increases in the polarization of the public at large is simply an after effect. In this paper, political
polarization data will be based on members of state legislatures who can safely be considered to
be political elites. Baldsarri and Gelman (2008) also point out that political polarization of elites
has been shown to highly correlate with wealth inequality. They point to wealth inequality as a
potential cause for political polarization. Because of this strong correlation, any model
attempting to understand the effects of political polarization on its own must include wealth
inequality.
Ambramowitz and Sauders (2008) also conclude that political polarization in America
has risen. In their paper, “Is Polarization a Myth?,” they go one step further and conclude that
political polarization mobilizes political action. Pointing to the 2004 presidential election as
their prime example, they explain that highly polarized candidates cause the perceived stakes of
the election to be higher. A more extreme candidate would cause more potential voters to be
motivated enough to go to the polls. However, they do not systematically study the effect of
polarized elites on voters. Instead, this conclusion is based on the individual voter’s polarization.
They found that the more extreme an individual’s feelings towards Bush were, whether negative
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4. or positive, the more likely they were to vote. This anecdote may apply when at least one of the
candidates’ policy positions are somewhat moderate. Their conclusion also does not, however,
attempt to predict or explain the behavior of individuals who are not extreme in their views.
James Adams, Jay Dow, and Samuel Merrill (2006) created a unified model of voter
abstention. In their paper, “The Political Consequences of Alienation-Based and Indifference-
Based Voter Abstention: Applications to Presidential Elections,” they explain that lots of
literature confirms that individuals who are more radical are more likely to vote but point out that
very little is known about why that phenomena exists. They attempt to explain the mechanism
by distinguishing between two reasons for voter abstention. One reason people don’t vote is
apathy, or when an individual simply does not care about the election. The second reason is
alienation from the candidate. This alienation occurs when a candidate exceeds a potential
voter’s tolerance threshold. That is to say, when a candidate’s platform is too far from the voter’s
ideal platform. They conclude that elections with two highly ideologically polarized candidates
alienate the most potential voters. This distinction from apathy is vital to predict voter turnout, as
apathetic voters will not vote regardless of the candidates extremity. The natural conclusion
from this is that voter turnout rates will be lower when candidates are greatly polarized.
The language used by Adams, Dow, and Merrill (2006) articulates the reasoning behind
my theory. Increases in elite polarization will likely decrease voter turnout because more
individuals will be alienated. As politicians become increasingly extreme more people will
decide to not vote, not because they are uninformed or apathetic, but because none of the options
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5. are appealing to the voter. This theory makes several other assumptions that will not be tested in
this paper, but are interesting to consider. Younger voters will be more likely to feel alienated
and choose not to vote. This may be because they are less likely to have a background with
either political party. There is no established history between younger voters and the parties.
Older voters will be more willing to ignore the increased polarization of elites. Increases in elite
polarization may also impact the type of people who run for office. Moderates who might have
political aspirations may choose not to run because they do not feel like they would not get
anything accomplished if the had to work with other representatives who likely will not
compromise. The political radicalization of the parties could turn some citizens off on the idea
of working for the government in any capacity. Although these questions will not be answered in
this paper, they highlight the importance of studying the effects of political polarization.
The consensus in previous literature is that political polarization has risen in America.
Two major points motivated this paper. First, the electorate as a whole is not becoming more
polarized while political elites are. Second, alienation causes potential voters to stay away from
the polls. These observations lead to hypothesis that increases in political polarization amongst
political elites will lead to decreases in voter turnout.
Research Design
In order to test whether or not political polarization has an effect on voter turnout rates,
the Ordinal Least Squares method will be used. This involves estimating the effects of
independent variables on a dependent variables within a model. The unit of analysis will be
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6. states in the United States in the year 2010. This year was primarily chosen out of convenience.
It is the most recent year with readily available data for each variable being tested. This does
limit any findings based on this research to the United States, but because the United States is
unique in having only two major parties, any findings political polarization would be difficult to
compare to different nations regardless. The sample size is twenty four, as not every state had
data available for all three variables in the year 2010.
The model proposed to test this hypothesis includes four variables: voter turnout, political
polarization amongst elites, the strictness of voting identification laws, and wealth inequality. A
bivariate linear regression model was constructed for each independent variable. A fourth
unrestricted multivariate model including all three independent variables was also constructed.
This process allows the individual effects of each independent variable on voter turnout to be
compared to the combined effect
Figure 1:
Voter turnout rates were taken from the United States Elections Project (2012). The
percentage of the voting-eligible population who voted for the highest office. Because the year
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Model 1: T = β0 + β1P + u
Model 2: T = β0 + β1G + u
Model 3: T = β0 + β1V + u
Model 4: T = β0 + β1P + β2G + β3V + u
7. chosen is 2010, the highest office for each state is likely to either be state Governor or United
States Senator. The voting eligible population is determined by applying some constraints to the
voting age population. Some of these constraints include the percentage of the population that is
composed of non-citizens, the number of ineligible felons, and the number of eligible overseas
citizens. This percentage will be used as the dependent variable and is represented in the model
as “T”. Theoretically, voter turnout could not possibly cause wealth inequality. It could possibly
impact the voter identification laws that are passed. Low voter turnout might also encourage
candidates to become more extreme as they appeal to smaller party bases that tend to be more
polarized than the general public on key issues. This is not accounted for in this model, but is
important to consider.
Political polarization will be the first independent variable in the model. As mentioned in
the background section, the polarization measured will be of elites. Data on political polarization
is taken from research conducted by Boris Shor and Nolan McCarty (2014). Polarization is
determined by calculating the difference in the ideological means of each party. The
measurement is based upon roll call votes in state legislatures and reoccurring polls of
representatives. Each representative is assigned a ideological score based on how they voted and
answered questions on key party issues. These might include healthcare, abortion, and
government spending. The scores are then averaged for each party and the difference between
the two is calculated. Polarization is represented in the model by “P.” There were many missing
values on polarization for some states. For instance, Nebraska didn’t have any data available for
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8. any year. This may cause an incomplete picture to be drawn. Nonetheless, this is the data that is
available and used.
Several studies, including Baldsarri and Gelman (2008) and McCarty, Poole, and
Rosenthal (2003), conclude that wealth inequality correlates strongly with polarization. This
variable is being included in the model largely to rule out any potential parsimony. There are,
however, some theoretical reasons wealth inequality could itself lead to varying turnout rates.
Wealth inequality shrinks the middle class, leaving many in lower income brackets which are
associated with lower voting rates. Higher wealth inequality could lead many to believe that
only the interests of the affluent and rich are represented in government, another reason
individuals might become frustrated with the system and opt out. The combined effect with voter
identification laws could also be important. With greater portions of the population earning
lower levels of income less people may be willing to get the proper identification to vote.
Wealth inequality can be measured a number of ways. For this paper the Gini-coefficient will be
used. The coefficient ranges from zero, complete inequality, to one, complete equality. The
index is based on the Lorenz curve, a graphical representation of the distribution of income
(Beggs). After the index is calculated, it is divided by one hundred to attain a coefficient. This
set of Gini-coefficient values was taken from census.gov. At 0.0004364235, the variance for the
Gini-coefficient amongst the states in 2010 appears to be really low. Wealth inequality is
indicated by “G.” I do not expect the wealth inequality to substantially impact voter turn out
because there is very low variance across units.
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9. Voter identification laws began to sweep across the nation after the Help America Vote
Act passed in 2002. The law did not require photo identification. It only required states to verify
the identity of first time voters who register by mail. Nonetheless, the bill brought national
attention to the idea of voter identification laws and inspired many state legislatures to start
implementing them. The legitimacy of voter identification laws has been widely debated.
Defenders of the laws claim they prevent fraudulent voting while critics argue that they do not
deter fraudulent voting and place unnecessary burdens on voters. In the year 2010, eighteen
states had some sort of voter identification law. The ease of voting likely affects voter turnout.
The probability of an individual voting has long been thought to be the expected pay-off of
voting minus the cost of voting. As identification laws increase the potential cost of voting more
individuals may choose not to. To account for this, a variable will be included in the model and is
notated by “V”. Meyer (2013) compiled a list of each state, what type of identification laws they
have, and when they were enacted. In this model, states were assigned a number 0 - 4. Table 1
below shows what each value represents. The categories are based on the language Meyer
(2013) provides. Ideally other indicators of the ease of voting would be included as well. The
inclusion of the ratings of other voting regulations such as when voters have to register by,
whether or not early voting is available during non-business hours, and whether communities
provide transportation to polling places for voters who may be in need.
Ideally, the political competitiveness of each state would be included in the model.
Acquiring such data in an absolute form and not a ranking proved to be difficult. Ballotpedia
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10. Table 1:
outlines a method of using three criteria to calculate scores, but only released how each state
stacked up against each other. Another possible measure of competitiveness is the Raney Index.
Holbrook, Thomas, & Van Dunk (1993) explain that, “The Ranney index takes into account the
proportion of seats won in the state House and Senate election, the Democratic percentage in the
gubernatorial election, and the percentage of the time the governorship and state legislature were
controlled by the Democratic party,” and averages the factors over a period of time (Holbrook,
Thomas, & Van Dunk, 955-954). The index ranges from zero, total Republican control, to one,
total Democratic control. This is likely to be the best available indicator of political
competitiveness by state. However, I could not find available data sets with such information
that was specific for one year. Moving averages were available from 1924 to 2014. Future
research might calculate the Ranney index and include it in a model. The demography of a state
might also affect voter turnout. States with a higher percentage of high income and highly
educated citizens might see bigger turnout rates. Further research is needed to determine if these
two variables mitigate the affect of the variables included in the model.
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Voter ID Variable Description
0 No Voter ID Law
1 Non-Strict, Non-Photo ID Law
2 Strict Non-Photo ID Law
3 Photo ID Law
4 Strict Photo ID Law
11. Empirical Results
The results of each linear regression are listed in Table 2 below. Models 1 through 3
showed polarization, wealth inequality, and voter identification laws all as having no significant
effect. Model 4 showed that political polarization and voter identification laws had no
significant effect on voter turnout. This has interesting implications on the legitimacy of voter
identification laws. If they do not keep people from voting The Gini-coefficient does however
have a significant negative impact on the percentage of eligible voters who turned out to vote.
As wealth inequality increases, the voter turnout rate decreases.
Table 2:
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Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4
Political
Polarization
1.864
(3.989)
-
-
-
-
0.711
(3.857)
Gini (Wealth
Inequality)
-
-
-36.54
(41.20)
-
-
-129.73*
(62.855)
Voter ID Law -
-
-
-
-0.465
(0.740)
0.2881
(1.106)
*Statistically Significant
12. Political polarization in elites might simply be a reflection of wealth inequality. The
mechanism linking wealth inequality to turnout rates is still unclear and ought to be looked into
further.
Conclusion
Political polarization did not have a significant effect on voter turnout in this study.
Perhaps this is truly the case, but it is possible this study did not adequately capture the
relationship. Two other types of analysis could provide insight. Public opinion data could be
collected to determine the reasons people choose to either vote or not to vote. A national study
comparing polarization in the federal legislature over time might also reveal trends not captured
in this study. A study utilizing panel data of each state over time might also reveal some
connections. All of these other approaches might also reconfirm that political polarization in
elites has no impact on voter turnout. Individuals who are more likely to be alienated by
candidates might be less likely to vote under any condition. This comports with Ambramowitz
and Sauders (2008) conclusion that states that individuals who are more extreme in political
views are more likely to vote in general.
Including demography data and political competitiveness might mitigate the impact of
wealth inequality on voter turnout, or could very well produce a greater combined effect. Studies
that include these variables might produce more insight.
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13. This analysis also only includes a single point in time. There might have been a
historical event that had nationwide impacts that could impact some of the variables in the
model. A study that is conducted over a number of years will be necessary to confirm the results
from the regressions.
Further research is needed to fully understand the effects of both wealth inequality and
political polarization. Both of these topics have important implications for government. If the
moderate citizen is alienated by either the political climate or wealth inequality, the types of
people who choose public service might become more extreme. More research is also necessary
to confirm that wealth inequality lowers voter turnout.
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14. Sources
Adams, Jay, & Merrill. 2006. “The Political Consequences of Alienation-Based and
Indifference-Based Voter Abstention.” Political Behavior 28 (March): 65-86.
Baldassarri, Delia, and Andrew Gelman. 2008. ”Partisans without Constraint: Political
Polarization and Trends in American Public Opinion." American Journal of Sociology
114.2: 408-446.
Ballotpedia, An Interactive Almanac of U.S. Politics. “A ‘Competitiveness Index’ for Capturing
Competitiveness in State Legislative Election.” _Index%22_for_capturing_competitiven
ess_in_state_legislative_elections (December 6, 2014).
Holbrook, Thomas, & Van Dunk, Emily. 1993. “Electoral Competition in the American States.”
American Political Science Review 87 (December): 955-962.
McCarty, Nolan, Keith T. Poole, and Howard Rosenthal. "Political polarization and income
inequality." Unpublished paper (2003).
Measuring American Legislatures. (2014). “Aggregate Data.” http://americanlegislatures.com/
data/ (December 4, 2014).
Meyer, Elizabeth. 2013. “Show Me Your ID: A Look at Voter ID Laws and the Effect on Voter
Turnout.” Working Paper Hartwick College.
Rappeport, Alan. 2014. “Midterm Turnout Lowest Since 1942.” The New York Times,
November 6. http://www.nytimes.com/politics/first-draft/2014/11/06/?
entry=5253&_php=true&_type=blogs (November 6, 2014).
United States Census Bureau. 2010. “Gini Index of Income Inequality.” http://factfinder2.
census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview.xhtmlpid=ACS_10_1YR_B1908
3&prodType=table (December 4, 2014).
United States Election Project. 2012. “2010 November General Election Turnout Rates.” http://
www.electproject.org/2010g (December 4, 2014).
World Bank, The. 2011. “Measuring Inequality.” http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/
EXTERNAL/TOPICS/EXTPOVERTY/EXTPA/0,,contentMDK:20238991~menuPK:
492138~pagePK:148956~piPK:216618~theSitePK:430367,00.html (December 4, 2014).
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