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1. The effects model tackles social problems 
‘backwards’ 
If researchers are concerned about the causes of problematic behaviour, 
such as violence, it seems obvious that they should study people who 
engage in these activities, and try to ascertain the roots of their behaviour. 
Media effects researchers, however, have typically started at the wrong end 
of this question: informed only by speculation (and often, it seems, a grimly 
unsympathetic attitude to youth culture.), they start with the idea that the 
media is to blame, and then try to make links back to the world of actual 
violence. 
This approach to a social problem is, in a literal sense, backwards. To 
understand violent people, we should study violent people. 
But in the uncommon cases where researchers have sought to identify links 
between screen violence and real life violence by interviewing actual violent 
individuals (e.g Hagell and Newburn, 1994), they have found no such 
connection.
2. The effects model treats children as 
inadequate. 
The media effects studies position children exclusively as potential ‘victims’ 
of the mass media, and (rather cruelly) allow young people no opportunity to 
express their critical abilities, intelligence or free will. 
Hundreds of shallow quantities studies, usually conducted by ‘psychologists’ 
have often been little more that traps for the subjects and ironically allow no 
scope for developing psychological insights. 
More generous research methods, which are willing to listen to children, 
have shown that they can talk intelligently and indeed cynically about the 
mass media (Buckingham, 1993, 1996), and that children as young as 7 can 
make thoughtful, critical and ‘media literate’ video productions themselves.
3. Assumptions within the effects model are 
characterised by barley-concealed conservative 
ideology 
Media effects studies support conservative and right-wing ideologies, even if 
that is not necessarily the conscious intention of the people producing them. 
The studies typically suggest that social problems are not rooted in the 
organisation of society, and inequalities, but are actually the evil magic 
products of popular culture. 
Their conception of screen violence as a meaningless but measurable ‘thing’ 
also helps those who want to blame modern media instead 0f considering 
the serious social causes of violence. The researchers categorisations of 
‘anti-social’ behaviour often reveal that they are worried about the 
challenges to the status quo. 
The tendency to patronise and devalue children and young people, by 
assuming that they have no competencies worth considering, also fits with 
these illiberal trends.
4. The effects model inadequately defines its 
own objects of study 
Media effects studies usually extremely undiscriminating about how they 
identify worrying bits of media content, or subsequent behaviour by viewers. 
An act of ‘violence’, for example, might be smashing cages to free some 
trapped animals, or using force to disable a nuclear missile. 
It might be kicking a chair in frustration, or a horrible murder. In many 
studies, ‘verbal aggression’ is included within the categories of aggression, 
which means the studies which are interpreted by most people as being 
about physical violence may actually be more about the use of swear words. 
Once processed by effects research, any of these depiction's or actions 
simply emerge as a ‘level of aggression’ but without a more selective and 
discriminating way of compiling these numbers, the results can be deceptive 
and virtually meaningless.
5. The effects model is often based on 
artificial studies 
Careful sociological studies of media influences require large amounts of 
time and money, and so they are heavily outnumbered by simpler studies 
which often put there subjects into artificial, contrived situations, laboratory 
and field experiments involve compelling participants to watch a particular 
programme or set of programmers, and – just as artificially – observing them 
in a particular setting afterwards. 
Here, behaviour of the children towards an inanimate object is often taken 
(artificially) to represent how they would behave towards a real person. 
Furthermore, this all rests on the artificial belief that children’s behaviour 
will not vary even though they know that they are being manipulated, tested 
and/or observed.
6. The effects model is often based on 
studies with misapplied methodology 
The studies which do not use the experimental method, and so may not be 
guilty of the flaws described in the previous point, nevertheless often fall 
down by applying a methodological procedure incorrectly, or by drawing 
inappropriate conclusions from particular methods. Meaningless 
comparisons are made, glaring inconsistencies are overcooked, and 
sometimes methods which are unable to demonstrate any casual links are 
treated as if they have found them. 
This reckless abuse of research procedures seems to be acceptable when 
people are pinning blame on ‘media effects’.
7. The effects model is selective in its 
criticisms od media depictions of violence 
The ideological motive behind effects studies may mean that some media 
representations are criticised, whilst others are strangely exempt. 
Violence in news and factual programmes, for example, which is often 
presented suddenly and without much context, id not seen as a worry, 
whereas violence in popular drams and movies is of great concern. 
This again suggests that researchers are more interested in blaming an 
aspect of popular culture for social problems, than they are in making a 
coherent and thoughtful argument.
8. The effects model assumes superiority to 
the masses 
Researchers always assume that media effects happen to other people. 
Ironically, surveys show that almost everybody feels this way: whilst varying 
percentages of the population say they are concerned about media effects, 
almost nobody ever says that they have been affected themselves. 
Sometimes the researchers excuse their approach by saying that they are 
mature adults whereas their concerns lie with the children.
9. The effects model make no attempt to 
understand meanings of the media 
As hinted above, the media effects model rests on simplistic assumptions 
about media content. Controversial material, such as a scene containing 
violence, is not treated as part of a relationship between characters, but is 
seen as a ‘thing’ cynically inserted by media producers. 
The meanings of the action, and understanding s of a character motivation 
held by the audience, are of no interest in effects research, because media 
content is just a set of media content, the media effects model will always 
assume that its sole meaning is ‘hey kids! Here’s some stuff that you might 
like to copy!’ but qualitative studies have unsurprisingly given support to 
view that media audiences routinely arrive at their own, often quite varied 
and unpredictable, interpretations of everyday media texts.
10. The effects model is not grounded in 
theory 
The media effects model would make much more sense if it suggested a 
coherent theory which could explain why people might become motivated to 
copy actions seen in the media. But no decent explanation is offered. Sometimes 
the idea that violence is ‘glamourized’ is mooted and can seem relevant, but 
effects researchers tend to suggest that children must be protected from the 
most violent media depictions, which are usually the least ‘glamorous’ 
depictions. The violence used by dashing spies in ‘family’ films, say, usually look 
more attractive, but attracts little criticism. The model just isn’t subtle or well - 
thought-out enough to cope with these things. 
This lack of theory has led to the proliferation of ill-considered ideas outlined 
above- that the media (rather than people) should be the unproblematic 
starting-point for research; that children will be unable to ‘cope’ with the media; 
that categories such as ‘antisocial behaviour’ are clear and self -evident; that a 
veneer of ‘science’ is more important than developing methods which might 
actually show us something; that screen fictions are of concern, whilst news 
pictures are not; that researchers have unique capacity to observe and classify 
social behaviour and its meanings, but that those researchers need not attend to 
the various possible meanings which media content may have for the audience. 
Each of these substantial problems has been able to develop because there is no 
one with a decent theory to keep them on the straight and narrow.

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David gauntlett’s ’10 things wrong with the media 'effects' model

  • 1.
  • 2. 1. The effects model tackles social problems ‘backwards’ If researchers are concerned about the causes of problematic behaviour, such as violence, it seems obvious that they should study people who engage in these activities, and try to ascertain the roots of their behaviour. Media effects researchers, however, have typically started at the wrong end of this question: informed only by speculation (and often, it seems, a grimly unsympathetic attitude to youth culture.), they start with the idea that the media is to blame, and then try to make links back to the world of actual violence. This approach to a social problem is, in a literal sense, backwards. To understand violent people, we should study violent people. But in the uncommon cases where researchers have sought to identify links between screen violence and real life violence by interviewing actual violent individuals (e.g Hagell and Newburn, 1994), they have found no such connection.
  • 3. 2. The effects model treats children as inadequate. The media effects studies position children exclusively as potential ‘victims’ of the mass media, and (rather cruelly) allow young people no opportunity to express their critical abilities, intelligence or free will. Hundreds of shallow quantities studies, usually conducted by ‘psychologists’ have often been little more that traps for the subjects and ironically allow no scope for developing psychological insights. More generous research methods, which are willing to listen to children, have shown that they can talk intelligently and indeed cynically about the mass media (Buckingham, 1993, 1996), and that children as young as 7 can make thoughtful, critical and ‘media literate’ video productions themselves.
  • 4. 3. Assumptions within the effects model are characterised by barley-concealed conservative ideology Media effects studies support conservative and right-wing ideologies, even if that is not necessarily the conscious intention of the people producing them. The studies typically suggest that social problems are not rooted in the organisation of society, and inequalities, but are actually the evil magic products of popular culture. Their conception of screen violence as a meaningless but measurable ‘thing’ also helps those who want to blame modern media instead 0f considering the serious social causes of violence. The researchers categorisations of ‘anti-social’ behaviour often reveal that they are worried about the challenges to the status quo. The tendency to patronise and devalue children and young people, by assuming that they have no competencies worth considering, also fits with these illiberal trends.
  • 5. 4. The effects model inadequately defines its own objects of study Media effects studies usually extremely undiscriminating about how they identify worrying bits of media content, or subsequent behaviour by viewers. An act of ‘violence’, for example, might be smashing cages to free some trapped animals, or using force to disable a nuclear missile. It might be kicking a chair in frustration, or a horrible murder. In many studies, ‘verbal aggression’ is included within the categories of aggression, which means the studies which are interpreted by most people as being about physical violence may actually be more about the use of swear words. Once processed by effects research, any of these depiction's or actions simply emerge as a ‘level of aggression’ but without a more selective and discriminating way of compiling these numbers, the results can be deceptive and virtually meaningless.
  • 6. 5. The effects model is often based on artificial studies Careful sociological studies of media influences require large amounts of time and money, and so they are heavily outnumbered by simpler studies which often put there subjects into artificial, contrived situations, laboratory and field experiments involve compelling participants to watch a particular programme or set of programmers, and – just as artificially – observing them in a particular setting afterwards. Here, behaviour of the children towards an inanimate object is often taken (artificially) to represent how they would behave towards a real person. Furthermore, this all rests on the artificial belief that children’s behaviour will not vary even though they know that they are being manipulated, tested and/or observed.
  • 7. 6. The effects model is often based on studies with misapplied methodology The studies which do not use the experimental method, and so may not be guilty of the flaws described in the previous point, nevertheless often fall down by applying a methodological procedure incorrectly, or by drawing inappropriate conclusions from particular methods. Meaningless comparisons are made, glaring inconsistencies are overcooked, and sometimes methods which are unable to demonstrate any casual links are treated as if they have found them. This reckless abuse of research procedures seems to be acceptable when people are pinning blame on ‘media effects’.
  • 8. 7. The effects model is selective in its criticisms od media depictions of violence The ideological motive behind effects studies may mean that some media representations are criticised, whilst others are strangely exempt. Violence in news and factual programmes, for example, which is often presented suddenly and without much context, id not seen as a worry, whereas violence in popular drams and movies is of great concern. This again suggests that researchers are more interested in blaming an aspect of popular culture for social problems, than they are in making a coherent and thoughtful argument.
  • 9. 8. The effects model assumes superiority to the masses Researchers always assume that media effects happen to other people. Ironically, surveys show that almost everybody feels this way: whilst varying percentages of the population say they are concerned about media effects, almost nobody ever says that they have been affected themselves. Sometimes the researchers excuse their approach by saying that they are mature adults whereas their concerns lie with the children.
  • 10. 9. The effects model make no attempt to understand meanings of the media As hinted above, the media effects model rests on simplistic assumptions about media content. Controversial material, such as a scene containing violence, is not treated as part of a relationship between characters, but is seen as a ‘thing’ cynically inserted by media producers. The meanings of the action, and understanding s of a character motivation held by the audience, are of no interest in effects research, because media content is just a set of media content, the media effects model will always assume that its sole meaning is ‘hey kids! Here’s some stuff that you might like to copy!’ but qualitative studies have unsurprisingly given support to view that media audiences routinely arrive at their own, often quite varied and unpredictable, interpretations of everyday media texts.
  • 11. 10. The effects model is not grounded in theory The media effects model would make much more sense if it suggested a coherent theory which could explain why people might become motivated to copy actions seen in the media. But no decent explanation is offered. Sometimes the idea that violence is ‘glamourized’ is mooted and can seem relevant, but effects researchers tend to suggest that children must be protected from the most violent media depictions, which are usually the least ‘glamorous’ depictions. The violence used by dashing spies in ‘family’ films, say, usually look more attractive, but attracts little criticism. The model just isn’t subtle or well - thought-out enough to cope with these things. This lack of theory has led to the proliferation of ill-considered ideas outlined above- that the media (rather than people) should be the unproblematic starting-point for research; that children will be unable to ‘cope’ with the media; that categories such as ‘antisocial behaviour’ are clear and self -evident; that a veneer of ‘science’ is more important than developing methods which might actually show us something; that screen fictions are of concern, whilst news pictures are not; that researchers have unique capacity to observe and classify social behaviour and its meanings, but that those researchers need not attend to the various possible meanings which media content may have for the audience. Each of these substantial problems has been able to develop because there is no one with a decent theory to keep them on the straight and narrow.