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1. WISCONSIN INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, GHANA
ASSESSING THE IMPACT OF THE ALTERNATIVE LIVELIHOOD PROJECT ON
ILLEGAL SMALL SCALE MINING- THE CASE STUDY OF DUNKWA-ON-OFFIN
BY
JOSEF IROKO
(WIUC/13/0116)
A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF DEVELOPMENT AND
ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF AWARD OF DEGREE
OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN ENVIRONMENTAL SUSTAINABILITY AND
MANAGEMENT
MAY, 2020

2. ii
DECLARATION
I hereby declare that this submission is my own original work towards the award of MSc degree
and that, to the best of my knowledge, no part of it has been presented for another degree in this
University or elsewhere, except where due acknowledgement has been made in the write-up.
Candidate’s signature: …………………………………………..
Date: ……………………………………………………………..
Josef Iroko
Supervisor’s Certification
I hereby certify that the preparation and presentation of the project work were supervised in
accordance with the guidelines on supervision of project work laid down by Wisconsin
International University College, Ghana.
Supervisor’s signature: …………………………………………….
Date: ………………………………………………………………..
Mr. Sosthenes K. Kufogbe

3. iii
ABSTRACT
As a means to addressing the disastrous consequences of illegal small scale mining, also known
as galamsey, on the environment in many mining communities in the country, the Government of
Ghana has implemented the Alternative Livelihood Project (ALP) to offer alternative livelihoods
for illegal small scale miners and combat illegal small-scale mining activities in the country. The
ALP aims at empowering these illegal small-scale miners through employable skills to earn a
living in a bid to lure them away from destructive illegal mining ventures. As one of the “priority
initiatives” the ALP seeks to provide oil palm seedlings to farmers in mining communities to
discourage illegal mining and provide sustainable livelihoods to the communities impacted by
mining. This research assessed the impact of the ALP on illegal small scale mining in Dunkwa-
on-Offin in the Upper Denkyira East Municipal Assembly of the Central Region of Ghana.
The study revealed that majority of the beneficiaries are satisfied with and preferred the ALP being
implemented in the study area to illegal small scale mining. In addition, most beneficiaries stated
that they ALP had improved their social standing and earning capacity. In the circumstances, the
beneficiaries indicated that they would not return to illegal small scale mining activities because it
was damaging to the environment. To the beneficiaries, the ALP had led to a reduction in the spate
of illegal small scale mining in the community. However, the main challenges identified included
difficulty in finding land for the ALP, inadequate funding for the project as well as an apparent
lack of involvement of chiefs in the community apropos the ALP.
Recommendations from the study include assisting beneficiaries with acquisition of suitable land
to sustain their interest and continuous participation in the ALP, adequate funding of and timely
release of funds for the ALP as well as the integration of chiefs in the study area the project
implementation.

4. iv
DEDICATION
To my daughter, Josefina Iroko and to my son, Josef Iroko, Jnr.

5. v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I am deeply indebted to my supervisor, Mr. Sosthenes K. Kufogbe for his guidance and critical
review of my work.
I am also very grateful to the beneficiaries of the Alternative Livelihood Project in Dunkwa-on-
Offin for making themselves available to me as the respondents of my research. I am equally
thankful to officials of the Minerals Commission and the Upper Denkyira East Municipal
Assembly for their responses and assistance during the course of the research.
Last but not least, I say a big thank you to my fellow graduate students for ensuring such a
wonderful academic ambience.

6. vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS
DECLARATION………………………………………………………………………………...ii
ABSTRACT……………………………………………………………………………………..iii
DEDICATION…………………………………………………………………………………..iv
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS……………………………………………………………………..v
TABLE OF CONTENTS……………………………………………………………………….vi
LIST OF FIGURES……………………………………………………………………………...x
LIST OF TABLES………………………………………………………………………………xi
LIST OF ABREVIATIONS……………………………………………………………………xii
CHAPTER ONE…………………………………………………………………………………1
1.0 INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………………………...1
1.1 Overview………………………………………………………………………………………1
1.1 Background……………………………………………………………………………………1
1.2 Problem Statement…………………………………………………………………………….3
1.3 Research Questions…………………………………………………………………………..5
1.4 Objectives of the Study………………………………………………………………………5
1.4.1Specific Objectives…………………………………………………………………………..5
1.5 Significance of the Study…………………………………………………………………….6
1.6 Scope of the Study…………………………………………………………………………...6
1.7 Limitations of the Study……………………………………………………………………..7
1.8 Organization of the Remainder of Study…………………………………………………….7
CHAPTER TWO………………………………………………………………………………..8
2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW…………………………………………………………………..8
2.1 Introduction………………………………………………………………………………….8
2.2 Small Scale Mining in Ghana……………………………………………………………….8
2.3 Small-Scale Gold Production……………………………………………………………….9
2.4 Causes of Illegal Small Scale Mining………………………………………………………10
2.5 Effect of Illegal Small Scale Mining……………………………………………………….13

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2.5.1 Positive Contribution(s)?....................................................................................................13
2.5.2 Negative Environmental and Socio-economic Effects…………………………………..14
2.6 Response to the menace of illegal small scale mining…………………………………...18
2.7 The Concept of ALP……………………………………………………………………...18
2.7.1 Types of Livelihood-focused Interventions………………………………………………19
2.7.2. Assumptions underlying ALPs…………………………………………………………..20
2.7.3 The Complexity of ALPs and Sustainable Livelihood Approaches (SLAs)…………….21
2.7.4 Criticism of ALPs………………………………………………………………………..25
2.8 ALP’s in Ghana………………………………………………………………………….25
CHAPTER THREE…………………………………………………………………………….27
3.0 METHODOLOGY…………………………………………………………………………27
3.1 Introduction………………………………………………………………………………27
3.1.2 Profile of the Study Area………………………………………………………………...27
3.1.3 Location and Size………………………………………………………………………..27
3.1.4 Physical Features………………………………………………………………………...29
3.1.5 Relief and Drainage……………………………………………………………………...29
3.1.6 Climate…………………………………………………………………………………..29
3.1.7 Vegetation……………………………………………………………………………….29
3.1.8 Political Administration…………………………………………………………………30
3.1.9 Economy…………………………………………………………………………………30
3.1.10 Population Size and Distribution………………………………………………………...30
3.2 Research Design………………………………………………………………………….31
3.3 Population………………………………………………………………………………..32
3.4 Sampling Procedures…………………………………………………………………….32
3.5 Sources of data…………………………………………………………………………...33
3.6 Data Collection Instrument(s)……………………………………………………………33
3.7 Data Analysis and presentation…………………………………………………………..34
3.10 Ethical consideration……………………………………………………………………..34

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CHAPTER FOUR…………………………………………………………………………….35
4.0 DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION……………………………………………..35
4.1 INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………………………..35
4.2 Demographic characteristics of respondents…………………………………………....35
4.3 Reasons for engaging in illegal small scale mining/galamsey………………………….36
4.3.1 Number of years lived in the community……………………………………………….36
4.3.2 Number of people in household…………………………………………………………37
4.3.3 Responsibility status of respondents within family……………………………………...37
4.3.4 Knowledge of galamsey…………………………………………………………………38
4.3.5 Number of years involved in galamsey………………………………………………….38
4.3.6 Reason for undertaking galamsey………………………………………………………..38
4.3.7 Wages/Monies earned from galamsey activities………………………………………….39
4.3.8 Payment of Taxes…………………………………………………………………………40
4.3.9 Is illegal small scale mining good or bad?..........................................................................41
4.3.10 Rate of illegal small scale mining in the community……………………………………..42
4.4 Impact of Illegal Small Scale mining on livelihoods of study area……………………...43
4.4.1 Number of years engaged in ALP………………………………………………………..43
4.4.2 Prior involvement in ALP design/Beneficiary Selection process………………………...44
4.4.3 Size of the land used in planting per beneficiary…………………………………………44
4.4.4 Land provided for ALP…………………………………………………………………...45
4.4.5 Assistance from Institutions………………………………………………………………46
4.4.6 Preference for a different ALP……………………………………………………………47
4.4.7 Is the ALP less damaging to the environment?..................................................................47
4.4.8 ALP is lucrative and less risky……………………………………………………………48
4.4.9 ALP has led to improvement social lives of beneficiaries………………………………..48
4.4.10 Personal growth of beneficiaries………………………………………………………….49
4.4.11 Reduction in illegal small scale mining in the Community………………………………50
4.4.12 ALP has provided employment…………………………………………………………..51

9. ix
4.4.13 ALP is more beneficial than illegal small scale mining………………………………….52
4.5 Sustainability of ALP……………………………………………………………………….53
4.5.1 Preferred a different ALP to the current one………………………………………………53
4.5.2 Returning to illegal small scale mining ……………………………………………………54
4.5.3 Knowledge of any beneficiary abandoning ALP and returning to illegal small scale
mining?..........................................................................................................................................55
4.5.4 Knowledge of any beneficiary still combining illegal small scale mining with the ALP?...55
4.5.5 Sustainability of the ALP…………………………………………………………………..56
4.5.6 Responses from Minerals Commission………………………………………………….56
4.5.7 Responses from Municipal Assembly…………………………………………………...57
CHAPTER FIVE……………………………………………………………………………….58
5.0 SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION……………………………58
5.1 Introduction………………………………………………………………………………58
5.2 Summary of Findings………………………………………………………………….…58
5.3. Conclusions………………………………………………………………………………58
5.3.1 Success factors/ Extent of impact of ALP on incidence of illegal small scale mining…..59
5.3.2 Causes that may negatively impact the ALP…………………………………………….60
5.4 Recommendations………………………………………………………………………..61
REFERENCES………………………………………………………………………………….63
APPENDICES…………………………………………………………………………………..78

10. x
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Sustainable Livelihood Framework …………………………………………..23
Figure 2: Map of Upper Denkyira East Municipality …………………………………..28
Figure 3: Population distribution by locality .……………………………………………31
Figure 4: ALP is less damaging…………………………………………………………..47
Figure 5: Lucrative and Less Risky………………………………………………………..48
Figure 6: Social Improvement……………………………………………………………..49
Figure 7: Personal growth of beneficiaries………………………………………………...50
Figure 8: Reduction in illegal small scale mining in the Community……………………..51
Figure 9: ALP Provides Employment……………………………………………………..52
Figure 10: ALP is Beneficial than Illegal Mining…………………………………………53

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LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Demographic characteristics of respondents…………………………………….........36
Table 2: Years lived in the community…………………………………………………………36
Table 3: Number of people in household………………………………………………………37
Table 4: Responsibility status of respondents within family…………………………………..37
Table 5: Number of years involved in galamsey……………………………………………….38
Table 6: Reason for undertaking galamsey……………………………………………………..39
Table 7: Number of people involved in galamsey……………………………………………..40
Table 8: Wages/monies earned from galamsey………………………………………………...41
Table 9: Payment of taxes………………………………………………………………………41
Table 10: Is illegal small scale mining good or bad?....................................................................42
Table 11: Rate of illegal small scale mining in the community………………………………...43
Table 12: Duration engaged in ALP…………………………………………………………….43
Table 13: Prior involvement in ALP design/beneficiary selection process……………………..44
Table 14: Size of land used in planting per beneficiary……………………………………........45
Table 15: Provision of land for ALP…………………………………………………………….46
Table 16: Assistance from institutions………………………………………………………......46
Table 17: Preferred a different ALP to the current one……………………………………........54
Table 18: Returning to illegal small scale mining……………………………………………....54
Table 19: Beneficiaries that have abandoned ALP and returned to illegal small scale mining…55
Table 20: Beneficiaries combining illegal small scale mining with ALP………………………56
Table 21: Sustainability of the ALP……………………………………………………………..56

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
ALP - Alternative Livelihood Project
CDD-Ghana - Center for Democratic Development- Ghana
DFID - Department for International Development
GHS - Ghana Cedis
GoG - Government of Ghana
IGC - International Growth Centre
IMM - International Marine Management Ltd
L.I. - Legislative Instrument
LECDEP - Livelihood Enhancement and Community Development Programme
MDF - Minerals Development Fund
MLNR - Ministry of Lands and Natural Resources
MCE - Municipal Chief Executive
MCD - Municipal Coordinating Director
NGO - Non-Governmental Organisation
PNDCL - Provisional Defence Council Law
SSM - Small Scale Mining
SPSS - Statistical Package for Social Sciences
SDGs - Sustainable Development Goals
SLAs - Sustainable Livelihood Approaches
UNDP - United Nations Development Programme
USD - United States Dollars

13. 1
CHAPTER ONE
1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.1 Overview
This section will look at the background of the study as alternative livelihood project on illegal
small scale mining. It will also look at the problem statement, purpose of the study, research
objectives and questions, the significance of the study as well as the scope and structure of the
study.
1.1 Background
Ghana’s mining sector is highly dominated by Gold. Ghana’s gold output of 4.8 million ounces in
2018 surpassed South Africa’s 4.2 million ounce, making the country the largest producer of gold
Africa (Whitehouse, 2019). While gold accounts for over 90% of all mineral revenues annually
over the past two decades, Ghana is also endowed with other mineral resources such as diamonds,
manganese and bauxite (Minerals and Mining Policy of Ghana, 2014). The mining sector
contributes 27% of government revenue in the form of domestic tax, employs more than 29,000
people within the large scale mining sector with an estimated 1 million people alone involved the
small scale gold, diamond, sand winning and quarrying business (Minerals and Mining Policy of
Ghana, 2014). In terms of foreign exchange earnings, the mining sector provides the largest source
of foreign exchange for the country from the export of commodities. In 2017, the sector accounts
for 43% in total foreign exchange receipts, compared to 23% for merchandize and 19% for cocoa
and oil respectively (Ghana News Agency, 2018). The country has long depended mainly on cocoa
and gold for the stability of its economy for a long period until the introduction of oil to its revenue
making streams. However, the mining of gold has reduced as compared to twenty-five years back
as illegal small scale mining has increased in the industry (Osei-Bagyina, 2012).

14. 2
According to the World Bank (2019), the artisanal and small-scale mining sector employs over 40
million people in developing countries, in particular, persons living in rural and remote areas. Out
of the above figure, the World Bank states that 10 million alone are in sub-Saharan Africa, with
an additional 60 million dependent on the artisanal and small scale mining sector.
The small scale mining sector can be divided into two main subdivisions. There are those who
have been licensed and registered by the state to operate concessions under the Minerals and
Mining Act, 2006 (Act 703) of the one part and those who are operating without any form of permit
or licence of the other part. Afriyie et al., (2016) referred to the two subdivisions as the “Official
System” and the “Unofficial System” respectively. Practitioners of the unofficial system, who are
operating without any formal permission have had their illegal small scale mining operations
christened “galamsey.” Galamsey has become a public health, environmental and security issue in
Ghana and beyond. According to Sarpong (2018), the negative effects of illegal small-scale mining
include pollution of water bodies as well as other forms of environmental degradation, destruction
of farmlands, the death traps of galamsey pits and the use of harmful chemicals such as cyanide
by actors in the illegal activity. While illegal small-scale gold mining brings benefits such as
employment and revenue, the activity also brings about concomitant negative consequences for
the environment (Tom-Dery et al, 2012). The UNDP (2017) found that, poverty coupled with high
rates of unemployment, contributed to the surge in "galamsey" operations in many rural areas of
the country where mining activities take place.
Aryee (2003) explains that, "the mining sector used to be a source of ornamental prestige to the
cultural heritage of the predominantly Akan people of Ghana. However, the advent of European
merchants on the Gold Coast, unearthed the real potential of gold and the mining of Gold became
very commercial since the beginning of the 17th century". Illegal small scale miners do not pay

15. 3
any tax nor report the resource mined but they sell it to willing customers and retain the revenue
made from the sale of the precious metal (Aghetara, 2012).
In 2017, a finding by CDD-Ghana disclosed that 74% of Ghanaians are opposed to illegal small-
scale mining activities for any reason, but 8 out of 10 Ghanaians (80%) approved of the idea that
the government should provide alternative livelihoods for persons formerly involved in illegal
small scale mining operations. The CDD-Ghana, supra, elaborates that the provision of alternative
works or livelihood to people who were engaging in illegal small scale mining would enable them
to move away from illegal mining.
Governments over the years have made some efforts to address the negative impact of illegal
mining on the environment with mixed results. While the use of force in an attempt to enforce the
laws on mining may have had an impact in the fight against illegal small scale mining, the country
seems to be still far away from completely eradicating the activities of illegal small scale miners.
However, there is increasing acceptance within officialdom and the corridors of policy makers and
stakeholders in the mining sector that to be able to make any meaningful and definitive impact in
curbing illegal small scale mining, there is the real need for participants in illegal small scale
mining to be given alternative livelihood employment (Ofei-Aboagye et al., 2004; Hilson et al.,
2009; Hilson et al., 2014).
1.2 Problem Statement
Small scale mining, both formal and informal, is very vital to the livelihoods of the poor, especially
in rural settlements. The production process involves crude and simple instruments that are
environmentally unfriendly and inefficient to begin with while most of the actors are neither
persons with any technical and management skills nor are they licensed. The sector also has a lager

16. 4
component of artisanal small scale mining which is highly labour intensive, and produces
erratically from abandoned mining sites of big mining companies (Aghetara, 2012).
In 2017, the Government of Ghana (GoG) initiated the Alternative Livelihood Project (ALP) to
offer alternative livelihoods for illegal miners and combat illegal small-scale mining activities in
the country. The ALP aims at empowering small-scale miners through employable skills to earn a
living in a bid to lure them away from destructive illegal mining ventures (MLNR, 2017). As one
of the “priority initiatives” of the Ministry of Lands and Natural Resources, the ALP seeks to
provide oil palm seedlings to farmers in mining communities to discourage illegal mining and
provide sustainable livelihoods to the communities impacted by mining.
As a mining town, Dunkwa is known for high incidence of illegal small-scale mining activities.
Illegal small-scale mining activities have degraded the environment. Mined-out pits have been
abandoned, vegetation covers, including farmlands and forest have destroyed and river bodies
polluted. The use of harmful chemicals such cyanide and mercury in illegal small-scale activities
have also had negative consequences on the environment and surrounding communities
It has been reported that Ministry of Lands and Natural Resources has distributed one million
(1,000,000.00) oil palm seedlings to farmers at Dunkwa-On-Offin, Upper Denkyira East
Municipality of the Central Region, under the ALP for the 2019 planting season (MLNR, 2019).
The ALP is funded by the Minerals Development Fund (MDF), an agency under the Ministry of
Lands and Natural Resource, which has contracted Richie Plantation, a private company, to nurse
and distribute one million oil palm seedlings per year over a four-year period at the cost of Ghc
9.7 million to farmers in Mining Communities (MLNR, supra). The Minerals Commission, as the
regulatory body for the mining sector, provides oversight for the ALP as part of its sustainable

17. 5
livelihood projects programme. On the basis of the foregoing, the question that arises is: what is
the impact of the ALP on illegal small-scale mining activities in Dunkwa-on-Offin?
The study must address the question whether the benefits of the ALP would be preferred over the
“benefits” being derived from illegal small scale mining operations. In addition, would the damage
being wrecked by illegal small scale mining on the environment be obviated with the
implementation of the ALP in the community? For these reasons the study seeks to close the gap
by assessing the impact of the introduction of the ALP on illegal small scale mining in the
community.
1.3 Research Questions
The research questions below serve as the basis for the objectives of the study:
i. Are the illegal small-scale miners aware of the illegality of their activities?
ii. What is the level of knowledge of these illegal small-scale miners with regards to the ALP?
iii. What is the level of their involvement in the formulation of the ALP for their locality?
iv. What are the social and economic impact of the ALP on their livelihood?
v. What institutional support exists for those engaged in the ALP?
vi. How sustainable is the ALP?
1.4 Objective of the Study
The study is to assess the impact of the ALP on illegal small-scale mining activities in Dunkwa-
on-Offin catchment area in the Upper Denkyira East Municipality.
1.4.1 Specific Objectives
The following are the specific objectives of the study:

18. 6
i. Determine the extent of the impact of the ALP on the incidence of illegal small-scale
mining in Dunkwa-on-Offin.
ii. Discover the causes that may negatively impact the ALP.
iii. Identify the factors that may lead to the success of the ALP.
iv. Make recommendation(s) for promoting and sustaining the ALP.
1.5 Significance of the Study
As already posited above, officialdom and policymakers have concluded that the Alternative
Livelihood Projects (ALP), which involves agrarian activities and skills training place
beneficiaries in a position to earn regular incomes and these ALPs would ultimately discourage
people from taking up employment in artisanal mining which, in addition to being comprised of
predominantly illegal operators, is also associated with environmental degradation and numerous
social ills (Hilson et al., supra). Already the GoG is claiming that it has taken 60% of illegal miners
out of illegal mining through the ALP since its inception 2017 through the supply of free palm
seedlings to illegal miners as well as some farmers for planting (MLNR, 2019). This study will
bring to the fore whether the ALP has chalked any success as being claimed. It will also add to the
data available to aid in formulating and ensuring an effective ALP implementation in the country.
1.6 Scope of the Study
The study was limited to only illegal small-scale miners in Dunkwa-on-Offin catchment area in
the Upper Denkyira East Municipality. This town was selected because of its large percentage of
illegal small-scale miners who are to benefit from the ALP.

19. 7
1.7 Limitations of the Study
Whilst some respondents were reluctant to give out relevant information for fear of being exposed
others wanted some form of refreshment or financial reward as compensation before giving out
information. Another limitation of the study was the bad road network affected traveling time and
collection of data in the evening, limiting data collection to only the day.
1.8 Organization of the Remainder of Study
The study has been organized under five main chapters. Chapter one consist of the introduction to
the background of the study, the statement of the problem, the objective of the study, research
questions, significance of the study, scope of the study, limitation of the study and organization of
the study. Chapter two contains a review of related literature on alternative livelihood projects and
related knowledge gaps identified in the literature. The chapter also discusses the theoretical
framework on sustainable livelihood approaches within the context of alternative livelihood
programmes. Chapter three also dealt with the methodology discussed the population, sample,
sampling procedures, research design, instrumentation, and data analysis. Chapter four deals with
the analysis and discussions on the findings of the study while Chapter five includes
recommendations and conclusions derived from the data analysis.

20. 8
CHAPTER TWO
2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Introduction
This section is dedicated to review of literatures that are related to the research. The chapter also
looks at related relevant theories and how they relate to this study.
2.2 Small Scale Mining in Ghana
Dating back to pre-colonial days, small scale mining has evolved to become an important factor
in the Ghanaian economy. However, the activities of small-scale miners were brought under
regulation when the Small Scale Gold Mining Law, 1989 (PNDCL 218) was passed by the
erstwhile PNDC military regime. PNDCL 218 has also been dismantled and further replaced by
the Minerals and Mining Act, 2006 (Act 703) with clear provisions for small-scale mining
activities, including adhering to all applicable environmental regulations. Per section 83 of Act
703, artisanal and small scale is reserved exclusively for Ghanaian citizens of 18 years and above
and have been licensed to operate as such by the Minister responsible for Mines. According to the
Minerals and Mining Policy (2014), the sector has made significant contributions to Ghana’s
foreign exchange with total gold output by artisanal and small scale miners going up from 2.2% in
1989 to a whopping 34% of national production output in 2012. The sector accounted for 35 % of
Ghana’s total gold production in 2014, producing nearly 1.5 million ounces of gold (McQuilken
and Hilson, 2016). According to the World Bank (2019), the artisanal and small scale mining
sector produced 1.135 million ounces of gold in 2016, with 86,925 carats of diamond exported in
2017). Livelihood wise, the World Bank (2019) states that the sector employed 1.1 million people
directly, 4.4 million indirectly compared to the 10,503 direct employees and 100,000 indirect
employees by the large scale mining companies. Indeed, if the story of Ghana’s toppling South

21. 9
Africa to assume first position as the premier gold producer in Africa were told, the contribution
of the artisanal and small scale mining sector to the achievement of the top prize cannot be
undervalued. According to Njini (2019), data from the Ghana Chamber of Mines showed that
smaller miners account for the largest share of the total Ghana’s gold output in 2018.
In spite of the legal regime, the incidence of illegal mining, popularly called ‘galamsey’ still goes
on with as much as 85% of the country’s small scale gold mining operators being galamsey
activities (Ofosu-Mensah, 2010, cited in Afriyie et al., 2016). Illegal small scale mining ventures
usually occur on the concessions of large scale mining companies and other designated mining
concessions as well as within alluvial deposits, where mineral deposits can be found in river beds
as well as other water bodies. As already pointed out, small scale miners are either legal as in the
fact that they have been licensed and formalized in line with applicable legislation or illegal as in
these are informal miners operating in violation of the minerals and mining law. Despite its
contributions such as employment and income for actors in the sector, the galamsey industry has
been condemned for its negative impact on the environment as well as the lack of or inadequate
health and safety concerns as well as the use of underage labour among many other criticisms
(Afriyie et al., 2016). In seeking to curtail the negative effects of illegal small scale mining,
government has traditionally responded by way of military swoops as is the case presently under
“Operation Vanguard” military operations.
2.3 Small-Scale Gold Production
Small scale mining involves the extraction of mineral resources by means of unsophisticated and
rudimentary equipment, with low production levels and with modest outlay (Boafo et al., 2019).
Handpicking, amalgamation, cyanidation, flotation, electro winning and roasting of ore are the
traditional processing techniques for production and processing (Akosa et al., 2002; Marfo, 2016).

22. 10
While generally the method deployed depends on the nature and location of the deposit, the
precarious financial strength of many small scale miners mean they must rely on simple equipment
such as shovels, pick-axes, pans, chisels and hammers for their operations (Marfo, 2014).
However, Boafo et al., (2019) stated that the use of basic mining implements within the sector has
seen a gradual replacement by the introduction of sophisticated machinery into the sector by
Chinese miners acting in concert with local collaborators in a sector exclusively preserved for
Ghanaian citizens.
2.4 Causes of Illegal Small Scale Mining
Illegal mining has been pinned down to several reasons but in the main the phenomenon has been
described as poverty-driven or induced (World Bank, 2013). In their study conducted in the
Tarkwa Nsuaem Municipality, Afriyie et al., (2016) noted that majority of galamsey operators
(49%) cited poverty or financial challenges as the raison d'être for engaging in illegal small scale
mining, while 29% and 16% percent attributed their participation to unavailability of agricultural
land, which have been let out as concession to large mining companies in most cases and
inadequate employment opportunities respectively. Confronted with above situations, many
simply have no option other than to embrace illegal small scale mining to keep body and soul
together. Carier & Burge (2011) found that in Sierra Leone, the lack of opportunity for the youth
in rural areas presented them with little or no option than to informally mine gold and diamond for
income to cater for themselves and their families. In sum, high rate of poverty tends to push people
into the “business” of galamsey (Aidoo, 2016). It is further regarded as a livelihood diversification
strategy, with the sector supplementing agricultural activity as a source of living for many in the
rural areas (Persaud et al., 2017).

23. 11
People also engage in illegal small-scale mining purely from the standpoint of greed and ‘get-
rich-quick’ mentality (MLNR, 2017). It is perceived by most rural people that the informal
mining industry will offer them the opportunity to “get rich quick” (Hilson, 2012). That is, illegal
mining comes with quick cash flow that attracts many to indulge in it (Aneani, et al., 2017).
However, Afriyie et al., (2016), relying on their research in the Tarkwa Nsuaem area, found that
contrary to popular opinion, less than 4% of galamsey operators interviewed admitted to engaging
in illegal small scale mining purely for quick financial returns compared to the 49% that attributed
their involvement mainly to poverty and financial hardship. Similarly, Hilson (2010), in a study
showed that local diamond miners in Akwatia, Eastern Region, worked in surrounding gold mines
mainly to alleviate their economic adversities than simply to enrich themselves overnight. Hilson,
(2010) and Afriyie et al., (2016) have expressed the worry that this simplistic and dismissive way
of pinning down the prevalence of illegal small scale mining to the “get rich quick” syndrome has
led to the “misdiagnosis” of the role of artisanal and small scale mining within sub-Saharan Africa
by officialdom and other actors. Misdiagnosing an issue or a problem often leads to misformulation
and misdevlopment of a requisite response to tackle the matter.
Although the institutional framework for formalizing their operations exist, most of the operators
are simply discouraged from getting licensed because of the cost and associated bureaucracy.
Challenges in this regard include the cost of registration which many of these operators find to be
exorbitant as well as the cost of obtaining other regulatory permits such as environmental permit,
forest entry permit and water use permit. The licensing regime entails a 14-step process including
the completion of multiple forms, payment of both official fees and informal payments (often
totaling more than USD 1,000), and approval from different agencies. The application process,
which ultimately requires ministerial signature after commencing from a district office of the

24. 12
Minerals Commission, must be repeated every three to five years in order to renew the license
(World Bank, 2019). The labour, time and expense associated with obtaining regulatory permits
and approval act as a huge disincentive to many prospective applicants, already without a strong
financial base, who wish to regularize or formalize their operation by coming under the ambit of
the law. In short, “bureaucratic inefficiencies have impeded formalization, making illegal
activities more appealing” (UNDP Ghana, 2017).
Added to the above is the lack of will on the part of the authorities to enforce the laws and
policies against illegal small scale mining. This may take the form of inadequate personnel and
resources to ensure enforcement and compliance with the law on the side of agencies such as the
Minerals Commission or the corruption and complicity and connivance of officialdom itself in
illegal mining activities. According to the UNDP Ghana (2017), the regulator, the Minerals
Commission is unable to discharge its statutory mandate of monitoring mining activities and
enforcing its regulations because it is under-resourced to do so. The UNDP Ghana (2017) also said
the Small-Scale Mining Committees established under section 92 of Act 703 at the district levels
are also not empowered to carry out effective monitoring, promotion and development of small
scale mining operations in designated areas neither does it have the power to prosecute illegal
mining activities on its own but are left at the mercy of other agencies like the Ghana Police
Service. Some state officials and politicians, employees of government agencies, chiefs, customary
land owners and opinion leaders in mining communities secretly promote galamsey due to the
benefits that accrue to them (Aidoo, 2016; Abdulai, 2017; Martey, 2018; ). In a research, Twerefou
et al., (2015), quoted a key informant who confirmed official complicity and connivance in illegal
small scale mining as follows:
“Many people in government are behind the SS. If I mention the names of people who are

25. 13
investing in the SSM you will be amazed. In many cases we get information about operations
before the police come so we are not scared about what we are doing.” Recently, government’s
anti-illegal mining drive has been dogged by allegations of bribery and corruption, leading to call
by many people and civil society organisations for the restructuring of the operations or its
complete cessation. In 2019, the Secretary to the Inter-Ministerial Committee on Illegal Mining
stepped down after he was seen on camera taking sums of money allegedly to influence clearance
for a mining company (GhanaWeb, 2019). A well-known Ghanaian newspaper editor has also
advised the President to rid the fight against illegal small scale mining of “party elements” in order
to ensure its success (GhanaWeb, 2020). Afriyie et al., (2016) stated that many communities have
been compelled to sell their lands for galamsey activities because they feel that they have not
benefitted either from mining operations carried out by large scale mining companies in their
locality such as employment and other social benefits or from the revenue government receives
from these mining companies. Thus in line with the popular local parlance that “one man no chop”
these communities permit or tolerate the phenomenon of illegal small scale mining ostensibly to
cater for their own needs having been “forgotten” by the state.
2.5 Effect of Illegal Small Scale Mining
2.5.1 Positive Contribution(s)?
Afriyie et al., (2016) citing Ofosu-Mensah (2010), estimates that 85% of activists in small scale
mining operations are illegal miners. In a sector that has 1.1 million direct and 4.4 indirect
employees (World Bank, 2019) the scale of illegality is staggering indeed. In their study, Twerefou
et al., (2015) disclosed that of the 430 people engaged in small scale mining, 59.10% of them have
worked with an illegal/unlicensed small scale mining company, with 27.2% having worked or are
working for a licensed or legal small scale mining company. The outstanding 13.7% could not tell

26. 14
if they are involved with an illegal or legal small scale mining company. Notwithstanding their
illegal nature, illegal small scale and indeed, legal small scale mining ventures have made
significant contributions to the developmental aspirations of the country. They include
employment and revenue (Afriyie et al., 2016; Bloomberg, 2019; McQuilken and Hilson, 2016;
World Bank, 2019), construction of schools, clinics, houses and local infrastructure, as well as
finance for farming, associated service industries and local markets (McQuilken and Hilson,
2016). Furthermore, the proliferation of illegal foreign small scale miners into the sector has
bridged the gap in terms of the use of modern equipment, technical knowledge and financial
investment in the operations of illegal small scale miners (Boafo et al., 2019; McQuilken and
Hilson, 2016). With increased mechanization, large swathes of land could be dug and excavated
quickly than before using excavators, bulldozers and trench drills among other machinery (Boafo
et al., 2019)
2.5.2 Negative Environmental and Socio-economic Effects
The environmental and socio-economic impacts of illegal small scale mining has aroused concerns
among many people in the society. These negative consequences vary from air and water
pollution, the destruction of water bodies, the degradation of the environment and loss of
biodiversity, the negative health impacts associated with using mercury and cyanide in gold
extraction, health and safety concerns, child labour and conflicts (Akabzaa and Darimani, 2001;
Afriyie et al., 2016; Boafo et al., 2019; McQuilken and Hilson, 2016). According to UNDP, Ghana
(2017), mining has contributed to environmental degradation, displacement of populations,
worsening economic and social inequality, armed conflicts, gender-based violence, tax evasion
and corruption, increased risk for many health problems, and the violation of human rights, issues
that the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) seek to address.

27. 15
Twerefou et al., (2015) and Twerefou (2007) pinned down conflicts in mining communities to
various factors, including disputes over land use, damage to water bodies, the oft-repeated charge
of neglect of host communities by mining companies and even the state, non-payment of
appropriate compensations, poor coordination between mines and communities by local and
central governments as well as the survival of small scale mining operations. According to Mensah
(2018), communal conflicts seen in mining communities between host communities and mining
companies are the result of the feeling of neglect by the authorities. Conflict erupts from lack of
access to and availability of land for mining operations leading to the invasion of the concessions
of large scale mining companies by illegal small scale operators (McQuilken and Hilson, 2016).
Ofosu-Mensah (2011), posited that prior to the era of large-scale mining, the land would have been
mined by indigenous artisanal and small-scale miners as a means of sustenance using local
techniques and means to prospect and unearth resource-rich concessions for mineral exploitation.
As pioneer finders of the mineral deposits, the local miners regard it as unfair and act of injustice
when they are booted out to make way for the large scale mining companies to mine on the same
land, leading to conflicts especially when the local miners refuse to leave the concession. In 2016
a group of illegal miners invaded the AnglogoldAshanti’s mining concession at Obuasi and
resisted ejection by security forces. The incident compelled the company to withdraw all non-
essential employees from the mine on grounds of safety (Reportingoilandgas, 2016) and by the
end of the illegal seizure of the mines, not less than 175 galamsey miners and a senior manager
of the mining company died (Taylor, 2018). In 2019, 2 people were killed during clashes between
a group of illegal miners and security forces when they tried to drive illegal miners from the
concession of Perseus Mining Company in Ayamfuri, Central Region (Modern Ghana, 2019).

28. 16
In terms of environmental impacts, evidence abound that the effect of illegal small scale mining
activities have visited untold hardship and destruction on the environment. Mensah (2018) and
Boafo et al. (2019), posited that when they joined bandwagon of illegal mining in Africa, the
Chinese introduced modern technologies and equipment that has enabled large swathe of land to
be exploited for minerals. However, the introduction of advanced mechanization has been attended
by environmental degradation, pollution of water bodies, including those that serve as sources of
drinking water for communities. It would seem that the destruction of the country’s water bodies
because of the spate of illegal mining activities is so intense that the Ghana Water Company
Limited has warned of a real risk of Ghana’s water resources drying up in the near future
(GhanaWeb, 2017), which may result in spending huge sums of foreign exchange to import water
from abroad according to a governance practitioner (GhanaWeb, 2020). Illegal small scale mining
has also impacted negatively on the country’s agriculture yields, society and the environment as a
whole (Onumah et al., 2013). Farmers and other stakeholders in agriculture have identified
galamsey as threat due to its negative effects on arable land, farm output and food security (Danyo
& Osei-Bonsu, 2016). According to the study by Boateng et al., (2016) a negative impact of
galamsey on cocoa farming in the Atiwa District of Ghana is so intense to the extent that farmers
who have their cocoa farms close to the mining areas have experienced early dropping of immature
pods, wilting and yellowing of leaves because galamsey activities deplete the topsoil which
supports the healthy growth of plants. Galamsey degrades the land and makes its reclamation an
arduous and expensive task. The state of the land is very bad that the cost of getting it back to a
healthy state for use is high and as such these land sites are abandoned with their concomitant
threat to life (Martey, 2018). The International Growth Centre (IGC), a non-governmental
organization (NGO) has estimated that Ghana would require US$250 million to reclaim lands and

29. 17
water bodies impacted by illegal small scale mining activities in Western Region alone (Mensah
& Osei-Appiah,2017). Considering that many parts of the country is battling with illegal small
scale mining operations, the economic consequences of the activities of illegal small scale mining
operators is huge. There is a long list of studies done on the negative health impacts associated
with illegal small scale mining such as the use of mercury in mining operations, working under
hazardous situations without adequate safety measures as well as the numerous social challenges
linked to illegal mining operations in the form of prostitution, infectious diseases in mining
communities, crime, abandoned pits that become breeding grounds for malaria-carrying
mosquitoes, child labour, high level of school drop-outs among other social ills (Akabzaa &
Darimani, 2001; McQuilken & Hilson, 2016; Twerefou et al., 2015). Although Ghana signed the
Minamata Convention on Mercury minimizing exposure to mercury in 2014, mercury use in
galamsey operations is unabated. Livelihoods have been affected by illegal small scale operations
in many forms. Residents in mining communities have lost large tracts of farming lands illegal
small scale mining as have many fisher folks who have been deprived of the use otherwise clean
water bodies for fishing activities. Many mining communities are having to import food items
previously produced in the locality from the urban centres leading to food security concerns
(Mensah, 2018). Taylor, (2018) found that in Denkyira Asikuma near Dunkwa, not less than 30
cocoa farmers have sold their land to miners who “quickly excavated, pumped in water and
chemicals, and abandoned their pits when the work was done or when soldiers chased them away.”
. Furthermore, Ghana’s historic one million ounce tonnes of cocoa produced in 2011 has dropped
to 740,000 tonnes in 2015 largely as a result of increase in illegal mining (Taylor, 2018).

30. 18
2.6 Response to the menace of illegal small scale mining
Governments over the years have made some efforts to address the negative impact of illegal
mining on the environment with mixed results. It would appear that the default action against
illegal small scale mining operations is security swoops by the political authorities. Recent
examples include the 5 member Inter-Ministerial Task Force set up in 2013 set up under then
President Mahama and the “Operation Vanguard” Joint Military Police Task Force set up in 2017
under current President Akufo-Addo to clamp down on illegal small scale mining (Boafo et al.,
2019). In the midst of the campaign against illegal mining, Act 703 was amended by the Minerals
and Mining (Amendment) Act, 2019 (Act 995), which among others, increased the penalties for
illegal mining. While the use of force in an attempt to enforce the laws on mining may have had
an impact in the fight against illegal small scale mining, the country seems to be still far away from
completely eradicating the activities of illegal small scale miners. However, there is increasing
acceptance within officialdom and the corridors of policy makers and stakeholders in the mining
sector that to be able to make any meaningful and definitive impact in curbing illegal small scale
mining, there is the real need for participants in illegal small scale mining to be given alternative
livelihood employment (Hilson et al., 2014). In the absence of suitable state and private sector
policies on sustainable alternative sources, attempts at clamp down on illegal small scale mining
would fail. (Afriyie et al., 2016; Hilson et al., 2009).
2.7 The Concept of ALP
ALP typifies interventions targeted at reducing activities regarded as damaging to the environment
through substituting the harmful practices with livelihood activities that provide “at least
equivalent benefits” (Wright et al, 2015). ALPs can thus be regarded as deliberate policies that are
fashioned out by policymakers to address behaviours that are both seen as environmentally

31. 19
damaging and unsustainable (Wright et al., supra). According to Chambers and Conway (1992), “A
livelihood is sustainable when it can cope with and recover from stresses and shocks, maintain or enhance
its capabilities and assets, while not undermining the natural resource base”. To attain a living, one must
also pay attention to ensuring the sustainability of the environment (Mazibuko, 2012). A person’s livelihood
can be sustained for a longer time when the activity can meet the needs of the present generation (family
and needs) without compromising the ability of the future generation (children and the environment)
(Martey, 2018).
2.7.1 Types of Livelihood-focused Interventions
Wright et al, supra, identified three broad categories of livelihood-focused interventions under
ALPs. These are alternatives, compensation and incentives. Alternatives may partially or fully
substitute for any monetary and non-monetary benefits to be derived from the exploitation of a
specific natural resources as the assumption is that poverty and absence of choices mainly account
for the pressure on a natural resource (Brown, 2002). On the other hand, compensation or
incentives involve direct acknowledgment that social and individual costs of conserving a resource
may impact negatively on people’s livelihood thus the need for adequate recompense for the
resulting loss.
Alternatives may be further divided into those that provide substitute resources to one being
exploited such as the promotion of imported animal protein as an alternative to locally hunted
bush meat; those provide alternative occupation in order to reduce the need to exploit a natural
resource for income such as the promotion of butter fly farming as a substitute for agricultural
expansion or the promotion of fuel-efficient stoves to reduce the felling of trees for firewood( Roe
et al., 2014; Morgan-Brown et al., 2010; DeWan et al., 2013).

32. 20
2.7.2. Assumptions underlying ALPs
ALPs are motivated by different assumptions, including the assumption that ALPs reduce people’s
need to exploit natural resources (Sievanen et al., 2005 cited in Wright et al., supra). It is assumed
that given the opportunity, individuals dependent on unsustainable practices will decide fully or
partially to give up environmentally damaging practices for the sustainable alternative being
offered (Wright et al., supra). However, it has been found that the assumption of substitution is
rare as the alternatives instead become additional sources of income while the resource exploitation
continues (Torell et al., 2010). According to Damania et al. (2005), this may even contribute to
higher levels of exploitation via capacitating the purchase of more efficient machinery.
Additionally, it has been assumed that the beneficiary communities of ALPs are made up of
households with common characteristics (Waylen et al., 2013). Thus ALPs implemented in these
communities will be widely understood or comprehended. However, Bene et al (2009) argue that
there are social and political systems that control access to resources and opportunities at the
beneficiary community level. While the poorest in the community are often the ones that are
heavily dependent on natural resources (Kumpel et al., 2010), dependency cannot be equated with
the use of the resource. According to Angelson et al., (2014) a study conducted in 24 developing
countries showed that of the 7978 households surveyed, the use of biodiversity by the richest 20%
of households was five times higher than the poorest 40%. To be effective, ALPs must inure to the
benefits of the right people, i.e., those people most heavily exploiting the resource in question
(Wright et al, supra).
Finally, it is assumed that targeting individuals under an ALP will ultimately see a “population-
level” reduction in impact on the natural resources of conservation because the assumption is that
the individual will positively trigger a movement away from the damaging environmental practice

33. 21
at the household level culminating in a population-level change. However, as intra-household level
activities are not necessarily homogenous, where an individual within a particular household gains
an income form ALP, it may also influence the redistribution of labor as well as increase in effort
in the exploitation of the target resource by another member of the household (Allison et al., 2001).
It is thus crucial to be aware of the “dynamic and multilevel nature of the social-ecological
systems” in which to implement an ALP (Berkes, 2007).
2.7.3 The Complexity of ALPs and Sustainable Livelihood Approaches (SLAs)
It is quite easy for an ALP initiative to simply equate the needs of beneficiary communities or
group with pecuniary benefits and other financial alternatives (Berkes, 2012). Doing so however
distorts the complex rural livelihoods in developing nations. In this vein, Davies et al (2014) opine
that the concept of livelihoods, like that of poverty, must be defines differently. This has led to the
development of various SLAs (Wright et al, supra) which essentially is a theoretical system
together with a set of postulations to guide analyses on livelihoods and their subsequent
interventions (Toner & Franks, 2006). Carney (1998), argued that the SLA invented by the UK
Department for International Development is the most significant of the SLAs as shown in figure
1. Per the SLA concept, a livelihood may then be defined as the “living gained through the
productive use of assets in activities to which access has been granted through social, institutional,
and political processes” (Wright et al, supra). SLAs call attention to the activities a household
may undertake as part of livelihood approach and focuses on the fact that a range of activities may
be needed if a household is to meet its livelihood objectives (Wright et al, supra). However, not
every livelihood preference is made purely on the basis of attaining a balance between material
gains and risk as viewpoints on risks vary among individuals and people engage in activities for a

34. 22
plethora of reasons (Pollnac et al., 2008). What people do matter to them and that should not be
ignored (Gough et al., 2007).
Wright et al., supra, argue that SLAs drive home the point that a single activity undertaken under
an ALP is not enough to completely replace the range of tangible and intangible benefits being
experienced under the destructive activity the ALP is expected to address but by embracing an
SLA and recognizing the multidimensional nature of livelihood strategies in developing nations,
practitioners can enhance their grasp the place of damaging environmental conducts within
household livelihood portfolios. Considering the range of activities by different household based
on their profiles can aid in assessing those with the most pronounced impact on the environment
as well as those most at risk by resource access restrictions. Such information enables improved
targeting of future interventions (Wright et al, supra).
SLAs also enable a framework that explores the social-ecological system in which the livelihood
strategies of household are implanted. It involves considering both endogenous and exogenous
tendencies, and the power relations, politics, and institutions that dictate the differential access to
livelihood options by various groups (de Haan et al., 2005).

35. 23
Figure 1: Sustainable Livelihood framework
Source: DFID (1999)
The vulnerability context in figure 1 states the external environment in which people exist. It
includes trends, shocks and seasonality, over which people have little or no influence but impacts
livelihoods and the availability of assets of the people although not all of the trends and seasonality
may be negative. Vulnerability arises when people are confronted with a threat or shock but cannot
respond effectively (GLOPP, 2008). This must be differentiated from the concept of risk, which is
the likelihood of occurrence of external shocks as well as stresses and their possible severity or
effect. In terms of livelihood assets, GLOPP (2008) states the primary focus is chiefly on people
in the quest to capture the correct and truthful grasp of people’s strengths (called “assets” or
“capitals). The framework has identified five types of assets or capitals- human capital, social

36. 24
capital, natural capital, physical capital and financial capital- as the foundation for positive
livelihood outcomes. The significance or contribution of policies, institutions and processes in
the scheme of SLAs cannot be downplayed because of their overarching effect. Policies,
institutions and processes shape access to the “types of capital, livelihood strategies and decision-
making bodies and source of influence, terms of exchange between different types of capitals, and
returns to any given livelihood strategy” and also have an undeviating effect on a people’s sense
of belonging and welfare. (DFID, 2000). In short, policies, institutions and processes can
determine access to assets and influence decision making processes. Livelihood strategies is a
dynamic process that entails the activities and choices of people towards the achievement of their
livelihood objectives. As a dynamic process, people act to attain their disparate needs at different
periods and different members of a family may either live or work temporarily or permanently at
different places (DFID, 2000). According to GLOPP (2008), livelihood strategies are directly
contingent on asset status and policies, institutions and processes. Thus, the livelihood strategy of
one household might negatively or positively affect the livelihood strategy of another family.
Livelihood outcomes refer to the accomplishments of livelihood strategies, “such as more income,
increased well-being, reduce vulnerability, improved food security and a more sustainable use of
natural resources”. The objectives of a particular group and the scope of what has already been
accomplished must be comprehended in the consideration of livelihood outcomes (GLOPP, 2008).
Concluding, Kollmair et al., (2002) postulate that the Sustainable Livelihood Framework
“… depicts stakeholders as operating in a context of vulnerability, within which they have access
to certain assets. Assets gain weight and value through the prevailing social, institutional and
organizational environment (policies, institutions and processes). This context decisively shapes

37. 25
the livelihood strategies that are open to people in pursuit of their self-defined beneficial livelihood
outcomes”
2.7.4 Criticism of ALPs
ALPs have been criticized as programmes that advance unsustainable means of solving a problem,
“poorly adapted to people’s capacities, have limited market appeal and fail to reflect people’s
aspirations for their future” (IMM, 2008; Hilson et al., 2009). As already stated, poorly contrived
ALPs are products of defects in their design as well as scant apprehension of the social milieu. It
is thus crucial to give great attention to the complexity that innate in such policies to alter the
livelihood strategies of people (Wright et al., supra). Accordingly, ALPs must be designed in such
a manner that they actually address real, locally defined needs and leads to positive social outcomes
(Afriyie et al., 2016; Blomley et al., 2010; Hilson et al. 2009; Ofei-Aboagye et al., 2009).
Wright et al, supra, even argued that the term ALP should be give way to the broader term
livelihood-focused intervention. They submitted that terminology is important in the ALP scheme
and replacing ALP with livelihood-focused intervention will denude the “key, and simplistic,
assumption of substitution” and “lead to more realistic and nuanced theories of change in project
design and evaluation”.
2.8 ALP’s in Ghana
ALPs in mining communities has the main target of providing alternative source of employment
and income for local people, who have lost their primary occupations as a result of mining
activities (Twerefou et al., 2015). Hilson et al., (2009) have criticized the implementation of ALPs
in Ghana which postulates that ALPs being promoted are of superior attraction than small scale
mining ventures and capable of reducing poverty significantly in targeted communities. They
argued that these assumptions were incorrect with many of the ALPs being initiated proving to be

38. 26
an imposition and unpopular with targeted beneficiaries and recommend rethinking of ALPs for
mining communities.
The government and many large-scale mining companies have initiated various forms of mainly
agrarian-based ALPs to tackle the spate of illegal mining and raise rural living standards for the
years but had faced many difficulties. For example, Newmont Mining Company has through its
Livelihood Enhancement and Community Development Programme (LECDEP), supported
mining communities within its Akyem mining catchment area to develop new cocoa and others
farms such as mushroom production. Adoboe (2015) reported that the programme has benefitted
1,905 persons since its commencement in 2011, with about 1.2 million Ghana cedis spent on
beneficiaries.
As already stated, Dunkwa-on-Offin is one of the beneficiary communities for the ALP introduced
by the Government of Ghana. As a town affected by illegal small scale mining, it is expected the
ALP would “mobilise illegal miners (galamseys) and sensitise them into adopting the project as a
more lucrative, less hazardous means of livelihood” (Minerals Commission, 2019). It is the
Minerals Commission(2019)’s statistics that a total of 29,000 acres of oil palm plantation has been
established in 7 districts from 2013 to 2018 including the Upper Denkyira East municipality
communities of Dunkwa, Buabeng, Kyekyewere, Esikuma, and Agrave. The Minerals
Commission (2019) also asserted that it conducted a study in 2001 which identified and
recommended oil palm plantation as the “immediate most sustainable project for mining fringe
communities”.

39. 27
CHAPTER THREE
3.0 METHODOLOGY
3.1 Introduction
In this chapter, the population, sample and sampling technique, research design to be adopted for
the study as well as the instruments used are captured. The chapter also includes the procedure for
data collection and data analysis of the study.
3.1. 2 Profile of the Study Area
3.1.3 Location and Size
According to the Ghana Statistical Service (2014), the Upper Denkyira East Municipality was
established in 2007 by Legislative Instrument (LI 1877) from the then Upper Denkyira District
and inaugurated in February 2008. It lies within latitudes 5° 30’ and 6° 02’ north of the equator
and longitudes 1° W and 2° W of the Greenwich Meridian. It shares common boundaries with
Adansi South in the North, Assin North Municipality in the East, Atti-Morkwa District in the West
and Upper Denkyira West District in the North-West. The Municipality covers a total land area of
501.9 square kilometers, which is about 17 percent of the total land area of the Central Region.
Dunkwa-On-Offin. is the administrative capital. A district map of the Municipality is depicted in
figure 2.

40. 28
Figure 2: Map of Upper Denkyira East Municipality; Source: Ghana Statistical Service (2014)

41. 29
3.1.4 Physical Features
The physical features of the Upper Denkyira East Municipality is made up of the natural
environment namely climate, vegetation, relief and drainage, location and size, the social and
cultural environment in which the people live. The physical and socio-cultural environments are
therefore essential elements or factors affecting the socio-economic development of the district.
3.1.5 Relief and Drainage
The area falls under a forest-dissected plateau, rising to about 250m above sea level. There are
pockets of steep sided hills alternating with flat-bottomed valleys. Dunkwa, the Municipal Capital,
has series of high lands circling it. The major river in the area is the River Offin. Rivers Offin and
Pra have a number of streams as tributaries which flow through the municipality. The Municipality
falls within the semi equatorial zone.
3.1.6 Climate
The mean annual temperature is 29ºC in the hottest months and about 24ºC in the coolest months.
There are two rainfall seasons with total annual mean rainfall between 120cm and 200cm. The
first rainy season is from May to June with the heaviest in June, while the second rainy season is
from September to Mid-November. The main dry season is from late-November to February.
3.1.7 Vegetation
The Upper Denkyira East Municipal falls within the semi-deciduous forest zone. It consists of
three layers which do not differ much from the rain forest. The trees in this forest zone do not shed
all their leaves at the same time and are also not of the same species. Trees of the lower layer and
some of the topmost layers stay evergreen throughout the year. This is due to the generally moist
condition of the area. Due to increasing cocoa and mining activities in the area, especially in the
northern part of the Municipality, very little of the original forest is available and most of what is

42. 30
left are secondary forests. The forest contains various valuable timber species such as Mahogany
and Wawa.
3.1.8 Political Administration
The Upper Denkyira Municipal Assembly, which exercises deliberative, legislative and executive
functions, is the highest political and administrative body in the Municipality. It is made up of a
Municipal Chief Executive, who is the political head, elected members from the electoral areas,
appointees by the President in consultation with chiefs and interest groups in the municipality and
one Member of Parliament. The Municipal Co-ordinating Director (MCD) is the administrative
head and principal advisor to the MCE
3.1.9 Economy
The main forms of economic activities in the municipality are farming, mining and trading.
Agriculture activity is carried out in almost all the communities with the majority carried out in
smaller towns. Small scale mining and “galamsey” (illegal mining) is an activity that goes on in
almost all the towns within the municipality, especially by the youth. Most of the miners move
from Dunkwa to the other towns to carry out such activities. Other migrants such as the Chinese
are also involved extensively in the mining activities. Trading is mainly carried out in the urban
town, which is Dunkwa.
3.1.10 Population Size and Distribution
Figure 3 presents the population of the Municipality by age, sex and type of locality. The total
population is 72,810. Out of this figure, males constitute 49.2 percent and females 50.8 percent.
The sex ratio for the Municipality is 96.7, which means for every 100 females there are
approximately 97 males. Figure 3 also shows that, the population among urban and rural localities
are 35,790 (49.2%) and 37,020 (50.8%) respectively. This shows that majority of the population

43. 31
in the Municipality reside in the rural communities. Rural dwellers are slightly higher and this may
be attributed to the predominance of mining and farming activities in the rural area.
Figure 3: Population Distribution by locality
Source: Ghana Statistical Service, 2010 Population and Housing Census
3.2 Research Design
A research design is a plan which specifies methods and techniques to be used for the collection
of relevant data and data analysis. This serves as the foundation of the study in terms of reliability
of the findings as it specified the sources and types of information relevant to the research problem.
The research design to be adopted for the project is that of a case study. This method would grant
the researcher the opportunity to gain access to different variety of information sources and aid in
the analysis of data collected of which document, interviews, observations, etc. forms a part. Case
study methods are also known to aid in the scrutiny of policy documents of organizations (Birnberg
et al, 1990).
The study is mainly qualitative research. A qualitative research evolves around the opinions and
attitudes of the study group rather than any significantly measurable data (Glossary of Marketing

44. 32
2011) cited in Lichtman (2014). A qualitative research assists the study to assess the impact of
ALP implemented by the MNLR through the MDF and Richie Plantations Ltd on illegal small-
scale activities in Dunkwa-on-Offin. The researcher also collates some quantitative responses on
the benefits and challenges of the ALP in relation to illegal small-scale mining operations in the
study area making the study a one of a mixed method.
3.3 Population
The key informants and beneficiaries of the ALP in Dunkwa-on-Offin catchment area constitutes
the target population of the study. This community was chosen because it is part of the towns that
was selected under the ALP introduced by the Government of Ghana. Accordingly, the impacts of
such ALPs can better be assessed in in the community. Key informants involved responsible
officials of the MNLR, Minerals Commission, the Municipal Assembly and Richie Plantations
Ltd. The beneficiaries of the ALP in Dunkwa-on-Offin were included in the study.
3.4 Sampling Procedures
This study combined convenient and purposeful sampling techniques in selecting the sample
respondents for the study. The study adopted purposive sampling technique because it enables the
selection of respondents required to provide information for the study. Purposive and convenient
sampling was adopted because in as much as all the towns in the district are homogenous with
respect to illegal mining and the ALP, their intensity and impact may vary from town to town.
After the selection of the two towns, the researcher through the adoption of the purposive sampling
technique selected twelve (12) respondent beneficiaries of the ALP from two communities in the
Dunkwa-on-Offin catchment area for the filling of the questionnaires.
One official of the Minerals Commission in the Commission’s District office in the locality, and
an official from the Municipal Assembly were also purposely selected in addition to the foregoing

45. 33
respondents for the purpose of the research. This is to ensure that responses from both the
beneficiaries of the ALP as well as key actors in the design and implementation of the programme
are taken on board.
3.5 Sources of data
The study used both primary and secondary data. Primary data was gathered from the key
informants and the beneficiaries through observations and interviews. An interview guide during
meetings guided all interviews. Secondary data from the ALP unit of the Minerals Commission,
MDF and Corporate Affairs unit of Richie Plantations Ltd regarding the ALPs was also considered.
This was used to identify the projects and the beneficiaries so as to form the sampling. Also,
additional information that may help ascertain the prior livelihood conditions of residents in the
Municipality from the Municipal Assembly was used.
3.6 Data Collection Instrument(s)
The study employed the use of questionnaires as an instrument in collecting or gathering primary
data from all respondents. Macnee and McCabe (2007) state that, data collection is a process of
gathering information from identified respondents to answer the research questions. Different data
collection instruments such as questionnaires, interviews, and checklists can be used to solicit
information (Ghauri & Gronhaug, 2005). The questionnaire had items or questions which were
both close and open ended; this was used to attain perception and directly required responses from
respondents for the study. Questions were structured in the English language. The interview guide
was administered in the English language while the interview schedule was administered in a local
language (Fante) to cater for those respondents who did not speak, understand, read or write
English. To ensure the accuracy of some of the information provided in the interview, observation
was used only on the beneficiaries and was done after the interview.

46. 34
3.7 Data Analysis and presentation
The Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) analytical tool was used to analyse the data
gathered from the survey. The SPSS provides a method of analysis of data and converts them to
suitable variables for decision making. Microsoft Excel is used to generate descriptive charts and
tables for presentation of the findings. The analysis and findings are based on the objectives of the
study and thus answering the research questions posed in the study, e.g. What are the social and
economic impact of the ALP on their livelihood? The responses from the close-ended questions
summarized and interpreted in the form of tables, bar graphs and pie charts while those from focus
group discussions were guided and the responses of each of the groups were recorded using field
notes.
3.10 Ethical consideration
Participants of the study were fully briefed about the aim of the study before they participated.
They were informed that the purpose of collecting data from them is for an academic exercise.
Participants from the communities were first informed about the significance of the study before
it is conducted at their premise. The confidentiality of the information given by respondents was
top priority for the researcher. Accordingly, every effort was made to ensure anonymity of the
respondents. Additionally, for the sake of transparency and openness, all information needed or
requested by the respondents were made available to them. By way of emphasis, no one was forced
or coerced to fill the questionnaire or answer the questions that were asked of them.

47. 35
CHAPTER FOUR
4.0 DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION
4.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter presents the analysis of data collected from the study area. The research data was
obtained from twenty-eight (28) respondents by way of questionnaires as well as semi-structured
interview questions. Twenty-four (24) respondents filled the questionnaires while four (4)
respondents had a semi-structured interview question administered. As a study focusing on the
impact of the Alternative Livelihood Project (ALP) on illegal small scale mining, the respondents
were persons previously engaged in illegal small scale mining who have now embraced the ALP
introduced in the study area.
In addition to the demographic characteristics of respondents, other issues addressed included
economic activities that were in place alongside illegal small scale mining prior to the introduction
of ALP in the community, the impact of the ALP on the livelihood of the beneficiaries, and the
challenges experienced by the key stakeholders in implementing the ALP.
4.2 Demographic characteristics of Respondents
As indicated per table 1, majority of the respondents were males. Twenty-two (91.67%)
respondents are males whilst two (8.33%) respondents were females.

48. 36
Table 1: Demographic characteristics of respondents
Gender Frequency Percent (%)
Male 22 91.67
Female 2 8.33
Total 24 100
Source: Field work, 2020
4.3 Reasons for engaging in illegal small scale mining/galamsey
4.3.1 Number of years lived in the community
Table 2 shows that majority of the respondents were residents of the community. About nineteen
(79.17%) respondents were residents of the community and have lived there for more than 5 years.
Some respondents have lived in the community for up to 20 years. The respondents also agreed
that they were natives of the community. However, five (20.83%) respondents stated that they
have only lived in the community for 5 months.
Table 2: Years lived in the community
How many years have you lived in this community? Frequency Percent (%)
Years 19 79.17
Months 5 20.83
Total 24 100.00
Source: Field work, 2020

49. 37
4.3.2 Number of people in household
As shown in table 3, respondents were of the view that they did not live alone and lived in
households with many members. Eleven (45.83%) respondents lived in households containing
about 6 to 10 people. Seven (29.17%) respondents stayed in households with 1 to 5 people, whilst
six (25%) respondents had their households consisting of 11 to 15 people.
Table 3: Number of people in household
Number of people in household Frequency Percent (%)
1 to 5 7 29.17
6 to 10 11 45.83
11 to 15 6 25.00
Total 24 100.00
Source: Field work, 2020
4.3.3 Responsibility status of respondents within family
Table 4 shows that most of the respondents described themselves as the breadwinners for their
families. While thirteen (54.17%) respondents said that they were breadwinners and eleven
(45.83%) respondents stated they were not the breadwinners of their families.
Table 4: Responsibility status of respondents within family
Are you the breadwinner of your family? Frequency Percent (%)
Yes 13 54.17
No 11 45.83
Total 24 65.17
Source: Field work, 2020

50. 38
4.3.4 Knowledge of galamsey
All respondents noted that galamsey was an illegal exercise which endangered the environment,
in particular, lands and water bodies as well as human life. The respondents agreed the activity
was negative and must stop.
4.3.5 Number of years involved in galamsey
Per table 5, nineteen (79.17%) respondents stated that they had engaged in galamsey for more than
5 years and five (20.83%) respondents noted that they had engaged in the illegal small scale mining
activity for about 12 months.
Table 5: Number of years involved in galamsey
How long were you engaged in galamsey? Frequency Percent (%)
Years 19 79.17
Months 5 20.83
Total 24 100.00
Source: Field work, 2020
4.3.6 Reason for undertaking galamsey
As obtained in table 6, seventeen (70.83%) respondents cited unemployment as the reason for
engaging in galamsey. Five (20.83%) respondents blamed poverty for indulging in galamsey.
Two (8.33%) respondents said they engaged in galamsey for additional livelihood. None of the
respondents cited lack of education or “get rich” quick syndrome as reasons for undertaking
illegal small scale mining activity.

51. 39
Table 6: Reason for undertaking galamsey
Reasons for undertaking galamsey Frequency Percent (%)
Poverty 5 20.83
Additional livelihood 2 8.33
Unemployment 17 70.83
Lack of education 0 0.00
Get rich quick 0 0.00
Total 24 100.00
Source: Field work, 2020
The findings regarding unemployment and poverty resonate with past studies that poverty coupled
with high rates of unemployment of people due to poverty and unemployment have contributed to
the surge in galamsey operations in many rural areas of the countries where mining activities take
place (Aidoo,2016; Afriyie et al., 2016; Carier & Burge, 2011; UNDP, 2017; World Bank, 2013).
The findings also support the conclusion of Afriyie et al. (2016) and Hilson (2010) that most people
indulge in illegal small scale mining as a result of poverty and financial hardship than simply to
enrich themselves overnight.
4.3.7 Number of people working in galamsey
Eighteen (75%) respondents noted that they worked with 1 to 20 people. Four (16.67%)
respondents noted they worked with about 21 to 50 people. One respondent stated they worked
with about 150 people, that is, in the bracket of 101 to 200. However, as depicted by table 7, one
respondent noted that he worked alone.

52. 40
Table 7: Number of people working in galamsey
Number of people worked with Frequency Percent (%)
1 to 20 18 75.00
21 to 50 4 16.67
51 to 100 0 0.00
101 to 200 1 4.17
None 1 4.17
Total 24 100.00
Source: Field work, 2020
4.3.8 Wages/Monies earned from galamsey
From table 8, majority of the respondents stated that they received wages for working in illegal
small scale mining. Whilst fourteen respondents (58.33%) said that they took between five hundred
Ghana Cedis (GHS 500.00) to one thousand Ghana Cedis (GHS 1000.00) in wages each week,
seven (29.17%) respondents and two (8.33%) respondents stated that they received wages in the
sum of one hundred Ghana Cedis (GHS 100.00) to five hundred Ghana Cedis (GHS 500.00)
weekly and about one thousand Ghana Cedis (GHS 1,000.00) to one thousand, five hundred Ghana
Cedis (GHS 1,500.00) a month respectively. However, one respondent he did not receive any
wages and had to beg and borrow money from those they sold their products to.

53. 41
Table 8: Wages/Monies earned from galamsey activities
Cash paid Frequency Percent (%)
100 to 500 7 29.17
500 to 1000 14 58.33
1000 to 1500 2 8.33
1500 to 2000 0.00
None 1 4.17
Total 24 100
Source: Field work, 2020
4.3.9 Payment of Taxes
As indicated by table 9, all the respondents stated that they do not pay taxes of any kind to the
government in their operations.
Table 9: Payment of Taxes
Pay Taxes Frequency Percent (%)
No 24 100.00
Income tax 0.00
VAT 0.00
Market Levy 0.00
Property rate 0.00
Total 24 100.00
Source: Field work, 2020

54. 42
4.3.10 Is illegal small scale mining good or bad?
As depicted by table 10, all but one respondent agreed that illegal small scale mining is bad because
of its negative impact on the land, farms, properties and human life. Furthermore, respondents
added that the activity illegally took resources which can be used to develop the whole community.
Nevertheless, one respondent was good because it created job openings and gave income to the
youths in the community.
Table 10: Is illegal small scale mining good or bad?
Is illegal small scale mining good or bad Frequency Percent (%)
Good 1 4.17
Bad 23 95.83
Total 24 100
Source: Field work, 2020
4.3.11 Rate of illegal small scale mining in the community
As shown by table 11, respondents were of the view that the rate of illegal small scale mining in
the community is very high. Nine (37.5%) respondents stated the rate was very high while six
(25%) respondents noted it was high. Seven (29.17%) respondents said the phenomenon was
moderate as against two (8.33%) respondents who said illegal small scale mining was very low.

55. 43
Table 11: Rate of illegal small scale mining in the community
Rate of illegal small scale mining in your community Frequency Percent (%)
Very High 9 37.50
High 6 25.00
Moderate 7 29.17
Low 0 0.00
Very Low 2 8.33
Total 24 100.00
Source: Field work, 2020
4.4 Impact of Illegal Small Scale mining on livelihoods of study area
4.4.1 Number of years engaged in ALP
From table 12, eighteen (75%) respondents stated that they had been engaged in the ALP for less
than one year whilst six (25%) respondents said that they had engaged in the ALP for a number of
years, which is between two and three years.
Table 12: Duration engaged in the ALP
How long have you been engaged in the ALP Frequency Percent (%)
Months 18 75.00
Years 6 25.00
Total 24 100.00
Source: Field work, 2020

56. 44
4.4.2 Prior involvement in ALP design/Beneficiary Selection process
As shown by table 13, all the respondents stated that they were not involved in designing or
formulating the process before its implementation. However, eleven (45.83%) respondents said
they volunteered to participate, nine (37.5%) respondents said they got on board through
registration and four respondents (16.67%) stated that they became beneficiaries through
recommendation by friends.
Table 13: Prior involvement in ALP design/Beneficiary Selection process
Chosen to participate in this project Frequency Percent (%)
Registration 9 37.50
Volunteered 11 45.83
Friend 4 16.67
Total 24 100.00
Source: Field work, 2020
4.4.3 Size of the land used in planting per beneficiary
Per table 14, nine (37.5%) respondents said that their land size was 5 acres, six (25%) respondents
stated 3 acres, and seven (29.17%) respondents stated that they used 4 acres of land, whilst one
(2.17%) respondent said that they used 6 acres. However, a respondent stated he used 10 acres.

57. 45
Table 14: 3 Size of the land used in planting per beneficiary
Size of the land used in planting per beneficiary? Frequency Percent (%)
3 acres 6 25.00
4 acres 7 29.17
5 acres 9 37.50
6 acres 1 4.17
10 acres 1 4.17
Total 24 100.00
Source: Field work, 2020
4.4.4 Provision of Land for ALP
As per table 15, respondents noted that the land needed for the project was provided by themselves
without any assistance from the chiefs or the government. Additionally, all respondents noted that
their daily activities on their beneficiary projects including weeding, pruning and fertilizing. Only
few a respondents stated that their daily activities involved harvesting on their farms.

58. 46
Table 15: Provision of land for ALP
Who provided the land for the project? Frequency Percent (%)
Self 24 100.00
Government 0 -
Chief 0 -
Total 24 100
Source: Field work, 2020
4.4.5 Assistance from Institutions
In table 16, twelve (50%) respondents indicated that they received assistance or support from the
Minerals Commission in the form of seedlings and fertilizers for their plantation. Seven (29.17%)
respondents stated they did not receive any assistance from any organization. Five (20.83)
respondents said that they received some support from Richie Plantation limited.
Table 16: Assistance from Institutions
Do you receive assistance/support from the following
institutions?
Frequency Percent (%)
Minerals Commission 12 50.00
Municipal Assembly 0 0.00
Richie Plantations Ltd 5 20.83
None 7 29.17
Total 24 100.00
Source: Field work, 2020

59. 47
4.4.6 Preference for a different ALP
Majority of the respondents indicated that they would not have preferred a different ALP to the
current one. Seventeen (10.83%) respondents expressed their contentment with ALP. Seven
(29.7%) respondents stated that they would have preferred a different ALP to the current one.
Some respondents however said that they wanted a project that would enable them attain income
quickly rather than wait for the products to grow before they could make income for themselves.
4.4.7 Is the ALP less damaging to the environment?
In figure 4, respondents noted that the ALP is less damaging to the environment than the illegal
mining and is neither tedious nor time consuming. Whilst eighteen respondents strongly agreed
with this assertion, two respondents agreed. Two respondents each disagreed and strongly
disagreed to it been less damaging to the environment, time consuming and tedious.
Figure 4: ALP is less damaging
Source: Field work, 2020
18
2 2 2
8
12
2 2
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
20
Strongly
Agree
Agree I don’t
know
Strongly
Disagree
Disagree
The ALP is less damaging to
the environment than illegal
small scale mining
The ALP is not tedious and not
time consuming than illegal
small scale mining

60. 48
4.4.8 ALP is more lucrative and less risky
Per figure 5, respondents were in agreement to ALP being less risky and more lucrative than illegal
small scale mining. Thirteen and nine respondents strongly agreed and agreed respectively to ALP
being more lucrative and less risky than illegal small scale mining. One respondent each disagreed
and strongly disagreed to ALP being more lucrative and less risky than illegal small scale mining.
Figure 5: ALP is more lucrative and less risky
Source: Field work, 2020
4.4.9 ALP has led to improvement social lives of beneficiaries
Per figure 6, fourteen and four respondents strongly agreed and agreed respectively that the ALP
has improved their environment and standards of living compared to illegal small scale mining.
Four and two respondents strongly disagreed and disagreed respectively that the ALP has
improved their environment and standards of living compared to illegal small scale mining.
0 5 10 15
Strongly Agree
Agree
I don’t know
Strongly Disagree
Disagree
13
9
1
1
12
3
5
2
2
The ALP is more lucrative
than illegal small scale
mining
The ALP is less risky and
less harmful to my health
than illegal small scale
mining

61. 49
Figure 6: Social Improvement
Source: Field work, 2020
4.4.10 Personal growth of beneficiaries
In figure 7, most of the respondents agreed that the ALP has helped them to meet responsibilities
to their families by increasing their income compared to illegal small scale mining. Twelve and
eight respondents strongly agreed and agreed respectively to ALP helping them meet
responsibilities towards their families through increasing their income compared to illegal small
scale mining. Two respondents each strongly disagreed and disagreed with the above assertion.
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
10
5 5
2 2
14
4
0
4
2
The ALP has improved the
environment in the
community
The ALP has improved my
standard of living
compared to illegal small
scale mining

62. 50
Figure 7: Personal growth of beneficiaries
Source: Field Work, 2020
4.4.11 Reduction in illegal small scale mining in the Community
The study indicated as shown in figure 8 that respondents agreed that the ALP has led to the
reduction of illegal small scale mining activities in the community since its inception. Fourteen
respondents strongly agreed and eight respondents agreed with the above assertion. Two
respondents however disagreed that the ALP has reduced the menace of illegal small scale mining
activities in the community.
12
8
0
2
2
10
6
6
2
0 5 10 15
Strongly Agree
Agree
I don’t know
Strongly Disagree
Disagree
The ALP has helped me to
meet my responsibilities
as a bread winner
The ALP has increased my
income compared to
illegal small scale mining

63. 51
Figure 8: Reduction in illegal small scale mining in the Community
Source: Field work, 2020
4.4.12 ALP has provided employment
From the study, and as shown in figure 9, respondents indicated that the ALP has provided
employment to many illegal small scale miners and their dependents in the community. Sixteen
respondents and six respondents strongly agreed and agreed respectively that ALP has provided
employment. However, two respondents did not know if ALP has provided employment to many
illegal small scale miners and their dependents in the community.
14
8
2
ALP has led to the reduction of illegal small scale
mining activities in the community since its inception
Strongly Agree
Agree
I don’t know
Strongly Disagree
Disagree

64. 52
Figure 9: ALP has provided employment
Source: Field work, 2020
4.4.13 ALP is more beneficial than illegal small scale mining
Per figure 10, most respondents indicated that the ALP is more beneficial to them compared to the
illegal small scale mining. Whilst eleven respondents strongly to the ALP being more beneficial
to them than illegal small scale mining, six respondents agreed that the ALP was more beneficial
to them than illegal small scale mining. However, whilst four respondents disagreed to ALP being
more beneficial to them compared to illegal small scale mining, two respondents strongly
disagreed that the ALP is more beneficial to them as against illegal small scale mining.
6
16
2
ALP provided employment to many illegal small scale
miners
Strongly Agree
Agree
I don’t know
Strongly Disagree
Disagree

65. 53
Figure 10: ALP is Beneficial than Illegal Mining
Source: Field work, 2020
4.5 Sustainability of ALP
4.5.1 Preferred a different ALP to the current one
Table 17 shows that seventeen (70.83%) respondents did not prefer any new ALP to what they
have now. However, seven (29.7%) respondents preferred a different ALP from what they have
now. One respondent indicated that the introduction of cashew or rubber plantation would be
appreciated.
11
6
0
2
4
ALP is beneficial to me compared to illegal small scale
mining
Strongly Agree
Agree
I don’t know
Strongly Disagree
Disagree

66. 54
Table 17: Preferred a different ALP to the current one
Preferred a different ALP to the current one Frequency Percent (%)
Yes 7 29.7
No 17 70.83
Total 24 100.00
Source: Field work, 2020
On the basis of the results in Table 17, the majority of the respondents are happy about the current
ALP. The findings resonate with the view of Blomley et al., (2010) and Wright et al., (2015) that
ALPs must be designed in such a manner that they actually address real, locally defined needs and
leads to positive social outcomes.
4.5.2 Returning to illegal small scale mining
Per table 18, none of the respondents expressed the intention of returning to illegal small scale
mining. All twenty-four (100%) respondents noted that they would not go back to illegal small
scale mining because of the risks involved whilst other said that they knew the act was illegal and
destroyed the environment.
Table 18: Returning to illegal small scale mining
Considering returning to illegal small scale mining Frequency Percent (%)
Yes 0 0.00
No 24 100.00
Total 24 100.00

67. 55
Source: Field work, 2020
4.5.3 Knowledge of any beneficiary abandoning ALP and returning to illegal small scale
mining?
As indicated in table 19, twenty-three (95.83%) respondents stated that they did not know any
beneficiary who has abandoned the ALP and returned to illegal small scale mining. However, one
(4.17 %) respondent indicated that he knew beneficiaries who had abandoned the ALP for illegal
small scale mining.
Table 19: Beneficiaries that have abandoned the ALP and returned to illegal small scale
mining
Beneficiary that has abandoned the ALP and
returned to illegal mining Frequency Percent (%)
Yes 23 95.83
No 1 4.17
Total 24 100.00
Source: Field work, 2020
4.5.4 Knowledge of any beneficiary still combining illegal small scale mining with the ALP?
As shown in table 20, most of the respondents said that they did not know any beneficiary still
combining illegal small scale mining with the ALP. Twenty-two (91.67%) respondents said that
they did not know any beneficiary who was combining the ALP with illegal small scale mining.
But two (8.33%) respondents said they knew of beneficiaries who are combining illegal small
scale mining with the ALP.