This document summarizes a study that examined how serializing political scandal coverage (publishing bits of scandalous information over multiple articles rather than all at once) affects people's attitudes toward the politician involved. The study exposed participants to identical information about a political corruption scandal, but systematically manipulated whether the information was presented in one, two, three, four, or five news articles. It found that serialization indirectly increased negative attitudes by making the scandal seem more important, increasing reading time and cognitive processing of the information, and intensifying negative emotions. Serialization of scandals is common for journalists to maximize profit and publicity, but its effects on readers had not been previously examined.
Polish Printed Media Coverage and Evaluation of the Polish Presidency in the ...Agnieszka Stępińska
The document discusses a study analyzing Polish print media coverage of Poland's first presidency of the European Union Council in 2011. It examines how four daily newspapers (Gazeta Wyborcza, Rzeczpospolita, Nasz Dziennik, and Fakt) and three weekly magazines (Polityka, Wprost, and Uważam Rze. Inaczej pisane) portrayed and evaluated the presidency. The study found that while the newspapers' political biases could have led to differing evaluations, most coverage was neutral. Gazeta Wyborcza and Fakt had the highest levels of neutral assessments at 67% and 57%, while Rzeczpospolita and Nasz D
The paper presents the contemporary information policy implemented by
the Ukrainian government. The survey answers the question about the new role of information policy in the state authorities’ activities. The research focuses on the executive branch of power, due to its impact on the internal and external image of Ukraine.
The analysis was conducted at the strategic, institutional and operational levels, and
concerned the content of messages.
MAIN TRENDS IN MEDIA COVERAGE OF SOCIOPOLITICAL PROCESSES IN UKRAINE IN 2014-...DonbassFullAccess
The document analyzes trends in media coverage of socio-political events in Ukraine from 2014 to 2017 based on monitoring by NGO Detector Media. It finds that for many years, the political views expressed by private Ukrainian TV channels have been defined by the interests of their oligarchic owners rather than objective journalism. Following Ukraine's 2014 revolution, some channels began transforming into public broadcasters, but oligarchic media groups still dominate the landscape. The monitoring found violations of journalism standards increased in news coverage, especially invited commentary that censored opposing views. Overall the analysis shows oligarchic influence and lack of strong public media have hampered quality coverage of political issues important to Ukrainian society.
This document provides an overview of core issues and concepts relating to media influence on conflict and war. It discusses key texts on topics like the role of television in society, media coverage of the Gulf War, and the impact of 9/11 on journalism. Major concepts covered include media events, framing of conflicts, and debates around the "CNN effect" and whether media coverage influences policy decisions. Livingston's model of different types of military intervention and potential media effects is also summarized.
China has used media diplomacy in the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands issue to shape public opinion and support its claims. The document examines China's media diplomacy between 2012-2013, when coverage of the issue intensified. It finds that China used state-run media like CCTV and Xinhua to promote its position domestically and abroad, strengthen historical narratives of its claims, and mobilize Chinese public support during anti-Japanese protests while maintaining hopes for negotiations. The study aims to analyze how media diplomacy affected public opinion and potentially political decisions regarding the disputed islands.
Hey! Check cool APA format lite review example, more examples you will get here https://www.litreview.net/our-literature-review-writing-service/write-your-apa-literature-review-with-us/
This document discusses the relationship between media and foreign policy. It defines media and foreign policy, noting that media aims to reach mass audiences and foreign policy outlines how countries will interact globally. Media influences foreign policy through shaping public opinion, setting agendas, and justifying or marginalizing certain issues. The document provides examples of how Pakistani leaders and media have influenced public opinion to support foreign policy goals. It concludes that Pakistani media is growing more powerful and its relationship with foreign policy is still delicate.
This document summarizes a study that examined how serializing political scandal coverage (publishing bits of scandalous information over multiple articles rather than all at once) affects people's attitudes toward the politician involved. The study exposed participants to identical information about a political corruption scandal, but systematically manipulated whether the information was presented in one, two, three, four, or five news articles. It found that serialization indirectly increased negative attitudes by making the scandal seem more important, increasing reading time and cognitive processing of the information, and intensifying negative emotions. Serialization of scandals is common for journalists to maximize profit and publicity, but its effects on readers had not been previously examined.
Polish Printed Media Coverage and Evaluation of the Polish Presidency in the ...Agnieszka Stępińska
The document discusses a study analyzing Polish print media coverage of Poland's first presidency of the European Union Council in 2011. It examines how four daily newspapers (Gazeta Wyborcza, Rzeczpospolita, Nasz Dziennik, and Fakt) and three weekly magazines (Polityka, Wprost, and Uważam Rze. Inaczej pisane) portrayed and evaluated the presidency. The study found that while the newspapers' political biases could have led to differing evaluations, most coverage was neutral. Gazeta Wyborcza and Fakt had the highest levels of neutral assessments at 67% and 57%, while Rzeczpospolita and Nasz D
The paper presents the contemporary information policy implemented by
the Ukrainian government. The survey answers the question about the new role of information policy in the state authorities’ activities. The research focuses on the executive branch of power, due to its impact on the internal and external image of Ukraine.
The analysis was conducted at the strategic, institutional and operational levels, and
concerned the content of messages.
MAIN TRENDS IN MEDIA COVERAGE OF SOCIOPOLITICAL PROCESSES IN UKRAINE IN 2014-...DonbassFullAccess
The document analyzes trends in media coverage of socio-political events in Ukraine from 2014 to 2017 based on monitoring by NGO Detector Media. It finds that for many years, the political views expressed by private Ukrainian TV channels have been defined by the interests of their oligarchic owners rather than objective journalism. Following Ukraine's 2014 revolution, some channels began transforming into public broadcasters, but oligarchic media groups still dominate the landscape. The monitoring found violations of journalism standards increased in news coverage, especially invited commentary that censored opposing views. Overall the analysis shows oligarchic influence and lack of strong public media have hampered quality coverage of political issues important to Ukrainian society.
This document provides an overview of core issues and concepts relating to media influence on conflict and war. It discusses key texts on topics like the role of television in society, media coverage of the Gulf War, and the impact of 9/11 on journalism. Major concepts covered include media events, framing of conflicts, and debates around the "CNN effect" and whether media coverage influences policy decisions. Livingston's model of different types of military intervention and potential media effects is also summarized.
China has used media diplomacy in the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands issue to shape public opinion and support its claims. The document examines China's media diplomacy between 2012-2013, when coverage of the issue intensified. It finds that China used state-run media like CCTV and Xinhua to promote its position domestically and abroad, strengthen historical narratives of its claims, and mobilize Chinese public support during anti-Japanese protests while maintaining hopes for negotiations. The study aims to analyze how media diplomacy affected public opinion and potentially political decisions regarding the disputed islands.
Hey! Check cool APA format lite review example, more examples you will get here https://www.litreview.net/our-literature-review-writing-service/write-your-apa-literature-review-with-us/
This document discusses the relationship between media and foreign policy. It defines media and foreign policy, noting that media aims to reach mass audiences and foreign policy outlines how countries will interact globally. Media influences foreign policy through shaping public opinion, setting agendas, and justifying or marginalizing certain issues. The document provides examples of how Pakistani leaders and media have influenced public opinion to support foreign policy goals. It concludes that Pakistani media is growing more powerful and its relationship with foreign policy is still delicate.
In this lecture, part of the World Affairs Council of Jacksonville's Great Decisions program, I explore the relationship between the current media landscape, democracy, and foreign policy.
This document summarizes Jesper Strömbäck's four phases of mediatization theory. The four phases are: 1) mass media becomes the main source of information, 2) mass media becomes independent from political power, 3) political and social actors start adapting to mass media, and 4) social and political actors internalize media logic. The document provides context on Strömbäck and what media logic is. It then analyzes the four phases theory, noting the phases occurred from the 17th century to present day. The document concludes with a SWOT analysis of the four phases theory.
The aim of this Special Issue of Central European Political Studies is to
bring media scholars together and to reflect on the current trends in political journalism in our region. The focus of the articles is trained on the discovery of the shifts
and continuities in journalistic practises 25 years after the collapse of the communist regimes. Some of the findings and conclusions presented in the volume come
from studies conducted within the framework of international comparative research
projects such as Worlds of Journalism, Journalistic Role Performance Around the
Globe, or Media Accountability and Transparency in Europe (MediaAcT). The others
come from single, national empirical studies or analyses on the media systems conducted in the Central and Eastern countries.
The document discusses different views of the relationship between the media, the state, and the political process. It outlines two main views:
1) The pluralist view sees the media as independent from the state and reflecting a diversity of views in society.
2) The neo-Marxist and Marxist views see the media as maintaining the status quo and serving the interests of the powerful by distorting reality and justifying inequality. They view the media's role as reinforcing the existing social and political order.
3) A post-modernist perspective maintains that media coverage of events like wars can construct the events in a way that calls their actual occurrence into question.
This document provides an abstract for a study on developing a theory of public diplomacy. It aims to test different explanations for why states practice public diplomacy, including rational, idealistic, and social trend motivations, using a novel quantitative method and statistical analysis. The study finds that rational explanations related to factors like wealth and prestige best explain public diplomacy activities. However, it also finds evidence that a social trend or norm is emerging as more states participate in public diplomacy beyond rational calculations. Idealistic motivations are found to have limited explanatory power despite concepts of "credible diplomacy." The document outlines the theoretical background and emergence of public diplomacy as a field of study.
This document discusses how a British broadsheet newspaper represented the Greek national elections in 2012 through the lens of the ongoing financial crisis in Europe. It analyzes the use of speech representation, which involves reporting the words of those involved in the Greek elections and related events. The author argues that this serves to construct a polarized image of the crisis by framing Greece and Europe in an oppositional relationship, positioning Greece as either dependent on or independent from Europe. This framing helps maintain existing power structures and social inequalities.
This document discusses the evolution of public diplomacy from its origins to its current state. It argues that public diplomacy has shifted from being focused on mutual understanding between states and publics to serving national security objectives, especially after 9/11. Key figures like Elihu Root and Edmund Gullion helped establish public diplomacy's focus on influencing global public opinion to support foreign policy goals. However, 9/11 marked a tipping point where public diplomacy became more militarized and aimed at strategic communication in the war on terror, with the military taking a larger role than the Department of State. This has diluted public diplomacy's impact but increased its credibility among national security circles.
Media consumption and assessment of social and political processes in Ukraine...Mariana Zakusylo
The study found high levels of fatigue with politicians and politicized media among residents in eastern Ukraine, leading to distrust and apathy. Many citizens passively consume media as a single flow without analyzing sources. Entertainment content like videos and humor are most popular. While local news is in demand, awareness of reforms is low due to fragmented media coverage that causes confusion rather than understanding of goals and mechanisms.
Journalists used Twitter during the 2014 Gaza-Israel conflict to report events and share their perspectives. The study examined tweets by Israeli and international journalists to analyze the extent to which Twitter challenges traditional war journalism that is often elite-oriented and nationally oriented. The analysis found that while individual journalists may have more agency on Twitter to retweet critical messages and interact with outsiders, institutional, cultural and national forces still dominated coverage, particularly for journalists from the conflicting parties, similar to traditional media. Journalists on Twitter have more freedom than in the past but are still constrained by virtual national boundaries.
The document discusses the increasing influence of media on American politics over time. It begins by defining media and its agenda-setting, framing, and storytelling functions. Then it provides a timeline of key developments in media technology from the colonial period to today. At each stage, media gained more power and reach, from the introduction of the steam press and telegraph to radio, television, and the internet. Throughout, examples are given of how new media shaped political discussions, campaigns, and administrations. The document argues that media now sets much of the public agenda and determines what issues and events citizens think about.
The document discusses the agenda setting theory of the news media. It states that while the media may not be able to directly tell people what to think, it is very successful in telling people what to think about. It also notes that for most people, political reality is defined by what is reported in the news. The document then outlines three models of agenda setting - awareness, salience, and priorities. It lists some of the tools used in agenda setting, such as placement of stories, frequency, scope, and how stories are presented. Finally, it provides details on a proposed media research project to analyze agenda setting across various German news websites.
Highway to hell? European Union‘s Eastern Policy from a Civilian power persp...Adam Mickiewicz University
Jarosław Jańczak, Michael Meimeth, 2015, Highway to hell? – European Union’s Eastern Policy from a civilizing power perspective, “Centre international de formation européenne CIFE Policy Paper”, No. 7, pp. 10.
Transformation of the Modern International Conflictsijtsrd
This article analysis the modern processes in international conflict resolution and transformation processes of solving inter state and intra state conflicts. Besides, Author gives own ideas on modern trends in international relations and conflict resolution which were researched on concrete cases and overall situation in modern world politics in XXI century. Bakhadirov Murat "Transformation of the Modern International Conflicts" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-5 | Issue-1 , December 2020, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd38183.pdf Paper URL : https://www.ijtsrd.com/humanities-and-the-arts/social-science/38183/transformation-of-the-modern-international-conflicts/bakhadirov-murat
Political Science 7 – International Relations - Power Point #11John Paul Tabakian
This document provides an overview of key topics covered in Dr. Tabakian's Political Science 7 course on modern world governments. Some of the main topics discussed include: state interdependence and how domestic politics can be impacted by foreign policy; the development of international organizations and European integration; reasons why some countries do not embrace democracy; the evolution of Wilson's 14 Points into the United Nations; how military institutions have remained strong post-Cold War; the rise of human rights as a component of foreign policy; different types of conventional and unconventional forces; evolving military technologies including terrorism; weapons of mass destruction like nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons; and the geopolitical challenges of proliferation.
Perfectessay.net coursework sample #1 mla styleDavid Smith
In their article, authors Nichols and McChesney discuss the crisis of journalism in America and its decline, which threatens democracy. They argue that media companies prioritized profits over professional journalism, leading to less news content. While some blame new technologies or economics, the authors believe the crisis stems from media consolidation reducing authentic journalism. To revive the industry, they propose government intervention through indirect subsidies, which they argue need not threaten media independence.
After the relatively successful system transformation, some young democratic countries from Central and Eastern Europe which used to receive democratic
aid in the 1980s and 90s have engaged as new donors in assisting pro-democratic
changes in other post-communist countries. The donor-recipient relations between
two post-communist countries can be observed on the example of the development
of cooperation between Poland and Ukraine. This paper deals with Polish assistance
to new media in Ukraine in from 2007-2017 as a part of supporting democracy in
Ukraine under the Polish Cooperation Development Program. Firstly, this work examines whether the Polish government’s support of Ukrainian media as part of cooperation development will be sustained regardless of changes in the Polish government.
Secondly, the paper explores whether Polish NGOs tailor their projects, financed
by the Polish MFA, to the recipients’ respective needs and the current situation in
Ukraine. By examining Polish media assistance, the authors aim to explain the efforts
of the new donor in developing media in a partner country, emphasizing the relation
between the involvement of external actors and the presence of independent media
which play an important role in democratization processes.
This document summarizes and compares the 1990 and 1995 Polish presidential election campaigns. In 1990, the campaigns were disorganized and amateurish, with little use of professional tools like market research. By 1995, campaigns had become more sophisticated, with candidates conducting extensive market research and segmentation/targeting of voter groups. While still evolving, Polish campaigns were professionalizing along the lines of Western democracies as the country transitioned to democracy.
This document provides an overview of lecture material on modern world governments and political science. It covers several topics discussed in the lectures, including state interdependence, the impact of foreign policy on domestic politics, European integration, reasons some countries do not embrace democracy, Woodrow Wilson's 14 Points and the establishment of the United Nations. The document outlines key concepts and ideas within each of these topics over multiple pages in bullet point format.
China has shifted from propaganda to public diplomacy since the end of the Cold War. Its public diplomacy aims to build a positive image abroad and counter perceived negative portrayals in Western media. It utilizes various methods, including publications, foreign correspondents, broadcasting, and cultural exchanges. However, China's public diplomacy differs from Western models in its close government control over media and emphasis on promoting its political agenda.
Dziennikarze w Polsce wartości, priorytety i standardy zawodoweAgnieszka Stępińska
Niniejszy artykuł zawiera wyniki badań ankietowych przeprowadzonych w grupie dziennikarzy pracujących w mediach o zasięgu ogólnokrajowym. Celem badań było zdobycie wiedzy o wartościach, standardach zawodowych i priorytetach polskich dziennikarzy. Stąd też obok pytań dotyczących profilu demograficznego dziennikarzy oraz autonomii dziennikarzy w ankiecie zawarte zostały pytania o: staż pracy, formę zatrudnienia, przynależność do organizacji i
stowarzyszeń dziennikarskich, najważniejsze aspekty pracy, poziom zadowolenia zawodowego oraz o zadania mediów i dziennikarzy względem społeczeństwa. Wyniki badań ukazały m. in. wysoki poziom wykształcenia zdecydowanej większości dziennikarzy, postępujące odmładzanie redakcji niski poziom przynależności do organizacji dziennikarskich oraz istotne zmiany w strukturze
zatrudnienia i ich konsekwencje dla sposobu, w jaki dziennikarze oceniają swoje miejsce pracy.
Postawy wobec Stanow Zjednoczonych. Raport z międzynarodowych badań porównawc...Agnieszka Stępińska
A. Stepińska, B. Hordecki, (2010), Postawy wobec Stanów Zjednoczonych: raport z międzynarodowych badań porównawczych [Attitudes towards the US: a report of international comparative study], Przegląd Politologiczny, No. 4, pp. 53–68.
In this lecture, part of the World Affairs Council of Jacksonville's Great Decisions program, I explore the relationship between the current media landscape, democracy, and foreign policy.
This document summarizes Jesper Strömbäck's four phases of mediatization theory. The four phases are: 1) mass media becomes the main source of information, 2) mass media becomes independent from political power, 3) political and social actors start adapting to mass media, and 4) social and political actors internalize media logic. The document provides context on Strömbäck and what media logic is. It then analyzes the four phases theory, noting the phases occurred from the 17th century to present day. The document concludes with a SWOT analysis of the four phases theory.
The aim of this Special Issue of Central European Political Studies is to
bring media scholars together and to reflect on the current trends in political journalism in our region. The focus of the articles is trained on the discovery of the shifts
and continuities in journalistic practises 25 years after the collapse of the communist regimes. Some of the findings and conclusions presented in the volume come
from studies conducted within the framework of international comparative research
projects such as Worlds of Journalism, Journalistic Role Performance Around the
Globe, or Media Accountability and Transparency in Europe (MediaAcT). The others
come from single, national empirical studies or analyses on the media systems conducted in the Central and Eastern countries.
The document discusses different views of the relationship between the media, the state, and the political process. It outlines two main views:
1) The pluralist view sees the media as independent from the state and reflecting a diversity of views in society.
2) The neo-Marxist and Marxist views see the media as maintaining the status quo and serving the interests of the powerful by distorting reality and justifying inequality. They view the media's role as reinforcing the existing social and political order.
3) A post-modernist perspective maintains that media coverage of events like wars can construct the events in a way that calls their actual occurrence into question.
This document provides an abstract for a study on developing a theory of public diplomacy. It aims to test different explanations for why states practice public diplomacy, including rational, idealistic, and social trend motivations, using a novel quantitative method and statistical analysis. The study finds that rational explanations related to factors like wealth and prestige best explain public diplomacy activities. However, it also finds evidence that a social trend or norm is emerging as more states participate in public diplomacy beyond rational calculations. Idealistic motivations are found to have limited explanatory power despite concepts of "credible diplomacy." The document outlines the theoretical background and emergence of public diplomacy as a field of study.
This document discusses how a British broadsheet newspaper represented the Greek national elections in 2012 through the lens of the ongoing financial crisis in Europe. It analyzes the use of speech representation, which involves reporting the words of those involved in the Greek elections and related events. The author argues that this serves to construct a polarized image of the crisis by framing Greece and Europe in an oppositional relationship, positioning Greece as either dependent on or independent from Europe. This framing helps maintain existing power structures and social inequalities.
This document discusses the evolution of public diplomacy from its origins to its current state. It argues that public diplomacy has shifted from being focused on mutual understanding between states and publics to serving national security objectives, especially after 9/11. Key figures like Elihu Root and Edmund Gullion helped establish public diplomacy's focus on influencing global public opinion to support foreign policy goals. However, 9/11 marked a tipping point where public diplomacy became more militarized and aimed at strategic communication in the war on terror, with the military taking a larger role than the Department of State. This has diluted public diplomacy's impact but increased its credibility among national security circles.
Media consumption and assessment of social and political processes in Ukraine...Mariana Zakusylo
The study found high levels of fatigue with politicians and politicized media among residents in eastern Ukraine, leading to distrust and apathy. Many citizens passively consume media as a single flow without analyzing sources. Entertainment content like videos and humor are most popular. While local news is in demand, awareness of reforms is low due to fragmented media coverage that causes confusion rather than understanding of goals and mechanisms.
Journalists used Twitter during the 2014 Gaza-Israel conflict to report events and share their perspectives. The study examined tweets by Israeli and international journalists to analyze the extent to which Twitter challenges traditional war journalism that is often elite-oriented and nationally oriented. The analysis found that while individual journalists may have more agency on Twitter to retweet critical messages and interact with outsiders, institutional, cultural and national forces still dominated coverage, particularly for journalists from the conflicting parties, similar to traditional media. Journalists on Twitter have more freedom than in the past but are still constrained by virtual national boundaries.
The document discusses the increasing influence of media on American politics over time. It begins by defining media and its agenda-setting, framing, and storytelling functions. Then it provides a timeline of key developments in media technology from the colonial period to today. At each stage, media gained more power and reach, from the introduction of the steam press and telegraph to radio, television, and the internet. Throughout, examples are given of how new media shaped political discussions, campaigns, and administrations. The document argues that media now sets much of the public agenda and determines what issues and events citizens think about.
The document discusses the agenda setting theory of the news media. It states that while the media may not be able to directly tell people what to think, it is very successful in telling people what to think about. It also notes that for most people, political reality is defined by what is reported in the news. The document then outlines three models of agenda setting - awareness, salience, and priorities. It lists some of the tools used in agenda setting, such as placement of stories, frequency, scope, and how stories are presented. Finally, it provides details on a proposed media research project to analyze agenda setting across various German news websites.
Highway to hell? European Union‘s Eastern Policy from a Civilian power persp...Adam Mickiewicz University
Jarosław Jańczak, Michael Meimeth, 2015, Highway to hell? – European Union’s Eastern Policy from a civilizing power perspective, “Centre international de formation européenne CIFE Policy Paper”, No. 7, pp. 10.
Transformation of the Modern International Conflictsijtsrd
This article analysis the modern processes in international conflict resolution and transformation processes of solving inter state and intra state conflicts. Besides, Author gives own ideas on modern trends in international relations and conflict resolution which were researched on concrete cases and overall situation in modern world politics in XXI century. Bakhadirov Murat "Transformation of the Modern International Conflicts" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-5 | Issue-1 , December 2020, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd38183.pdf Paper URL : https://www.ijtsrd.com/humanities-and-the-arts/social-science/38183/transformation-of-the-modern-international-conflicts/bakhadirov-murat
Political Science 7 – International Relations - Power Point #11John Paul Tabakian
This document provides an overview of key topics covered in Dr. Tabakian's Political Science 7 course on modern world governments. Some of the main topics discussed include: state interdependence and how domestic politics can be impacted by foreign policy; the development of international organizations and European integration; reasons why some countries do not embrace democracy; the evolution of Wilson's 14 Points into the United Nations; how military institutions have remained strong post-Cold War; the rise of human rights as a component of foreign policy; different types of conventional and unconventional forces; evolving military technologies including terrorism; weapons of mass destruction like nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons; and the geopolitical challenges of proliferation.
Perfectessay.net coursework sample #1 mla styleDavid Smith
In their article, authors Nichols and McChesney discuss the crisis of journalism in America and its decline, which threatens democracy. They argue that media companies prioritized profits over professional journalism, leading to less news content. While some blame new technologies or economics, the authors believe the crisis stems from media consolidation reducing authentic journalism. To revive the industry, they propose government intervention through indirect subsidies, which they argue need not threaten media independence.
After the relatively successful system transformation, some young democratic countries from Central and Eastern Europe which used to receive democratic
aid in the 1980s and 90s have engaged as new donors in assisting pro-democratic
changes in other post-communist countries. The donor-recipient relations between
two post-communist countries can be observed on the example of the development
of cooperation between Poland and Ukraine. This paper deals with Polish assistance
to new media in Ukraine in from 2007-2017 as a part of supporting democracy in
Ukraine under the Polish Cooperation Development Program. Firstly, this work examines whether the Polish government’s support of Ukrainian media as part of cooperation development will be sustained regardless of changes in the Polish government.
Secondly, the paper explores whether Polish NGOs tailor their projects, financed
by the Polish MFA, to the recipients’ respective needs and the current situation in
Ukraine. By examining Polish media assistance, the authors aim to explain the efforts
of the new donor in developing media in a partner country, emphasizing the relation
between the involvement of external actors and the presence of independent media
which play an important role in democratization processes.
This document summarizes and compares the 1990 and 1995 Polish presidential election campaigns. In 1990, the campaigns were disorganized and amateurish, with little use of professional tools like market research. By 1995, campaigns had become more sophisticated, with candidates conducting extensive market research and segmentation/targeting of voter groups. While still evolving, Polish campaigns were professionalizing along the lines of Western democracies as the country transitioned to democracy.
This document provides an overview of lecture material on modern world governments and political science. It covers several topics discussed in the lectures, including state interdependence, the impact of foreign policy on domestic politics, European integration, reasons some countries do not embrace democracy, Woodrow Wilson's 14 Points and the establishment of the United Nations. The document outlines key concepts and ideas within each of these topics over multiple pages in bullet point format.
China has shifted from propaganda to public diplomacy since the end of the Cold War. Its public diplomacy aims to build a positive image abroad and counter perceived negative portrayals in Western media. It utilizes various methods, including publications, foreign correspondents, broadcasting, and cultural exchanges. However, China's public diplomacy differs from Western models in its close government control over media and emphasis on promoting its political agenda.
Dziennikarze w Polsce wartości, priorytety i standardy zawodoweAgnieszka Stępińska
Niniejszy artykuł zawiera wyniki badań ankietowych przeprowadzonych w grupie dziennikarzy pracujących w mediach o zasięgu ogólnokrajowym. Celem badań było zdobycie wiedzy o wartościach, standardach zawodowych i priorytetach polskich dziennikarzy. Stąd też obok pytań dotyczących profilu demograficznego dziennikarzy oraz autonomii dziennikarzy w ankiecie zawarte zostały pytania o: staż pracy, formę zatrudnienia, przynależność do organizacji i
stowarzyszeń dziennikarskich, najważniejsze aspekty pracy, poziom zadowolenia zawodowego oraz o zadania mediów i dziennikarzy względem społeczeństwa. Wyniki badań ukazały m. in. wysoki poziom wykształcenia zdecydowanej większości dziennikarzy, postępujące odmładzanie redakcji niski poziom przynależności do organizacji dziennikarskich oraz istotne zmiany w strukturze
zatrudnienia i ich konsekwencje dla sposobu, w jaki dziennikarze oceniają swoje miejsce pracy.
Postawy wobec Stanow Zjednoczonych. Raport z międzynarodowych badań porównawc...Agnieszka Stępińska
A. Stepińska, B. Hordecki, (2010), Postawy wobec Stanów Zjednoczonych: raport z międzynarodowych badań porównawczych [Attitudes towards the US: a report of international comparative study], Przegląd Politologiczny, No. 4, pp. 53–68.
Problematyka europejska w przekazach programowych kandydatów na urząd Prezyd...Agnieszka Stępińska
A. Stępińska, (2004), Problematyka europejska w przekazach programowych kandydatów na urząd Prezydenta RP w latach 1990–2000 [European issues in election agendas of the Polish presidential candidates in 1990-2000], (in:) Europejskie dylematy i wyzwania [European dilemmas and challenges],edited by S. Wojciechowski, Poznań, pp. 107–124.
Wizerunek polityka lokalnego i rola środków masowego przekazu w jego kształto...Agnieszka Stępińska
A. Stepińska, (2006), Wizerunek polityka lokalnego i rola środków masowego przekazu w jego kształtowaniu [Image of a local politician and a role of the mass media in a process of creating an image], Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne, No. 2, pp. 151–164.
Globalny przepływ informacji i propagandy. Atak terrorystyczny na USA z 11 wr...Agnieszka Stępińska
A. Stępińska, (2005), Globalny przepływ informacji i propagandy. Atak terrorystyczny na USA z 11 września 2001 r. jako wydarzenie medialne [The Global Flow of Information and Propaganda. Terrorist Attacks on the USA, September 11, 2001 as a media event], Problemy HumanistykiNr 10/11, pp. 57–67.
The document discusses the benefits of exercise for mental health. Regular physical activity can help reduce anxiety and depression and improve mood and cognitive functioning. Exercise causes chemical changes in the brain that may help protect against mental illness and improve symptoms.
Debaty prezydenckie 2010. Komunikacja przez pryzmat wartosciAgnieszka Stępińska
The paper intends to present the results of an analysis of the messages formulated
by the two leading candidates in the presidential elections of 2010, Bronisław Komorowski and Jaros³aw Kaczyñski. The paper is interdisciplinary as it combines a politological analysis of the context of the presidential debates and a linguistic analysis of the content of the messages. The conclusions of the research corroborate the fact
that both candidates referred to a different repertoire of values that evoked different axiological fields – a high one in Kaczyñski’s statements and a lower one in the case of Komorowski. The linguistic analysis also indicated that the linguistic image each candidate was building clearly specified the range of potential voters. Finally, both candidates used the debate to form their own image only in two dimensions: “I as a political leader” and “I as a president-to-be” while both Komorowski and Kaczyñski neglected
the personal dimension of their image during the debates.
Społeczne oczekiwania a autostereotyp dziennikarzy polskich w XXI wiekuAgnieszka Stępińska
A. Stępińska, Sz. Ossowski, (2011), Społeczne oczekiwania a autostereotyp dziennikarzy polskich w XXI wieku [Social expectations and autostereotypes of Polish journalists in the 21stcentury] (in:)Stereotypy w obszarze społecznym i politycznym [Stereotypes in a social and political sphere], edited by B. Pająk – Patkowska, Poznań, pp. 33–46.
Obraz konfliktu rosyjsko – gruzińskiego w 2008 roku w polskiej prasie drukowanejAgnieszka Stępińska
A. Stępińska, (2011), Obraz konfliktu rosyjsko – gruzińskiego w 2008 roku w polskiej prasie drukowanej [Polish press coverage of the Russian – Georgian conflict in 2008], Zeszyty Prasoznawcze, No. 1-2, pp. 59–75.
The ‘Feedback’ of Euronews: a study on an active international audienceAgnieszka Stępińska
A. Stępińska, The ‘Feedback’ of Euronews: a study on an active international audience, (in:) News in Europe, Europe on News, edited by A. Stępińska, Berlin, pp. 143 – 158.
Kariera, kontrola, służba społeczna – postawy różnych pokoleń polskich dzienn...Agnieszka Stępińska
A. Stepińska, Sz. Ossowski, (2011), Kariera, kontrola, służba społeczna – postawy różnychpokoleń polskich dziennikarzy [Career, control, or public service – attitudes of three generations of Polish journalists] (in:) Studia nad dziennikarstwem[Journalism studies], edited by I. Hoffman, Lublin, pp. 43–62.
Style autoprezentacyjne polskich kandydatów na eurodeputowanych. Wybory do Pa...Agnieszka Stępińska
A. Stepińska, (2007), Style autoprezentacyjne polskich kandydatów na eurodeputowanych. Wybory do Parlamentu Europejskiego w 2004 [Styles of self – presentation of Polish candidates for the European Parliament in 2004], (in:) Europejskie wybory Polaków. Referendum i wybory do ParlamentuEuropejskiego [European elections in Poland. Referendum and the European Parliament elections], edited by D. Piontek, Poznań, pp. 163–182.
Foreign policy communications in modern UkraineAnton Shynkaruk
The document discusses foreign policy communications and crisis management in Ukraine. It notes that Ukraine has experienced several unexpected events that attracted global attention, like Eurovision and the Orange Revolution. Effective crisis communications are important for foreign policy decision making to avoid negative impacts of unexpected events. However, communicating about crises in foreign policy can be controversial as some events need to be hidden from public view. Ukraine faces challenges in defining its foreign policy priorities between the EU and Russia. Social network analysis is discussed as a method to analyze events, their media coverage, and the effectiveness of communications in foreign policy.
This document discusses the relationship between media and foreign policy. It defines key terms like foreign policy, mass media, and discusses theories like agenda-setting and framing that explain how media can influence foreign policy. It analyzes three types of relationships between media and foreign policy: manipulative/advocative, adversarial, and indifferent. Manipulative media can promote government agendas while adversarial media may challenge policies. The document also provides examples of how US and Pakistani media have related to foreign policy issues in their countries.
This document summarizes the changing nature of foreign policy communications and crisis management in modern global politics. It notes that greater globalization, new communication technologies, and the rise of non-state actors have made international relations more complex and crisis-prone. States must now manage diverse risks like natural disasters, economic instability, and terrorism. Additionally, foreign policy involves more non-governmental stakeholders and issues beyond traditional geopolitics. As a result, modern crisis communications requires coordinating public messages and adapting foreign policy processes to be more flexible, transparent and participatory.
Iglesia, Gabriel - Senior Project Write-up FINALGabriel Iglesia
The document is an undergraduate thesis that explores the relationship between U.S. public diplomacy and foreign public opinion. It analyzes how various forms of U.S. public diplomacy, such as high-level visits, social media engagement, and press releases, have impacted changes in foreign public opinion from 2009 to 2016. Through regression analysis and analysis of variance, the thesis finds no statistically significant association between public diplomacy activities and changes in opinion. However, it reveals a slight trend where countries more inclined to view the U.S. favorably had greater increases in opinion, while less favorable countries had greater decreases.
The document discusses the history and goals of development journalism. It began in the 1960s with a focus on critically analyzing government development projects and their impact. Today, development journalism aims to improve conditions in developing countries by investigating and reporting on issues like poverty, healthcare, education, and sustainability. Journalists uncover overlooked stories and empower citizens by bringing attention to important issues and proposing solutions. The document also discusses different eras in development communication theory, from modernization to participatory models emphasizing local voices.
This document discusses perspectives on media globalization and cultural imperialism. It summarizes the debate between those arguing for homogenization of culture through Western media dominance, and those pointing to examples of multi-directional cultural flows and hybridization. While some regional media have risen, most large regional producers have been acquired by transnational giants, indicating the power of large corporations. The growing size and influence of a small number of multinational media conglomerates raises concerns about a new form of imperialism making many nations subsidiary to the media products of the most powerful countries and companies.
Non governmental organizations have been active in Moldova since 1989, but a civil society started its today’s formation as a result of radical reforms in economic and political areas only after the country became independent in 1991. Since that time the establishment of a transitional civil society in Moldova is under way. However, starting from 2001, when the Communist Party won the general elections, development of the nongovernmental sector has become slower. Although several positive patterns evident at the end of the nineties indicate progress in the development of Moldovan non-governmental sector, there is a number of sensitive issues (e.g., freedom of media, human rights protection) in relation to which certain regress has been observed especially in the last two years. Media market in Moldova is far from being free, and protection of human rights remains to be a problem (in all respects, situation of non-governmental sector in Transnistria is much worse than in Moldova). Finally, it needs to be emphasized that critical socio-economic situation seems to be the main threat to democracy and the rule of law in the country. This is because further significant economic decline can provide fertile ground for non-democratic political forces and extremists. Economic collapse could be a real threat to the achievements in the area of democratization and civil society development. Thus, only results of a successful economic reform process may reverse undesirable patterns and change socio-economic situation in Moldova, increase income of population, decrease poverty, guarantee stability and irreversibility of Moldovan achievements in democratization and development of civil society.
Authored by: Jacek Cukrowski, Radzislawa Gortat, Piotr Kazmierkiewicz
Published in 2003
The Condition of the Public Relations Industry in Poland: Current Situation a...Dariusz Tworzydło
Purpose: The most important research objective of the project described in this article is to examine the condition of the public relations (PR) industry in Poland in the context of changes taking place in the economy in connection with the COVID-19 pandemic.
Design/Methodology/Approach: The research referred to a study conducted with the use of an auditorium survey in April 2019. The research sample consisted of 253 PR consultants, from various companies and organizations operating in Poland. The second project was a study aimed at understanding the impact of the coronavirus pandemic on the PR industry. 242 PR industry specialists were examined in this project.
Findings: PR specialists in Poland are aware of the challenges and understand how to support companies and institutions affected by the crisis and operating in a changed reality. In our research, six areas have been defined, which may provide a new direction for the PR agency when preparing the service offer. Most of the respondents believe that a PR agency's potential clients will seek external help in communication services like media relations, digital PR, crisis management, lobbying, public affairs, event management, and influencer relations.
Practical Implications: The article presents real and representative opinions of the public relations community expressing concerns and defining the directions of changes caused by the COVID pandemic.
Originality/Value: The article presents the most recent and up-to-date research results on the condition of the PR industry in Poland, which is an important element of the European public relations market. The obtained research results are representative for Poland.
The document discusses the relationship between news media and foreign policy decision making. It presents two main theories - the CNN effect, where media can influence policy decisions, and the manufacturing consent theory, where governments manipulate media to support policy. The document also examines how media covers foreign events and conflicts at different stages, as well as factors that influence foreign policy making like national interests and power dynamics. It analyzes theories on the potential impacts and effects media can have on policy, as well as conditions necessary for foreign interventions.
The Spread of Information and its Influence On State Security And DevelopmentDigital Society
The document discusses the spread of information and its influence on state security. It notes that information has become an important source of power as states can now influence each other through information rather than just military capabilities. It examines theories on how information impacts international relations and creates a more complex interdependent world. The document then analyzes Uzbekistan's information space, internet development, and risks of negative information influence from other actors manipulating information to damage Uzbekistan's interests. It evaluates measures Uzbekistan has taken to develop its information sphere and deal with such threats.
Second marcomm plan for The Security Demographic: Population and Civil Confli...Tawana Jacobs, APR
Marketing communications plan prepared to support the continued distribution in Population Action International's inaugural Security Demographic publication.
The document outlines a communications and marketing plan to promote a report called "The Security Demographic" through the summer and fall of 2004. The plan's goals are to educate military, policymaking, and public audiences about the connections between population issues and conflict. Key elements include securing media coverage and op-eds around relevant events, distributing the report to influential contacts, and engaging international audiences.
1 Paper Presented Fer Cenmep Conferece Politician Online Analyses Of Estoia...Pedro Craggett
This paper examines how Estonian political candidates used their websites during the 2009 European Parliament election campaign. The study analyzes the effectiveness of candidates' website presentations and their use of multimedia, interactivity, and personalization. The analyses found that while candidates had blogs and social media profiles, they mostly used these for marketing rather than deliberative politics or civic engagement. Candidates provided little personal input or interactivity on their websites. In general, Estonian political websites did not offer many opportunities for public participation in debates or discussions.
This document discusses different perspectives on the relationship between journalism and democracy. It addresses Walter Lippmann's views on the limits of people's knowledge and the role of objectivity in journalism. It also discusses agenda-setting theory and the media's role in shaping public opinion. Finally, it outlines different models of the media's role in democracy, including as a watchdog, civic forum, or means to empower various groups in society.
Celem artykułu jest ukazanie wyników badania zawartości polskich mediów z okresu
sprawowania przez Polskę przewodnictwa w Radzie Unii Europejskiej w 2011 roku. Analiza poświęcona była wpływowi orientacji politycznej organizacji medialnej (wybranych gazet
codziennych i tygodników opinii) na sposób relacjonowania polskiej prezydencji. Podstawę
teoretyczną badania stanowiły dwie koncepcje: europeizacji sfery publicznej oraz polityzacji
Europy. Wyniki badania nie tylko potwierdzają różnice w prezentowaniu tematyki europejskiej
i polskiej prezydencji w tytułach o wyraźnie określonej orientacji politycznej, ale ukazują specyfikę polskich mediów: źródłem cen i poglądów prezentowanych na łamach są nie tylko politycy, ale także dziennikarze. Na podstawie wyników wyprowadzić można wniosek nie tylko
o instrumentalnym wykorzystywaniu tematyki europejskiej podczas parlamentarnej kampanii
wyborczej w Polsce w 2011 roku, ale także o polityzacji Europy jako zjawiska związanego
ściśle z wertykalną europeizacją sfery publicznej i demokratyzacją.
The document discusses Nigeria's position on the New World Information and Communication Order (NWICO) campaign led by UNESCO. It aims to counter Western media dominance and promote a more balanced flow of information globally. Nigeria supports NWICO's goals as Western news agencies often only report negative news about developing countries like Nigeria, distorting their perspectives. Nigeria established the News Agency of Nigeria and Voice of Nigeria to distribute domestic and international news from its own viewpoint. However, these agencies face challenges like lack of funding and technology that limit their ability to compete with large Western media organizations.
Supporting new media in Ukraine through Polish Development Cooperation ProgramPaulina Pospieszna
After the relatively successful system transformation, some young democratic countries from Central and Eastern Europe which used to receive democratic aid in the 1980s and 90s have engaged as new donors in assisting pro-democratic changes in other post-communist countries. The donor-recipient relations between two post-communist countries can be observed on the example of the development of cooperation between Poland and Ukraine. This paper deals with Polish assistance to new media in Ukraine in from 2007-2017 as a part of supporting democracy in Ukraine under the Polish Cooperation Development Program. Firstly, this work examines whether the Polish government's support of Ukrainian media as part of cooperation development will be sustained regardless of changes in the Polish government. Secondly, the paper explores whether Polish NGOs tailor their projects, financed by the Polish MFA, to the recipients' respective needs and the current situation in Ukraine. By examining Polish media assistance, the authors aim to explain the efforts of the new donor in developing media in a partner country, emphasizing the relation between the involvement of external actors and the presence of independent media which play an important role in democratization processes.
MIL for Teachers Module 11: Media, Technology and the Global VillagePEDAGOGY.IR
MIL for Teachers Module 11: Media, Technology and the Global Village
2023 UNITED NATIONS ALLIANCE OF CIVILIZATIONS (UNAOC)
and
UNITED NATIONS EDUCATIONAL, SCIENTIFIC AND CULTURAL ORGANIZATION (UNESCO)
Source URL:
http://unesco.mil-for-teachers.unaoc.org/modules/module-11/
JOURNALISM IN DEVELOPED COUNTRIES AND BASIC PRINCIPLES OF THEIR DEVELOPMENTSubmissionResearchpa
Significant development of information technology in modern international journalism. by Mokhinur Kudratillaeva Uchqun kizi 2020. JOURNALISM IN DEVELOPED COUNTRIES AND BASIC PRINCIPLES OF THEIR DEVELOPMENT. International Journal on Integrated Education. 2, 2 (Mar. 2020), 61-63. DOI:https://doi.org/10.31149/ijie.v2i2.272. https://journals.researchparks.org/index.php/IJIE/article/view/272/265 https://journals.researchparks.org/index.php/IJIE/article/view/272
Similar to International project. Media coverage of the Polish EU presidency (20)
A. Stepińska, (2010), Women in international TV news, (in:)The participation of women in the media and in politics – an international dimension, edited by I. Andruszkiewicz, A. Balczyńska – Kosman,Poznań, pp. 169–177.
Wizerunek panstwa - dzialania PR nie tylko w okresie prezydencjiAgnieszka Stępińska
A. Stępińska, (2009), Wizerunek państwa – działania PR nie tylko w okresie prezydencji [Image of a country: Public Relations not only for the period of the EU Presidency], (in:) Przewodnictwo państwa w Radzie Unii Europejskiej – doświadczenia partnerów, propozycje dla Polski [EU council Presidency – partners' experience, suggestions for Poland], edited by Z. Czachór i M. J. Tomaszyk, Poznań, p. 159–170.
Violence on television in the U.S. Old problem, new consequencesAgnieszka Stępińska
A. Stepińska, (2007), Violence on television in the U.S. Old problem, new consequences, (in:) The Modern Terrorism and Its Forms, edited by S. Wojciechowski, Poznań, pp. 129–148.
The Polish EU presidency in the Polish press: Did we actually notice it?Agnieszka Stępińska
The aim of this paper is to present the findings of a quantitative content analysis of the Polish print media. Sharing the codebook and procedures with an international team, we were able to gain a broad perspective on the media coverage of the first Polish EU presidency. In particular, we focused on: (1) the number of items covering events
related to the presidency, (2) the prominence of the topic, (3) genres, (4) main topics, (5) authors of news, (6) authors of opinions, and (7) the way Polish journalists evaluated Poland’s performance during the EU presidency. The findings showed that although Polish print press reported the first Polish EU presidency, the topic’s
prominence was not very high. Media organizations rather rarely presented the topic on the front page and they did not change their regular editorial policy. Most of the news items, as well as opinions and comments, were written by staff members. Furthermore, journalists seemed to be more interested in the opinions of national politicians, rather than experts. As a result, the framework of the coverage was predominantly domestic. Journalists working for daily newspapers focused mostly on providing news and their own interpretations of the reported events. On the contrary weekly magazines provided comments and interviews, but again, most of the opinions were expressed by their own journalists and editors.
The Global Flow of Information and Propaganda. Terrorist Attacks on the USA, ...Agnieszka Stępińska
The terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001 fulfilled the criteria of a major media event due to the mass media's need for unusual and dramatic news stories. The attacks received unprecedented 24/7 coverage by media outlets around the world. This extensive coverage transformed the attacks into a global media spectacle and turning point that demonstrated the mass media's role in political communication and potential to influence policymakers. The attacks also highlighted the mass media's process of selecting stories that meet criteria like surprise, negativity, prominence, and continuity to maintain audience attention.
Three generations of polish Journalists. Professional roles and identitiesAgnieszka Stępińska
This paper provides an update of empirical data on the professional features, values and standards of Polish journalists. The study illustrates clear differences between three generations of journalists: those who have been working for media organizations for several decades now; those who entered the profession immediately following the political transformation of the late 1980s;
and those who recently graduated from university. Interestingly, both the youngest and the oldest journalists seem to share some professional approaches. Namely they believe that journalists should not be just news disseminators, but should also provide solutions to the problems of
ordinary people. On the other hand, journalists who entered the profession two decades ago seem to be more interested in a watchdog role for the media. Since their professional career started during the political transformation period or soon after, they still perceive themselves as
adversaries of public officials.
A. Stepińska, Sz. Ossowski, (2010), Polski dziennikarz – niezależny altruista? [Polish journalist: an independent altruist?] (in:) Etyka w mediach, vol. 5, Nowe media – stare idee, [Ethics in media, vol. 5, New media – old ideas], edited by W. Machura, Poznań – Opole, pp. 35–46.
A. Stepińska, Sz. Ossowski, (2010), Dziennikarze polscy – między mitem „czwartej władzy” a świadomością misji [Polish journalists: between a myth of fourth estate and a public service], (w:) Media – czwarta władza? [Media – a fourth estate?], edited by R. Kowalczyk and W. Machura, Poznań – Opole 2010, pp. 55–66.
Jaka Polska w jakiej Europie? – analiza telewizyjnych audycji referendalnychAgnieszka Stępińska
A. Stepińska, (2007), Jaka Polska w jakiej Europie? – analiza telewizyjnych audycji referendalnych [What Poland in what Europe? Analysis of referendum campaign on TV], (in:) Europejskie wybory Polaków.Referendum i wybory do Parlamentu Europejskiego [European elections in Poland. Referendum and the European Parliament elections], edited by D. Piontek, Poznań, pp. 133–148.
Europejskie kampanie wyborcze w Polsce (2003 – 2004). Analiza politologiczna...Agnieszka Stępińska
Europejskie kampanie wyborcze w Polsce (2003 – 2004). Analiza politologiczna i medioznawcza 1. Wprowadzenie Lata 2003 – 2004 to okres zamykający etap przygotowawczy do przystąpienia Polski do Unii Europejskiej, w szczególności w zakresie dostosowywania polskich rozwiązań prawnych i instytucjonalnych do standardów unijnych. Dwa wydarzenia z tego czasu: referendum akcesyjne i pierwsze w Polsce wybory do Parlamentu Europejskiego stanowiły przy tym swoiste podsumowanie wieloletniej debaty publicznej nad kierunkami polskiej polityki zagranicznej oraz miejscem i rolą naszego kraju w ukształtowanych na początku lat 90. nowych warunkach geopolitycznych. Jednocześnie były one formą bezpośredniej społecznej oceny nie tylko owego kierunku, ale i poszczególnych działań podejmowanych przez kolejne rządy i negocjatorów. W ogólnonarodowym referendum przeprowadzonym 7 i 8 czerwca 2003 r. 77% obywateli biorących udział w głosowaniu powiedziało TAK dla członkostwa Polski w Unii Europejskiej. To zdecydowane zwycięstwo opcji prounijnej nie powinno jednak przysłaniać faktu, iż blisko 4 mln osób uczestniczących w referendum wyraziło sprzeciw wobec idei integracji Polski z UE, zaś ponad 40% uprawnionych do głosowania ze swego prawa nie skorzystało 1 . Z kolei wybory do PE, jak pokazują analizy politologiczne, powszechnie postrzegane są jako drugorzędne (tzw. second – order national elections) z punktu widzenia społeczeństwa, gdyż " nie przynoszą bezpośrednich i klarownych dla wyborcy konsekwencji (nie skutkują np. powołaniem nowego rządu i premiera), nie mają też przełożenia na układ władzy w Europie " 2 . Pełnią one natomiast rolę swoistego " barometru politycznego " krajowej sceny politycznej – są bowiem dodatkową okazją do sprawdzenia notowań poszczególnych partii wśród społeczeństwa i nastrojów społecznych. Co więcej, z uwagi na swój przedmiot 1 Wyniki głosowania w skali kraju. Źródło: Państwowa Komisja Wyborcza. 2 M. Fałkowski, Wybory do Parlamentu Europejskiego 2004: problem frekwencji oraz znaczenia dla polskich wyborów i krajowej sceny politycznej, Analizy i Opinie nr 11, Instytut Spraw Publicznych, Warszawa, 2003. 1 stanowią one możliwość przeprowadzenia badań nad społecznym poparciem instytucji unijnych i oczekiwań z nimi związanych. Pierwsze wybory tego typu budziły dotąd w niemal wszystkich krajach przystępujących do UE duże zainteresowanie, czego wyrazem była wysoka, przekraczająca 50% frekwencja (wyjątkami od tej reguły były tylko Wielka Brytania i Dania – kraje z silną reprezentacją eurosceptyków). Tymczasem wśród państw przyjętych w 2004 r. niska frekwencja była zjawiskiem dość powszechnym (zob. tab. 1). W Polsce, zgodnie z obwieszczeniem Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej, wyniosła 20, 87% 3 . Tab. 1. Frekwencja w wyborach do PE w latach
A. Stępińska, (2005), Europejska opinia publiczna [European public sphere], (in:) Unia Europejska a społeczeństwo obywatelskie[European Union and civil society],edited by R. Paradowski, Poznań, pp. 81-98.
Marketingowe strategie wyborcze. Wybory prezydenckie w polsce (1990–2000)Agnieszka Stępińska
A. Stępińska (2004), Marketingowe strategie wyborcze. Wybory prezydenckie w Polsce (1990 – 2000) [Marketing election strategies.Presidential elections in Poland (1990-2005)], Poznań.
TOPIC OF DISCUSSION: CENTRIFUGATION SLIDESHARE.pptxshubhijain836
Centrifugation is a powerful technique used in laboratories to separate components of a heterogeneous mixture based on their density. This process utilizes centrifugal force to rapidly spin samples, causing denser particles to migrate outward more quickly than lighter ones. As a result, distinct layers form within the sample tube, allowing for easy isolation and purification of target substances.
PPT on Alternate Wetting and Drying presented at the three-day 'Training and Validation Workshop on Modules of Climate Smart Agriculture (CSA) Technologies in South Asia' workshop on April 22, 2024.
Sexuality - Issues, Attitude and Behaviour - Applied Social Psychology - Psyc...PsychoTech Services
A proprietary approach developed by bringing together the best of learning theories from Psychology, design principles from the world of visualization, and pedagogical methods from over a decade of training experience, that enables you to: Learn better, faster!
ESA/ACT Science Coffee: Diego Blas - Gravitational wave detection with orbita...Advanced-Concepts-Team
Presentation in the Science Coffee of the Advanced Concepts Team of the European Space Agency on the 07.06.2024.
Speaker: Diego Blas (IFAE/ICREA)
Title: Gravitational wave detection with orbital motion of Moon and artificial
Abstract:
In this talk I will describe some recent ideas to find gravitational waves from supermassive black holes or of primordial origin by studying their secular effect on the orbital motion of the Moon or satellites that are laser ranged.
Authoring a personal GPT for your research and practice: How we created the Q...Leonel Morgado
Thematic analysis in qualitative research is a time-consuming and systematic task, typically done using teams. Team members must ground their activities on common understandings of the major concepts underlying the thematic analysis, and define criteria for its development. However, conceptual misunderstandings, equivocations, and lack of adherence to criteria are challenges to the quality and speed of this process. Given the distributed and uncertain nature of this process, we wondered if the tasks in thematic analysis could be supported by readily available artificial intelligence chatbots. Our early efforts point to potential benefits: not just saving time in the coding process but better adherence to criteria and grounding, by increasing triangulation between humans and artificial intelligence. This tutorial will provide a description and demonstration of the process we followed, as two academic researchers, to develop a custom ChatGPT to assist with qualitative coding in the thematic data analysis process of immersive learning accounts in a survey of the academic literature: QUAL-E Immersive Learning Thematic Analysis Helper. In the hands-on time, participants will try out QUAL-E and develop their ideas for their own qualitative coding ChatGPT. Participants that have the paid ChatGPT Plus subscription can create a draft of their assistants. The organizers will provide course materials and slide deck that participants will be able to utilize to continue development of their custom GPT. The paid subscription to ChatGPT Plus is not required to participate in this workshop, just for trying out personal GPTs during it.
CLASS 12th CHEMISTRY SOLID STATE ppt (Animated)eitps1506
Description:
Dive into the fascinating realm of solid-state physics with our meticulously crafted online PowerPoint presentation. This immersive educational resource offers a comprehensive exploration of the fundamental concepts, theories, and applications within the realm of solid-state physics.
From crystalline structures to semiconductor devices, this presentation delves into the intricate principles governing the behavior of solids, providing clear explanations and illustrative examples to enhance understanding. Whether you're a student delving into the subject for the first time or a seasoned researcher seeking to deepen your knowledge, our presentation offers valuable insights and in-depth analyses to cater to various levels of expertise.
Key topics covered include:
Crystal Structures: Unravel the mysteries of crystalline arrangements and their significance in determining material properties.
Band Theory: Explore the electronic band structure of solids and understand how it influences their conductive properties.
Semiconductor Physics: Delve into the behavior of semiconductors, including doping, carrier transport, and device applications.
Magnetic Properties: Investigate the magnetic behavior of solids, including ferromagnetism, antiferromagnetism, and ferrimagnetism.
Optical Properties: Examine the interaction of light with solids, including absorption, reflection, and transmission phenomena.
With visually engaging slides, informative content, and interactive elements, our online PowerPoint presentation serves as a valuable resource for students, educators, and enthusiasts alike, facilitating a deeper understanding of the captivating world of solid-state physics. Explore the intricacies of solid-state materials and unlock the secrets behind their remarkable properties with our comprehensive presentation.
Describing and Interpreting an Immersive Learning Case with the Immersion Cub...Leonel Morgado
Current descriptions of immersive learning cases are often difficult or impossible to compare. This is due to a myriad of different options on what details to include, which aspects are relevant, and on the descriptive approaches employed. Also, these aspects often combine very specific details with more general guidelines or indicate intents and rationales without clarifying their implementation. In this paper we provide a method to describe immersive learning cases that is structured to enable comparisons, yet flexible enough to allow researchers and practitioners to decide which aspects to include. This method leverages a taxonomy that classifies educational aspects at three levels (uses, practices, and strategies) and then utilizes two frameworks, the Immersive Learning Brain and the Immersion Cube, to enable a structured description and interpretation of immersive learning cases. The method is then demonstrated on a published immersive learning case on training for wind turbine maintenance using virtual reality. Applying the method results in a structured artifact, the Immersive Learning Case Sheet, that tags the case with its proximal uses, practices, and strategies, and refines the free text case description to ensure that matching details are included. This contribution is thus a case description method in support of future comparative research of immersive learning cases. We then discuss how the resulting description and interpretation can be leveraged to change immersion learning cases, by enriching them (considering low-effort changes or additions) or innovating (exploring more challenging avenues of transformation). The method holds significant promise to support better-grounded research in immersive learning.
Anti-Universe And Emergent Gravity and the Dark UniverseSérgio Sacani
Recent theoretical progress indicates that spacetime and gravity emerge together from the entanglement structure of an underlying microscopic theory. These ideas are best understood in Anti-de Sitter space, where they rely on the area law for entanglement entropy. The extension to de Sitter space requires taking into account the entropy and temperature associated with the cosmological horizon. Using insights from string theory, black hole physics and quantum information theory we argue that the positive dark energy leads to a thermal volume law contribution to the entropy that overtakes the area law precisely at the cosmological horizon. Due to the competition between area and volume law entanglement the microscopic de Sitter states do not thermalise at sub-Hubble scales: they exhibit memory effects in the form of an entropy displacement caused by matter. The emergent laws of gravity contain an additional ‘dark’ gravitational force describing the ‘elastic’ response due to the entropy displacement. We derive an estimate of the strength of this extra force in terms of the baryonic mass, Newton’s constant and the Hubble acceleration scale a0 = cH0, and provide evidence for the fact that this additional ‘dark gravity force’ explains the observed phenomena in galaxies and clusters currently attributed to dark matter.
Anti-Universe And Emergent Gravity and the Dark Universe
International project. Media coverage of the Polish EU presidency
1. Agnieszka STÊPIÑSKA
Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznañ, Poland
International project:
Media coverage of the Polish EU presidency
Effectively conducted, the EU presidency can improve the image of the
country holding this position. This is particularly true for countries
that are holding the chairmanship of the EU Council for the first time. Dur-
ing the six-month period of the presidency the country attracts foreign me-
dia attention, not only as a host of numerous meetings and events, but also
as an actor in charge of defining the major directions of the EU policy.
Therefore, that time could be spent on achieving political goals and build-
ing an image as an important and effective EU member, as well as an at-
tractive country for tourists and entrepreneurs. In many cases, however,
internal political events such as elections, political tensions, or controver-
sies over domestic issues seem to take over the atmosphere around
the country.
The project Media coverage of the Polish EU presidency was designed
to analyze how the Polish presidency in the EU Council was covered
and interpreted by news media in Poland and other European countries.
Since scholars from other countries were invited to participate in this pro-
ject, the comparative analysis was conducted in two areas: (1) the coun-
tries’ experience of the EU presidency; (2) the media coverage of the
Polish presidency.
Theme (1) requires a broader interdisciplinary perspective to study
how the presidency builds a country’s position within the EU structures
and how the presidency can be used to create or change a country’s image.
First, one should consider the actual concept of the EU presidency and the
expectations towards the country that is holding this position at the time.
Then, one may consider such issues as: instruments that can and should be
used to create that country’s positive image; events or activities that attract
the media and international audience’s attention; the stumbling blocks,
threats and major challenges.
Theme (2) requires the media content analysis (both qualitative and
quantitative). The major issues here are: frequency of covering the coun-
2. try in the media during the period of the EU presidency, dominant frames
and perspectives used in the materials, the sources of information pre-
sented in the media (journalist, foreign correspondent, news agencies,
other media), particular topics (EU-related and non-EU-related), major
actors, as well as opinions expressed in the comments and analyses and the
sources of the comments and analyses. By analyzing the media coverage
in the country holding the position and in the other countries one may rec-
ognize the similarities and differences in attention and perspectives.
Theoretical background
The media seem to be a crucial source of knowledge about other coun-
tries for most people, thus they can be expected to have a tremendous im-
pact on how we comprehend the world and communicate with people of
different nationalities. Namely, because most people do not have personal
knowledge of foreign events, the agenda setting effect of foreign news will
loom stronger than that of domestic counterparts (Hargrove, Stempel,
2002; Wanta, Golan & Lee, 2004). Moreover, exposure to foreign news
has an impact on attitudes and opinions concerning foreign countries
(Semetko, Brzinski, Weaver, Willnat, 1992).
Thus, in contemporary international relations, image politics – that is
the ability to project a prestigious or powerful image – is as vital to a na-
tion’s foreign policy arsenal as political, economic and military strength
(Gilboa, 2004; Nye, 2004; Ociepka, 2008; 2012). It means that all coun-
tries desire high-visibility, positive world images (Manheim, 1994;
Kunczik, 2003). For that purpose, governmental public diplomacy in-
creasingly resembles corporate public relations strategies or global brand-
ing campaigns to attract media attention and influence world public
opinion in order to affect foreign governments, tourism, and corporate in-
vestment (Signitzer, Coombs, 1992; Rivenburgh, 2010). One of the strate-
gies of media management is hosting an event that may attract media
attention.
According to the model developed by Manheim (1994), for countries
with a very low or very high level of visibility and negative image valance,
hosting a global media event may not be the best option. But, the cumula-
tive events provide an opportunity for gradual image enhancement. In-
deed, during the six-month period of the presidency a government can
attempt to attract foreign media attention, not only as a host of numerous
72 Agnieszka Stêpiñska SP 3 ’13
3. meetings and events, but also as an actor in charge, at least calling for cer-
tain actions and solutions to the problems the EU might be facing at that
time. In fact, all of a government’s behavior, its decisions, actions, initia-
tives or events, may be perceived as particular signals sent to international
public opinion in order to influence the state’s image.
On the other hand, foreign news has already been a topic of research
for a long time. The early empirical studies from the 1950s (Kayser, 1953)
certified the significance of Europe in the media around the world and re-
vealed a bias in foreign news coverage. Two decades later, a study con-
ducted by Gerbner and Marvanyi (1977) showed, again, a difference
between the ‘real’map of the world with the maps (‘the worlds’) of news.
The findings of a content analysis of 60 newspapers from nine countries
clearly showed that the “necessarily arbitrary assumption that each region
has equal chance of newsworthiness” could not be supported. The same
conclusion was drawn from other studies, including the study of Norwe-
gian newspapers coverage of the conflicts in Cuba, Congo and Cyprus
conducted by J. Galtung and M. Ruge (1965) and the study Foreign Im-
ages, conducted under the supervision of the International Association for
Mass Communication Research (Sreberny-Mohammadi, 1985).
One main result from the studies mentioned above was that, every-
where in the world, foreign news “devoted most attention to events hap-
pening within and to actors belonging to its immediate geographical
region” (Sreberny-Mohammadi, 1984). The concept of regionalism seems
to be supported also by more recent international media content studies.
For example, J. Wilke and C. Heimprecht (2010) showed that in five Euro-
pean countries included in the project Foreign News on TV (Belgium, Ger-
many, Italy, Poland, Portugal, and Switzerland) almost half of the items
(49 percent) of foreign news on TV newscasts was devoted to events in
Europe, while the numbers in other regions were significantly lower: in
Asia one third of the items (32 percent) covered European issues, in South
America: 23 percent, in the Middle East: 22 percent, and in North Amer-
ica: only 17 percent. At the same time, the level of interest in their own re-
gion was relatively higher.
In second place, superpowers were covered, thirdly regions with ongo-
ing crises. Only afterwards there remained some space (if any) for smaller
and less important countries. Therefore, the global-level research on inter-
national news flow generally assumes that international news coverage
reflects the structure of power among nations. The crafting of media mes-
sages, including those focused on international events, however, is also
SP 3 ’13 International project: Media coverage of the Polish EU... 73
4. subject to local influences. Included are organizational factors, a local
community’s power structure and corporate characteristics. These influ-
ences are likely to affect not only the type of foreign news that appears in
the media, but also the quality and depth of this coverage.
The classic concept of foreign news value, developed by J. Galtung
and M. Ruge (1965), includes twelve factors that influence whether an
event will become a news item: short duration, reference to elite nations,
reference to elite persons, surprise, intensity, relevance, negativeness, per-
sonification, continuity, importance, obviousness, and complementary
character. In general, this theory purports that the economic, social, politi-
cal and geographic characteristics of a nation determine the amount of
coverage one country receives in the press of another.
Subsequent studies have sought to map the features and factors that
render an event newsworthy. Content-based studies show that variation
in the amount of foreign news is correlated with political systems and
economic development (Chang, Lee, 1992). In particular, according
to Wu’s (2000) results of a meta-analysis of 55 studies investigating the
determinants of international news flow (mostly from the 1980s and
1990s), among the components embedded in the world structure, one
may distinguish between a few major categories of factors, namely eco-
nomic status, political status, technological development, cultural and
geographical proximity. Then come the following factors: GNP per ca-
pita, index of economic development, population or size of nation, cul-
tural proximity, former colonial ties, ideological groupings, language
factor, geographic proximity, elite status, media facilities and equip-
ment, communication access and technologies, and international news
service (Wu, 1998).
Based on the concepts mentioned above, we can make certain assump-
tions about the attention paid by news media to events in foreign countries.
The amount of news coverage depends on the proximity (or distance) be-
tween the countries, on their ethnographic, political or economic relations.
We assume that the smaller the distance, the more complex is the picture
of the country in the media (more topics and events covered by the news
media). On the contrary, if the distance must be compensated by other
news factors, this might favor a preference for particular topics, including
conflict and violence. Considering the formats of presentation, European
countries will be covered prominently in Europe, but the actual amount of
news coverage will depend on the attributes and roles played by the coun-
try within the region.
74 Agnieszka Stêpiñska SP 3 ’13
5. Numerous media content studies have been conducted within the Eu-
ropean context in previous decades. While some of them were devoted to
analyzing the media coverage of major European events, others aimed at
studying the contribution of the press to the Europeanization of the public
sphere. For example, C. de Vreese (2001a, 2001b) examined the news
agenda and the role played by national news organizations in three coun-
tries (Great Britain, Denmark and the Netherlands) in covering the Janu-
ary 1999 first-step introduction of the euro, the June 1999 European
parliamentary elections, and the December 2000 summit in Nice. The
findings showed that the news coverage of European affairs is cyclical,
peaking during the events but hardly visible before and after. Furthermore,
news organizations differed not only in terms of attention devoted to these
events, but also in editorial policy and the degree of effort invested in cov-
ering the events.
Among EU-related events, the European parliamentary elections seem
to attract regular media attention. Hence, the media coverage of these elec-
tions has been a subject of interest for many scholars, including J. Wilke
and C. Reinemann (2007), M. Maier, J. Strömbäck, and L. L. Kaid (2012),
and C. de Vreese (2001c). At the same time, much scholarship has exam-
ined the media coverage of European referendum campaigns (de Vreese,
Semetko 2004a; de Vreese, Boomgaarden 2005). A separate segment of
media research within the EU context is devoted to examining the role of
the media in the process of European integration (de Vreese, Semetko,
2002; 2004b; Boomgaarden, Vliegenthart, Schuck, de Vreese, 2010).
Before Poland’s accession to the EU in 2003, several studies were con-
ducted on the foreign media coverage of the country. Their findings re-
vealed a low visibility and recognition, as well as a rather neutral or
negative image of the country in other European countries (Kolarska-Bo-
biñska, 2003; Warchala, 2002; Sikorska, 2000). Namely, in the early
2000s, 50–70 percent of respondents in six countries (Austria, France,
Germany, Great Britain, Spain, and Sweden) seemed to have no opinion
about Poland at all at that time (Kolarska-Bobiñska, 2003). Among those
who expressed an opinion, only around 10 percent believed in the exis-
tence of a market orientation in the Polish economy, and only one third of
Austrians and Germans perceived the Polish parliamentary system as
“similar to the system developed in Western Europe” (Warchala, 2002).
Furthermore, findings from media content analysis revealed that Poland
was portrayed in news media mostly as a “peripheral, traditional Catholic
country with an underdeveloped economy” (Warchala, 2002). In general,
SP 3 ’13 International project: Media coverage of the Polish EU... 75
6. Poland was presented as a country “like other EU Members.” The studies
mentioned above also revealed an inconsistency in the amount of the press
coverage: while news media in Germany paid most attention to Poland in
the late 1990s and early 2000s, in Spain and Sweden the coverage of Po-
land was rather limited.
The study
While much scholarship is focused either on short-duration events or
long-term relations between EU institutions (Trenz, 2004), media and
public opinion and the process of EU integration, less attention is paid to
a single country’s performance during the EU presidency. Previous studies
devoted to this topic were exclusively national in scope (Ekengren, 2004;
Quagllia, E. Moxon-Browne, 2006). This study provides an original con-
tribution to the research on media coverage of EU-related events by col-
lecting data from seven countries. The Polish EU presidency could be
perceived as a case study in the examination of foreign media coverage of
a country holding the leading position within the EU Council. In particu-
lar, the study provides an opportunity to analyze an image of a country that
is holding this position for the very first time. Due to the explorative nature
of the study, content analysis addressed the following major research
questions:
RQ1: How many news items published in the news media during the pe-
riod of the Polish EU presidency actually referred to that event?
The project provided an opportunity to check how many items in the
news media outside Poland were devoted to Poland and how many of them
were inspired by the topic of the presidency. In other words, we aimed at
recognizing the actual, not just potential, power of the presidency in at-
tracting media attention.
RQ2: What topics were covered by the news media?
As the studies on agenda-setting show, by focusing attention on partic-
ular events and topics, the media can influence the public perception of the
object, in this case – a country (McCombs, 2006; Wanta, Golan & Lee,
2004; Wanta, Mikusova, 2010). Besides investigating items related to the
presidency, we examined all the items about Poland published in the pe-
riod of six months of hosting this position. This allowed us to identify the
picture of the country that was drawn by the foreign media in comparison
to the image of the presidency in the Polish media.
76 Agnieszka Stêpiñska SP 3 ’13
7. RQ3: How was Poland introduced and portrayed in the items?
One of the variables in the codebook was designed to identify the main
role in which Poland was presented in news items relating to the Polish EU
presidency. We assumed that Poland might have been introduced either by
EU membership (EU member, new EU member, host or venue of the
event) or by historical and geographic features (post-communist country,
Central European country).
RQ4: What was the dominant attitude towards Poland presented in the
news?
The final variable in the codebook was designed to learn how news
media evaluated the way Poland conducted the presidency. This evalua-
tion was mainly carried out for opinion articles. For news items it was
only coded when a clear explicit evaluation was noticed in the respective
article.
The study included ten countries: Austria, Belgium, Germany, Greece,
Estonia, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Spain, and Sweden (see Appendix
for the list of participants). The data from Germany was collected and ana-
lyzed by the Austrian team. The findings presented in this Special Issue,
however, will come from six countries, including Poland. Systematic se-
lection of countries is unquestionably crucial for a comparative study.
Since we were interested in European countries as units of analysis, we
followed the principle of including countries from different regions of
Europe.
The call for cooperation was announced among the members of two in-
ternational organizations, that is the European Communication Research
and Education Association (ECREA), and the International Communica-
tion Association (ICA). Scholars from fifteen countries responded to the
call. During the course of the research process, however, five countries
eventually dropped their participation for financial and logistic reasons.
These countries were Great Britain, Ireland, Denmark, Hungary, and
Slovakia. Nevertheless, the final selection of countries still included West-
ern, Southern, Northern, and Eastern regions of the European Union. In
other words, it was not biased toward any particular region. Moreover, the
sample includes countries with a long tradition of EU membership, as well
as relatively new EU members. However, both the number and content of
the sample of countries may affect the findings, since the most euroskeptic
countries, such as Great Britain, are not included in the sample. Taking
this shortcoming into consideration, we will avoid generalizations of
the findings.
SP 3 ’13 International project: Media coverage of the Polish EU... 77
8. The empirical analysis focused on the Polish EU presidency that started
on July 1, 2011, and ended on December 31, 2011. Thus, we decided to
gather the data from June 15, 2011 till January 15, 2012 in three six-week
periods: June 5–July 30, September 1–October 15, December 1–January 15.
Due to the fact that not all national teams followed this pattern, the actual
numbers might be confusing. In order to avoid any bias we use percent-
ages as a method of presenting the findings. Journalistic materials (news
items, comments, reports, editorials, etc.) published in these periods were
selected for the study by using Poland as a keyword. Next, within the col-
lected items, a sub-category of the sample was created by using EU presi-
dency as a keyword this time. As a result, we got two kinds of stories:
(1) related to Poland (in general), and (2) related directly to the topic of Po-
land holding the position at the EU Council.
The choice of media organizations was based on the following pattern:
(1) each team was expected to analyze the content of at least one or two
national daily newspapers, one popular/tabloid newspaper and one
weekly magazine. However, not all national teams followed this pat-
tern. For example, in Belgium the sample consisted of only one quality
newspaper, one popular newspaper and one weekly magazine, while in
Greece as many as nine online news organizations were studied, but
only two traditional printed newspapers. Thus, while presenting the
findings we will spread the data into separate lines for different types
of media;
(2) the research team recorded newscasts that are broadcast across the re-
spective country: the main newscast of the country’s public service
broadcasting station and the most popular newscast of a privately
owned (or commercial) station, based on viewership ratings;
(3) online media were selected based on their popularity measured by the
number of users.
Alongside national media organizations’ coverage, the content of the
international TV news station Euronews was analyzed. Since 1993, when
Euronews was launched, the station has been extending its scope and pro-
gram while emphasizing its European character at the same time. Accord-
ing to the distribution report published in July 2008 (Euronews, 2008),
Euronews was a leading international news channel in Europe with a daily
reach of 6.6 million viewers (2.9 million by satellite and cable and 3.7 mil-
lion by terrestrial network) which is more than CNNI (1.7 million) and
BBC World (1.2 million). Also, according to the European Media and
Marketing Survey (EMS July 2008) on the European markets (20 coun-
78 Agnieszka Stêpiñska SP 3 ’13
9. tries), Euronews is one of the most popular international TV news chan-
nels with a weekly reach of 17.6%, that is more than CNNI (16.7%) and
BBC World (12.4%).
On the other hand, Euronews was created as a competitor to CNN, to
block its growing influence on the European television news market. This
defensive strategy is still one of the fundamental philosophical guidelines
behind Euronews that has affected both the format and the content, which
might be briefly described as ‘reporting world news from a European per-
spective’. The station is produced by an operating subsidiary company
SOCIEMIE created by a consortium of public service shareholders from
the European and Mediterranean Area (SECEMIE) and sponsored exten-
sively by the European Commission (grants). Considering its features,
Euronews may be perceived as an important channel of information about
Europe and European Union for the international audience. Table 1 pres-
ents the sample.
Table 1
Sample
Country
Media
organizations
Period of analysis
Items about
Poland
(total number)
Items about
Poland EU
Presidency
(%)
1 2 3 4 5
Austria Der Standard
Die Presse
Kronenzeitung
Profil
15.06– 31.07.2011
01.09.– 15.10.2011
01.12.2011–15.01.2012
795 7.2
Belgium De Morgen
De Standaard
Het Laatste Nieuws
Het Nieuwsblad
Knack
De Tijd
Het Belang van Limburg
Gazet van Antwerpen
15.06.2011–17.01.2012 735 1.6
Estonia delfi.ee
epl.ee
postimees.ee
err.ee
15.06.2011–15.01.2012 1099 3.5
Germany Frankfurter Allgemeine
Zeitung
Süddeutsche Zeitung
Bild
Der Spiegel
15.06–31.07.2011
01.09–15.10.2011
01.12.2011–15.01.2012
1353 5.5
SP 3 ’13 International project: Media coverage of the Polish EU... 79
10. 1 2 3 4 5
Greece Online media:
ert.gr
skai.gr
aixmi.gr
madata.gr
newsit.gr
newsbomb.gr
Online newspapers:
tovima.gr
avgi.gr
eleftherotypia.gr
15.06.2011–30.01.2012
15.06.2011–15.01.2012
15.06.2011–15.01.2012
01.07– 31.12.2011
01.07– 31.12.2011
01.07– 31.12.2011
15.06.2011–30.01.2012
15.06.2011–15.01.2012
15.06.2011–15.01.2012
476 16.7
Weekly newspapers:
Kiriakatiki Eleftherotipia
To Vima
15.06.2011–18.12.2011
15.06.2011–15.01.2012
78 23.6
Television:
SKAI Television
NET
15.06.2011–15.01.2012
15.06.2011–30.01.2012
14 42.9
Poland Gazeta Wyborcza
Rzeczpospolita
Fakt
Nasz Dziennik
Polityka
Wprost
Uwazam rze
15.06–31.07.2011
01.09–15.10.2011
01.12.2011–15.01.2012
767*
Portugal Diario de Noticas
Publico
Correiro de Manha
Visao
January–June 2011
July–December 2011
134 26.0
Romania Newspapers:
Jurnalul National Ad-
evarul
Romania Libera
Libertatea
Revista 22
1.06.2011 – 15.01.2012 1668 15.7
Online:
Hotnews
Ziare.com
Euractiv
1047 36.2
Spain El Pais 15.06–31.12.2012 51 41.2
Euronews 30.03.2011–30.01.2012 71 22.0
* In the case of the Polish sample only items related to the Polish EU presidency were coded.
The first stage in preparing for the content analysis was the develop-
ment of the codebook. The codebook was prepared in English, the com-
mon language used by all the participants in the project. The final draft of
80 Agnieszka Stêpiñska SP 3 ’13
11. the codebook was distributed to all the participating researchers and addi-
tional comments and suggestions were solicited. The final version was
confirmed during a seminar that took place in Poznañ on March 22–24,
2012. The codebook included sixteen variables, including the date of pub-
lication, news media, genres, front page position of the item, size of the
item, visual elements, source of information, author of opinion, one domi-
nant topic area and particular topics (up to three), strategies of domestica-
tion, roles of Poland and attitude towards Poland. Each team was in charge
of collecting and training the coders. The number of coders varied from
one in Estonia to six in Poland. Reliability among the coders was estab-
lished as a precondition for going ahead with the actual coding of
the items.
The comparative research started at the beginning of 2012, although
the process of collecting the data started in some countries as soon as on
July 1, 2011. The preliminary results of the analysis were available in
spring 2012 and presented during a seminar in March 2012. The out-
comes of the project were also presented during a special session of the
Congress of Political Scientists in Poznañ, Poland that took place on
September 19–21, 2012.
The host institution for the project was the Faculty of Political Science
and Journalism at the University of Adam Mickiewicz in Poznañ, Poland.
The project is funded by the Polish National Science Centre (grant
no. N N116 614440).
The following papers presented in the Special Issue include findings
from a quantitative analysis conducted by national research teams. The
papers are presented in alphabetical order, based on the names of the coun-
tries (Austria, Belgium, Germany, Greece, Poland, and Romania). Since
there were three separate research teams from Greece (studying the con-
tent of different media organizations), as many as three papers include
their results. Finally, in order to achieve a more complete picture of Polish
media coverage, one paper is devoted to a qualitative content analysis.
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Appendix
PARTICIPANTS OF THE PROJECT
Austria/Germany
Romy Wöhlert, Austrian Academy of Sciences, Social Sciences Research
Center, Vienna, Austria
Belgium
Daniël Biltereyst, Centre for Cinema and Media Studies, Ghent Univer-
sity, Belgium
Stijn Joye, Centre for Cinema and Media Studies, Ghent University, Belgium
Khaël Velders, Centre for Cinema and Media Studies, Ghent University,
Belgium
Thibault Bonte, Centre for Cinema and Media Studies, Ghent University,
Belgium
Eveline Delcart, Centre for Cinema and Media Studies, Ghent University,
Belgium
84 Agnieszka Stêpiñska SP 3 ’13
15. Greece
Dora Papadopoulou, University of Central Greece
Katerina Serafeim, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki
Anastasia Deligiaouri, Western Macedonia, Kastoria, Greece
Martha Katsiola, Western Macedonia, Kastoria, Greece
Estonia
Andres Jõesaar, University of Tartu, Estonia
Poland
Agnieszka Stêpiñska, Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznañ, Poland
Szymon Ossowski, Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznañ, Poland
Ma³gorzata Ko³odziejczak, Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznañ, Po-
land
Ewa Jurga-Wosik, Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznañ, Poland
Bart³omiej Secler, Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznañ, Poland
Jacek Wyszyñski, Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznañ, Poland
Magdalena Boniec, Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznañ, Poland
Portugal
Rui Novais, CECS-University of Minho, University of Porto, Portugal,
University of Liverpool UK
Christina Ivanova, University of Porto, Portugal
Aureliana Gomes, University of Porto, Portugal
Ana Carvalho, University of Porto, Portugal
Romania
Valentina Marinescu, University of Bucharest, Romania
Madalina Balasescu, University of Bucharest, Romania
Spain
Miguel Vicente-Mariño, University of Valladolid, Spain
Adolfo Carratalá, Universitat de València, Spain
Sweden
Andreas Widholm, Department of Journalism, Media and Communica-
tion (JMK), Stockholm University, Sweden
SP 3 ’13 International project: Media coverage of the Polish EU... 85