After the relatively successful system transformation, some young democratic countries from Central and Eastern Europe which used to receive democratic
aid in the 1980s and 90s have engaged as new donors in assisting pro-democratic
changes in other post-communist countries. The donor-recipient relations between
two post-communist countries can be observed on the example of the development
of cooperation between Poland and Ukraine. This paper deals with Polish assistance
to new media in Ukraine in from 2007-2017 as a part of supporting democracy in
Ukraine under the Polish Cooperation Development Program. Firstly, this work examines whether the Polish government’s support of Ukrainian media as part of cooperation development will be sustained regardless of changes in the Polish government.
Secondly, the paper explores whether Polish NGOs tailor their projects, financed
by the Polish MFA, to the recipients’ respective needs and the current situation in
Ukraine. By examining Polish media assistance, the authors aim to explain the efforts
of the new donor in developing media in a partner country, emphasizing the relation
between the involvement of external actors and the presence of independent media
which play an important role in democratization processes.
The aim of this Special Issue of Central European Political Studies is to
bring media scholars together and to reflect on the current trends in political journalism in our region. The focus of the articles is trained on the discovery of the shifts
and continuities in journalistic practises 25 years after the collapse of the communist regimes. Some of the findings and conclusions presented in the volume come
from studies conducted within the framework of international comparative research
projects such as Worlds of Journalism, Journalistic Role Performance Around the
Globe, or Media Accountability and Transparency in Europe (MediaAcT). The others
come from single, national empirical studies or analyses on the media systems conducted in the Central and Eastern countries.
MAIN TRENDS IN MEDIA COVERAGE OF SOCIOPOLITICAL PROCESSES IN UKRAINE IN 2014-...DonbassFullAccess
The document analyzes trends in media coverage of socio-political events in Ukraine from 2014 to 2017 based on monitoring by NGO Detector Media. It finds that for many years, the political views expressed by private Ukrainian TV channels have been defined by the interests of their oligarchic owners rather than objective journalism. Following Ukraine's 2014 revolution, some channels began transforming into public broadcasters, but oligarchic media groups still dominate the landscape. The monitoring found violations of journalism standards increased in news coverage, especially invited commentary that censored opposing views. Overall the analysis shows oligarchic influence and lack of strong public media have hampered quality coverage of political issues important to Ukrainian society.
The document summarizes the spread of anti-democratic practices across Europe and Eurasia in recent years. It notes that incumbent leaders in the region are undermining democratic institutions and norms to consolidate power, often learning from one another. Hungary and Poland have seen the most severe declines, systematically cracking down on the judiciary, media, civil society, and minorities. They have also begun exporting their anti-democratic models and justifications to other countries. Russia too has deepened its autocratic control, leaving democratic governance at its lowest point according to the report's measurements. Overall democracy has deteriorated in most countries covered by the Nations in Transit assessment over the past four years.
Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) developed Radiography of attacks against non-governmental organizations from the Republic of Moldova, which aimed at discrediting CSOs and deteriorating their environment for activity.
W artykule autor stara się ustalić, jaką rolę powinny i mogą odgrywać partie regionalne
procesie integracji europejskiej. Znaczenie tego pytania wynika z faktu, że partie regionalne
spotykają się z niechęcią ze strony władz politycznych i społeczeństw „państw narodowych”
We wstępie autor pokazuje, w jaki sposób zmieniło się podejście do regionalizmu w Europie
w połowie lat 80. XX w. Najbardziej widoczne jest ono w koncepcji „nowego regionalizmu”.
Kontynuując swoje rozważania autor opisuje toczącą się debatę na temat tego jaką rolę odgrywają partie regionalne, a zwłaszcza ich szczególna forma jaką są partie etnoregionalne w
systemach politycznych współczesnych państw europejskich.
Podano również przykład rywalizacji politycznej w regionie i ogólnych zasad rządzących
konkurencją na poziomie regionu. Autor wierzy, że analiza funkcjonowania regionalnych systemów partyjnych może być przydatna w analizowaniu procesów społeczno-politycznych,
zwłaszcza na Górnym Śląsku.
Polish Printed Media Coverage and Evaluation of the Polish Presidency in the ...Agnieszka Stępińska
The document discusses a study analyzing Polish print media coverage of Poland's first presidency of the European Union Council in 2011. It examines how four daily newspapers (Gazeta Wyborcza, Rzeczpospolita, Nasz Dziennik, and Fakt) and three weekly magazines (Polityka, Wprost, and Uważam Rze. Inaczej pisane) portrayed and evaluated the presidency. The study found that while the newspapers' political biases could have led to differing evaluations, most coverage was neutral. Gazeta Wyborcza and Fakt had the highest levels of neutral assessments at 67% and 57%, while Rzeczpospolita and Nasz D
IDPs of Donbas in the mirror of the Ukrainian press and TVRestoring Donbass
Newspapers "Golos Ukrainy" and "Uriadovy Courier" and channel "Pershiy natsіonalny", which work on account of the taxpayers' money, illuminate the news about displaced persons from the ATO area. However, it does not provide useful information for internally displaced persons themselves. Such conclusions were made by experts of the public initiative "Restoring Donbas" based on monitoring of February Ukrainian print media and television materials.
The document summarizes discussions from the Donbas Media Forum in June 2017 about the media situation in the Donetsk region of Ukraine. Key topics included reducing "hate speech" in media, building links between government, society, and communities, and conflict-sensitive journalism. Participants represented media, NGOs, and government from Ukraine and internationally. Discussions highlighted issues like a lack of trust between groups, politicization of Donbas issues, and the need for fact-based reporting to reduce manipulation. Recommendations focused on increasing journalistic ethics, checking facts, and improving communication between authorities, media, and the public.
The aim of this Special Issue of Central European Political Studies is to
bring media scholars together and to reflect on the current trends in political journalism in our region. The focus of the articles is trained on the discovery of the shifts
and continuities in journalistic practises 25 years after the collapse of the communist regimes. Some of the findings and conclusions presented in the volume come
from studies conducted within the framework of international comparative research
projects such as Worlds of Journalism, Journalistic Role Performance Around the
Globe, or Media Accountability and Transparency in Europe (MediaAcT). The others
come from single, national empirical studies or analyses on the media systems conducted in the Central and Eastern countries.
MAIN TRENDS IN MEDIA COVERAGE OF SOCIOPOLITICAL PROCESSES IN UKRAINE IN 2014-...DonbassFullAccess
The document analyzes trends in media coverage of socio-political events in Ukraine from 2014 to 2017 based on monitoring by NGO Detector Media. It finds that for many years, the political views expressed by private Ukrainian TV channels have been defined by the interests of their oligarchic owners rather than objective journalism. Following Ukraine's 2014 revolution, some channels began transforming into public broadcasters, but oligarchic media groups still dominate the landscape. The monitoring found violations of journalism standards increased in news coverage, especially invited commentary that censored opposing views. Overall the analysis shows oligarchic influence and lack of strong public media have hampered quality coverage of political issues important to Ukrainian society.
The document summarizes the spread of anti-democratic practices across Europe and Eurasia in recent years. It notes that incumbent leaders in the region are undermining democratic institutions and norms to consolidate power, often learning from one another. Hungary and Poland have seen the most severe declines, systematically cracking down on the judiciary, media, civil society, and minorities. They have also begun exporting their anti-democratic models and justifications to other countries. Russia too has deepened its autocratic control, leaving democratic governance at its lowest point according to the report's measurements. Overall democracy has deteriorated in most countries covered by the Nations in Transit assessment over the past four years.
Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) developed Radiography of attacks against non-governmental organizations from the Republic of Moldova, which aimed at discrediting CSOs and deteriorating their environment for activity.
W artykule autor stara się ustalić, jaką rolę powinny i mogą odgrywać partie regionalne
procesie integracji europejskiej. Znaczenie tego pytania wynika z faktu, że partie regionalne
spotykają się z niechęcią ze strony władz politycznych i społeczeństw „państw narodowych”
We wstępie autor pokazuje, w jaki sposób zmieniło się podejście do regionalizmu w Europie
w połowie lat 80. XX w. Najbardziej widoczne jest ono w koncepcji „nowego regionalizmu”.
Kontynuując swoje rozważania autor opisuje toczącą się debatę na temat tego jaką rolę odgrywają partie regionalne, a zwłaszcza ich szczególna forma jaką są partie etnoregionalne w
systemach politycznych współczesnych państw europejskich.
Podano również przykład rywalizacji politycznej w regionie i ogólnych zasad rządzących
konkurencją na poziomie regionu. Autor wierzy, że analiza funkcjonowania regionalnych systemów partyjnych może być przydatna w analizowaniu procesów społeczno-politycznych,
zwłaszcza na Górnym Śląsku.
Polish Printed Media Coverage and Evaluation of the Polish Presidency in the ...Agnieszka Stępińska
The document discusses a study analyzing Polish print media coverage of Poland's first presidency of the European Union Council in 2011. It examines how four daily newspapers (Gazeta Wyborcza, Rzeczpospolita, Nasz Dziennik, and Fakt) and three weekly magazines (Polityka, Wprost, and Uważam Rze. Inaczej pisane) portrayed and evaluated the presidency. The study found that while the newspapers' political biases could have led to differing evaluations, most coverage was neutral. Gazeta Wyborcza and Fakt had the highest levels of neutral assessments at 67% and 57%, while Rzeczpospolita and Nasz D
IDPs of Donbas in the mirror of the Ukrainian press and TVRestoring Donbass
Newspapers "Golos Ukrainy" and "Uriadovy Courier" and channel "Pershiy natsіonalny", which work on account of the taxpayers' money, illuminate the news about displaced persons from the ATO area. However, it does not provide useful information for internally displaced persons themselves. Such conclusions were made by experts of the public initiative "Restoring Donbas" based on monitoring of February Ukrainian print media and television materials.
The document summarizes discussions from the Donbas Media Forum in June 2017 about the media situation in the Donetsk region of Ukraine. Key topics included reducing "hate speech" in media, building links between government, society, and communities, and conflict-sensitive journalism. Participants represented media, NGOs, and government from Ukraine and internationally. Discussions highlighted issues like a lack of trust between groups, politicization of Donbas issues, and the need for fact-based reporting to reduce manipulation. Recommendations focused on increasing journalistic ethics, checking facts, and improving communication between authorities, media, and the public.
Journalists and media in Ukraine - Reporters Without Borders - 2016DonbassFullAccess
The media landscape in Ukraine is dominated by a small number of oligarchs who control major television stations. Television is the main source of news for Ukrainians. While media ownership is officially non-transparent, in practice the public knows that the top stations are owned by oligarchs like Ihor Kolomoysky, Viktor Pinchuk, and Rinat Akhmetov. A new law aims to increase transparency of ownership, but there is skepticism about its implementation as oligarchs still wield political and business influence through their media properties.
This document summarizes a report that examines how 14 democratic countries fund and protect the independence of public media. It finds that countries generally use several approaches: multi-year funding to lessen political pressure; structures that link public media directly to audiences; charters that require public-interest content while restricting government influence; and independent agencies/boards as buffers between media and governments. As a result, public media provide more public affairs coverage and viewpoints than commercial media. However, countries vary in how well their systems are funded and insulated from political interference. The report provides models for the U.S. to consider strengthening its own modest public media system.
Signs of hate speech are detected in the print media on both sides of the demarcation line. However, the monitored “DPR” public editions use this speech much more often. At present, these are just isolated cases on the territory controlled by Ukrainian government.
The absolute leader in using hate speech is Novorossiya edition. Its material is extremely saturated with words, which experts attributed to those who show signs of hate speech or hostility. The publications of the “DPR” organization claiming to have an “official” status use such speech much less and formally.
The limited use of hate speech from Ukrainian regional media may be a consequence of the journalists’ and editors’ position; while working on the conflict area, they are trying to use non-conflictual vocabulary. One more factor is the owners’ of these media influence and their vision of ways to stop the conflict. Trends in the limited use of hate speech in regional Ukrainian media in the Donetsk region may not correspond to the situation at the national level.
Міжнародна правозахисна організація Freedom House у Вашингтоні повідомила, що рівень свободи ЗМІ у світі за 2015 рік впав до найнижчого рівня за останні 12 років.
The paper presents the contemporary information policy implemented by
the Ukrainian government. The survey answers the question about the new role of information policy in the state authorities’ activities. The research focuses on the executive branch of power, due to its impact on the internal and external image of Ukraine.
The analysis was conducted at the strategic, institutional and operational levels, and
concerned the content of messages.
Three generations of polish Journalists. Professional roles and identitiesAgnieszka Stępińska
This paper provides an update of empirical data on the professional features, values and standards of Polish journalists. The study illustrates clear differences between three generations of journalists: those who have been working for media organizations for several decades now; those who entered the profession immediately following the political transformation of the late 1980s;
and those who recently graduated from university. Interestingly, both the youngest and the oldest journalists seem to share some professional approaches. Namely they believe that journalists should not be just news disseminators, but should also provide solutions to the problems of
ordinary people. On the other hand, journalists who entered the profession two decades ago seem to be more interested in a watchdog role for the media. Since their professional career started during the political transformation period or soon after, they still perceive themselves as
adversaries of public officials.
The impact of the crisis in Ukraine on its western regionsDonbassFullAccess
The document summarizes observations from the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine regarding the impact of developments in Crimea and eastern Ukraine on the western regions of Ukraine. It finds that the western regions have seen a rise in patriotism and civil society engagement since Maidan, but also growing dissatisfaction with the government and concerns over corruption and the economic impact of the conflict. It notes the emergence of self-defense groups after Maidan to provide security, and their evolution into political and aid organizations. It also examines reactions to military mobilization and the perception of the conflict among communities in the western regions.
Local newspapers' online election coverage from October 25-29, 2004 was analyzed. 77% of stories changed over time, with most uploading by 9am. Coverage focused on local and regional stories (90%) rather than national. Endorsements did not affect tone of coverage. While some focused on "horse race" aspects, most stories were neutral (66%). Further analysis of bylines, story movement, lack of endorsements, and direction of online political news was recommended.
Media consumption and assessment of social and political processes in Ukraine...Mariana Zakusylo
The study found high levels of fatigue with politicians and politicized media among residents in eastern Ukraine, leading to distrust and apathy. Many citizens passively consume media as a single flow without analyzing sources. Entertainment content like videos and humor are most popular. While local news is in demand, awareness of reforms is low due to fragmented media coverage that causes confusion rather than understanding of goals and mechanisms.
This document summarizes a case study about collusion between a journalist from the Slovak daily Pravda, Vanda Vavrova, and a top Slovak politician and Member of Parliament, Robert Kaliňák. The study examines wiretapped phone conversations that show Kaliňák trying to pressure Vavrova into publishing damaging information about one of his political rivals. While the media criticized the wiretapping, they downplayed the collusion between the journalist and politician. The document provides context on media ownership in Slovakia and analyzes the content of the conversations, as well as the initial media coverage of the scandal.
This document discusses Russian-speaking organized crime groups in the European Union. It begins by noting the growth of transnational criminal organizations since the fall of the Soviet Union. These groups have expanded their activities and influence throughout Europe, dominating criminal worlds in many countries. The document then provides definitions of key terms from international agreements, describing organized criminal groups as structured associations of three or more people working together over time to commit serious crimes. It examines the development and characteristics of Russian-speaking organized crime in Europe, their illegal activities in various EU countries, and the impacts of these transnational criminal groups.
Freedom of Speech in the Context of Information War and Armed ConflictDonbassFullAccess
The document analyzes Ukraine's information sphere in the context of the armed conflict in Eastern Ukraine and Crimea's annexation by Russia. It finds that Ukraine was unprepared for Russia's hybrid information war tactics, resulting in uncoordinated responses from authorities and civil society. Authorities' attempts to restrict freedom of speech to counter Russian propaganda sometimes violated rights. The conflict highlighted needs for objectivity, balance and clear standards when covering conflict issues and populations. The research aims to help authorities and others develop coordinated, rights-respecting information policies regarding security, speech limits and roles of different actors. It audits resources and regulations to help map future coordination and a "road map" balancing security, speech and countering hate speech during conflict.
A set of recommendations for combating Russian propaganda in the European Union and the Eastern Partnership countries, which has been distributed among the Members of the European Parliament and the EU officials with regard to the European Council conclusions of 20 March 2015 calling for preparation of an action plan to counter Russia’s disinformation campaigns.
THE PRESIDENT HO CHI MINH THOUGHT ON VIETNAMESE PEOPLE'S PUBLIC SECURITYAkashSharma618775
Ho Chi Minh’s Thought on the People's Public Security is a comprehensive and profound systematic
view on the position, role, functions and tasks of the People's Public Security; on the Party's leadership of the
People's Police; on building the People's Public Security force; on principles and measures of public security work;
on emulation, commendation and discipline work in the People's Public Security. Nowadays, in Vietnam, the
study, research and interpretation of Ho Chi Minh’s Thought on the People's Public Security is a very necessary
issue with a profoundly theoretical and practical value.
Celem artykułu jest ukazanie wyników badania zawartości polskich mediów z okresu
sprawowania przez Polskę przewodnictwa w Radzie Unii Europejskiej w 2011 roku. Analiza poświęcona była wpływowi orientacji politycznej organizacji medialnej (wybranych gazet
codziennych i tygodników opinii) na sposób relacjonowania polskiej prezydencji. Podstawę
teoretyczną badania stanowiły dwie koncepcje: europeizacji sfery publicznej oraz polityzacji
Europy. Wyniki badania nie tylko potwierdzają różnice w prezentowaniu tematyki europejskiej
i polskiej prezydencji w tytułach o wyraźnie określonej orientacji politycznej, ale ukazują specyfikę polskich mediów: źródłem cen i poglądów prezentowanych na łamach są nie tylko politycy, ale także dziennikarze. Na podstawie wyników wyprowadzić można wniosek nie tylko
o instrumentalnym wykorzystywaniu tematyki europejskiej podczas parlamentarnej kampanii
wyborczej w Polsce w 2011 roku, ale także o polityzacji Europy jako zjawiska związanego
ściśle z wertykalną europeizacją sfery publicznej i demokratyzacją.
This document summarizes a report on public media systems around the world and lessons they can provide for strengthening journalism. It finds that countries fund public media through long-term budgets to reduce political pressure, use oversight bodies to create independence from government, and establish charters protecting public interest programming. Strong systems include the UK, Germany and Scandinavian countries, while others like Australia, Canada and France have seen weaknesses from less funding or autonomy. The report aims to show how adequately funding and protecting public media from politics supports high-quality journalism.
This document summarizes a report that examines how 14 democratic countries fund and protect the independence of public media. It finds that countries generally use several approaches: multi-year funding to lessen political pressure; structures that link public media directly to audiences; charters that require public-interest content while restricting government influence; and independent agencies/boards as buffers between media and governments. As a result, public media provide more public affairs coverage and viewpoints than commercial media. However, countries vary in how well their systems are funded and insulated from political interference. The report provides models for the U.S. to consider strengthening its own modest public media system.
Non governmental organizations have been active in Moldova since 1989, but a civil society started its today’s formation as a result of radical reforms in economic and political areas only after the country became independent in 1991. Since that time the establishment of a transitional civil society in Moldova is under way. However, starting from 2001, when the Communist Party won the general elections, development of the nongovernmental sector has become slower. Although several positive patterns evident at the end of the nineties indicate progress in the development of Moldovan non-governmental sector, there is a number of sensitive issues (e.g., freedom of media, human rights protection) in relation to which certain regress has been observed especially in the last two years. Media market in Moldova is far from being free, and protection of human rights remains to be a problem (in all respects, situation of non-governmental sector in Transnistria is much worse than in Moldova). Finally, it needs to be emphasized that critical socio-economic situation seems to be the main threat to democracy and the rule of law in the country. This is because further significant economic decline can provide fertile ground for non-democratic political forces and extremists. Economic collapse could be a real threat to the achievements in the area of democratization and civil society development. Thus, only results of a successful economic reform process may reverse undesirable patterns and change socio-economic situation in Moldova, increase income of population, decrease poverty, guarantee stability and irreversibility of Moldovan achievements in democratization and development of civil society.
Authored by: Jacek Cukrowski, Radzislawa Gortat, Piotr Kazmierkiewicz
Published in 2003
The Regional Development of Democratization and Civil Society: Transition, Co...Przegląd Politologiczny
Different starting points, similar processes and different outcomes can be identified when comparing East Central Europe and East and South Asia. The two regions face similar global challenges, follow regional patterns of democratization and face crises. In communist times, East Central Europe was
economically marginalized in the world economy, while some parts of Asia integrated well in the global
economy under authoritarian rule. Europeanization and a favorable external environment encouraged the
former communist countries to opt for the Western-style rule of law and democracy. Different external
factors helped the Third Wave democracies in Asia, especially South Korea and Taiwan, which benefited
from the support of the United States and other global economic, military and cultural partnerships to
develop their human rights culture and democracy while facing their totalitarian counterparts, namely the
People’s Republic of China and North Korea. The very different positions Taiwan and Hungary have in
their respective regions follow from the different capacities of their transformation management since
1988–1989. Taiwan preserved its leading role and stable democracy despite the threat to its sovereignty
from the People’s Republic of China. Hungary never had such an influential and problematic neighbor
and was ensured security and welfare partnership by the European Union, which Taiwan lacked. While
Taiwan was less secure, economic and social conditions were more favorable for democratization than
those in Hungary. Hungary, in turn, held a leading position in democratization processes in the period of
post-communist transition which was lost during the crisis and conflicts of the last decade (after 2006 and
especially since 2010). Despite the fact that liberalization prepared the way for peaceful transition in both
countries and resulted in similar processes of democratic consolidation in the 1990s, Hungary joined the
‘loser’ group in its region, whereas Taiwan is among the top ‘winning’ countries in its region. Taiwan at the
moment is starting comprehensive reform processes toward enhanced democracy, civil rights and the rule
of law, and Hungarian development is criticized by many external and internal analysts as straying from the
path of European-style consolidated democracies towards illiberal trends and hybridization. Western global
concepts of democratization may help to identify similarities and differences, and compare stronger and
weaker factors in the democratic transitions in Asia and Europe within the Third Wave democracies.
The document analyzes how China uses soft power through media and foreign policy to enhance its global image. It discusses how China portrays itself on the international stage and examines Western media coverage of China's rise. The author finds that China's economic growth and involvement in international affairs have increased Western interest in China over the past few decades as reflected by growing media coverage. The media plays an important role in shaping other countries' perceptions and policies toward China as its global influence rises.
Journalists and media in Ukraine - Reporters Without Borders - 2016DonbassFullAccess
The media landscape in Ukraine is dominated by a small number of oligarchs who control major television stations. Television is the main source of news for Ukrainians. While media ownership is officially non-transparent, in practice the public knows that the top stations are owned by oligarchs like Ihor Kolomoysky, Viktor Pinchuk, and Rinat Akhmetov. A new law aims to increase transparency of ownership, but there is skepticism about its implementation as oligarchs still wield political and business influence through their media properties.
This document summarizes a report that examines how 14 democratic countries fund and protect the independence of public media. It finds that countries generally use several approaches: multi-year funding to lessen political pressure; structures that link public media directly to audiences; charters that require public-interest content while restricting government influence; and independent agencies/boards as buffers between media and governments. As a result, public media provide more public affairs coverage and viewpoints than commercial media. However, countries vary in how well their systems are funded and insulated from political interference. The report provides models for the U.S. to consider strengthening its own modest public media system.
Signs of hate speech are detected in the print media on both sides of the demarcation line. However, the monitored “DPR” public editions use this speech much more often. At present, these are just isolated cases on the territory controlled by Ukrainian government.
The absolute leader in using hate speech is Novorossiya edition. Its material is extremely saturated with words, which experts attributed to those who show signs of hate speech or hostility. The publications of the “DPR” organization claiming to have an “official” status use such speech much less and formally.
The limited use of hate speech from Ukrainian regional media may be a consequence of the journalists’ and editors’ position; while working on the conflict area, they are trying to use non-conflictual vocabulary. One more factor is the owners’ of these media influence and their vision of ways to stop the conflict. Trends in the limited use of hate speech in regional Ukrainian media in the Donetsk region may not correspond to the situation at the national level.
Міжнародна правозахисна організація Freedom House у Вашингтоні повідомила, що рівень свободи ЗМІ у світі за 2015 рік впав до найнижчого рівня за останні 12 років.
The paper presents the contemporary information policy implemented by
the Ukrainian government. The survey answers the question about the new role of information policy in the state authorities’ activities. The research focuses on the executive branch of power, due to its impact on the internal and external image of Ukraine.
The analysis was conducted at the strategic, institutional and operational levels, and
concerned the content of messages.
Three generations of polish Journalists. Professional roles and identitiesAgnieszka Stępińska
This paper provides an update of empirical data on the professional features, values and standards of Polish journalists. The study illustrates clear differences between three generations of journalists: those who have been working for media organizations for several decades now; those who entered the profession immediately following the political transformation of the late 1980s;
and those who recently graduated from university. Interestingly, both the youngest and the oldest journalists seem to share some professional approaches. Namely they believe that journalists should not be just news disseminators, but should also provide solutions to the problems of
ordinary people. On the other hand, journalists who entered the profession two decades ago seem to be more interested in a watchdog role for the media. Since their professional career started during the political transformation period or soon after, they still perceive themselves as
adversaries of public officials.
The impact of the crisis in Ukraine on its western regionsDonbassFullAccess
The document summarizes observations from the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine regarding the impact of developments in Crimea and eastern Ukraine on the western regions of Ukraine. It finds that the western regions have seen a rise in patriotism and civil society engagement since Maidan, but also growing dissatisfaction with the government and concerns over corruption and the economic impact of the conflict. It notes the emergence of self-defense groups after Maidan to provide security, and their evolution into political and aid organizations. It also examines reactions to military mobilization and the perception of the conflict among communities in the western regions.
Local newspapers' online election coverage from October 25-29, 2004 was analyzed. 77% of stories changed over time, with most uploading by 9am. Coverage focused on local and regional stories (90%) rather than national. Endorsements did not affect tone of coverage. While some focused on "horse race" aspects, most stories were neutral (66%). Further analysis of bylines, story movement, lack of endorsements, and direction of online political news was recommended.
Media consumption and assessment of social and political processes in Ukraine...Mariana Zakusylo
The study found high levels of fatigue with politicians and politicized media among residents in eastern Ukraine, leading to distrust and apathy. Many citizens passively consume media as a single flow without analyzing sources. Entertainment content like videos and humor are most popular. While local news is in demand, awareness of reforms is low due to fragmented media coverage that causes confusion rather than understanding of goals and mechanisms.
This document summarizes a case study about collusion between a journalist from the Slovak daily Pravda, Vanda Vavrova, and a top Slovak politician and Member of Parliament, Robert Kaliňák. The study examines wiretapped phone conversations that show Kaliňák trying to pressure Vavrova into publishing damaging information about one of his political rivals. While the media criticized the wiretapping, they downplayed the collusion between the journalist and politician. The document provides context on media ownership in Slovakia and analyzes the content of the conversations, as well as the initial media coverage of the scandal.
This document discusses Russian-speaking organized crime groups in the European Union. It begins by noting the growth of transnational criminal organizations since the fall of the Soviet Union. These groups have expanded their activities and influence throughout Europe, dominating criminal worlds in many countries. The document then provides definitions of key terms from international agreements, describing organized criminal groups as structured associations of three or more people working together over time to commit serious crimes. It examines the development and characteristics of Russian-speaking organized crime in Europe, their illegal activities in various EU countries, and the impacts of these transnational criminal groups.
Freedom of Speech in the Context of Information War and Armed ConflictDonbassFullAccess
The document analyzes Ukraine's information sphere in the context of the armed conflict in Eastern Ukraine and Crimea's annexation by Russia. It finds that Ukraine was unprepared for Russia's hybrid information war tactics, resulting in uncoordinated responses from authorities and civil society. Authorities' attempts to restrict freedom of speech to counter Russian propaganda sometimes violated rights. The conflict highlighted needs for objectivity, balance and clear standards when covering conflict issues and populations. The research aims to help authorities and others develop coordinated, rights-respecting information policies regarding security, speech limits and roles of different actors. It audits resources and regulations to help map future coordination and a "road map" balancing security, speech and countering hate speech during conflict.
A set of recommendations for combating Russian propaganda in the European Union and the Eastern Partnership countries, which has been distributed among the Members of the European Parliament and the EU officials with regard to the European Council conclusions of 20 March 2015 calling for preparation of an action plan to counter Russia’s disinformation campaigns.
THE PRESIDENT HO CHI MINH THOUGHT ON VIETNAMESE PEOPLE'S PUBLIC SECURITYAkashSharma618775
Ho Chi Minh’s Thought on the People's Public Security is a comprehensive and profound systematic
view on the position, role, functions and tasks of the People's Public Security; on the Party's leadership of the
People's Police; on building the People's Public Security force; on principles and measures of public security work;
on emulation, commendation and discipline work in the People's Public Security. Nowadays, in Vietnam, the
study, research and interpretation of Ho Chi Minh’s Thought on the People's Public Security is a very necessary
issue with a profoundly theoretical and practical value.
Celem artykułu jest ukazanie wyników badania zawartości polskich mediów z okresu
sprawowania przez Polskę przewodnictwa w Radzie Unii Europejskiej w 2011 roku. Analiza poświęcona była wpływowi orientacji politycznej organizacji medialnej (wybranych gazet
codziennych i tygodników opinii) na sposób relacjonowania polskiej prezydencji. Podstawę
teoretyczną badania stanowiły dwie koncepcje: europeizacji sfery publicznej oraz polityzacji
Europy. Wyniki badania nie tylko potwierdzają różnice w prezentowaniu tematyki europejskiej
i polskiej prezydencji w tytułach o wyraźnie określonej orientacji politycznej, ale ukazują specyfikę polskich mediów: źródłem cen i poglądów prezentowanych na łamach są nie tylko politycy, ale także dziennikarze. Na podstawie wyników wyprowadzić można wniosek nie tylko
o instrumentalnym wykorzystywaniu tematyki europejskiej podczas parlamentarnej kampanii
wyborczej w Polsce w 2011 roku, ale także o polityzacji Europy jako zjawiska związanego
ściśle z wertykalną europeizacją sfery publicznej i demokratyzacją.
This document summarizes a report on public media systems around the world and lessons they can provide for strengthening journalism. It finds that countries fund public media through long-term budgets to reduce political pressure, use oversight bodies to create independence from government, and establish charters protecting public interest programming. Strong systems include the UK, Germany and Scandinavian countries, while others like Australia, Canada and France have seen weaknesses from less funding or autonomy. The report aims to show how adequately funding and protecting public media from politics supports high-quality journalism.
This document summarizes a report that examines how 14 democratic countries fund and protect the independence of public media. It finds that countries generally use several approaches: multi-year funding to lessen political pressure; structures that link public media directly to audiences; charters that require public-interest content while restricting government influence; and independent agencies/boards as buffers between media and governments. As a result, public media provide more public affairs coverage and viewpoints than commercial media. However, countries vary in how well their systems are funded and insulated from political interference. The report provides models for the U.S. to consider strengthening its own modest public media system.
Non governmental organizations have been active in Moldova since 1989, but a civil society started its today’s formation as a result of radical reforms in economic and political areas only after the country became independent in 1991. Since that time the establishment of a transitional civil society in Moldova is under way. However, starting from 2001, when the Communist Party won the general elections, development of the nongovernmental sector has become slower. Although several positive patterns evident at the end of the nineties indicate progress in the development of Moldovan non-governmental sector, there is a number of sensitive issues (e.g., freedom of media, human rights protection) in relation to which certain regress has been observed especially in the last two years. Media market in Moldova is far from being free, and protection of human rights remains to be a problem (in all respects, situation of non-governmental sector in Transnistria is much worse than in Moldova). Finally, it needs to be emphasized that critical socio-economic situation seems to be the main threat to democracy and the rule of law in the country. This is because further significant economic decline can provide fertile ground for non-democratic political forces and extremists. Economic collapse could be a real threat to the achievements in the area of democratization and civil society development. Thus, only results of a successful economic reform process may reverse undesirable patterns and change socio-economic situation in Moldova, increase income of population, decrease poverty, guarantee stability and irreversibility of Moldovan achievements in democratization and development of civil society.
Authored by: Jacek Cukrowski, Radzislawa Gortat, Piotr Kazmierkiewicz
Published in 2003
The Regional Development of Democratization and Civil Society: Transition, Co...Przegląd Politologiczny
Different starting points, similar processes and different outcomes can be identified when comparing East Central Europe and East and South Asia. The two regions face similar global challenges, follow regional patterns of democratization and face crises. In communist times, East Central Europe was
economically marginalized in the world economy, while some parts of Asia integrated well in the global
economy under authoritarian rule. Europeanization and a favorable external environment encouraged the
former communist countries to opt for the Western-style rule of law and democracy. Different external
factors helped the Third Wave democracies in Asia, especially South Korea and Taiwan, which benefited
from the support of the United States and other global economic, military and cultural partnerships to
develop their human rights culture and democracy while facing their totalitarian counterparts, namely the
People’s Republic of China and North Korea. The very different positions Taiwan and Hungary have in
their respective regions follow from the different capacities of their transformation management since
1988–1989. Taiwan preserved its leading role and stable democracy despite the threat to its sovereignty
from the People’s Republic of China. Hungary never had such an influential and problematic neighbor
and was ensured security and welfare partnership by the European Union, which Taiwan lacked. While
Taiwan was less secure, economic and social conditions were more favorable for democratization than
those in Hungary. Hungary, in turn, held a leading position in democratization processes in the period of
post-communist transition which was lost during the crisis and conflicts of the last decade (after 2006 and
especially since 2010). Despite the fact that liberalization prepared the way for peaceful transition in both
countries and resulted in similar processes of democratic consolidation in the 1990s, Hungary joined the
‘loser’ group in its region, whereas Taiwan is among the top ‘winning’ countries in its region. Taiwan at the
moment is starting comprehensive reform processes toward enhanced democracy, civil rights and the rule
of law, and Hungarian development is criticized by many external and internal analysts as straying from the
path of European-style consolidated democracies towards illiberal trends and hybridization. Western global
concepts of democratization may help to identify similarities and differences, and compare stronger and
weaker factors in the democratic transitions in Asia and Europe within the Third Wave democracies.
The document analyzes how China uses soft power through media and foreign policy to enhance its global image. It discusses how China portrays itself on the international stage and examines Western media coverage of China's rise. The author finds that China's economic growth and involvement in international affairs have increased Western interest in China over the past few decades as reflected by growing media coverage. The media plays an important role in shaping other countries' perceptions and policies toward China as its global influence rises.
The document discusses the history and goals of development journalism. It began in the 1960s with a focus on critically analyzing government development projects and their impact. Today, development journalism aims to improve conditions in developing countries by investigating and reporting on issues like poverty, healthcare, education, and sustainability. Journalists uncover overlooked stories and empower citizens by bringing attention to important issues and proposing solutions. The document also discusses different eras in development communication theory, from modernization to participatory models emphasizing local voices.
The document analyzes Russian propaganda and disinformation targeting Lithuania, Poland, and Ukraine (known as the Lublin Triangle countries). It finds several common goals and tactics.
Russian propaganda aims to undermine citizens' beliefs in their countries' futures by claiming governments are incompetent and economies are struggling. It also seeks to destroy intergroup relations by accusing countries of discrimination and censoring pro-Russian views. Further, it undermines international cooperation by claiming organizations like NATO and EU are weak and that sanctions against Russia are ineffective.
The document identifies common narratives, messages, and sources used across the three countries. Sources include pro-Russian media, YouTube bloggers, and Telegram channels. Countries have shown resilience through understanding the threat, taking
China has shifted from propaganda to public diplomacy since the end of the Cold War. Its public diplomacy aims to build a positive image abroad and counter perceived negative portrayals in Western media. It utilizes various methods, including publications, foreign correspondents, broadcasting, and cultural exchanges. However, China's public diplomacy differs from Western models in its close government control over media and emphasis on promoting its political agenda.
Overcoming Barriers: Media in Covering Conflict-Sensitive IssuesDonbassFullAccess
The study examined Ukrainian journalists' values, attitudes, and practices in covering the conflict in eastern Ukraine. Researchers conducted focus groups and interviews with journalists to understand how they view their role in reporting the conflict, their guidelines, and common editorial practices. The study aimed to fill gaps in knowledge about journalists themselves and complement previous analyses of media content. Key findings included journalists' understanding of their role in reconciliation, common guidelines followed, and standards used in conflict reporting. The research provided insight into factors influencing Ukrainian media coverage of the sensitive issues related to the ongoing conflict.
Carrots or Sticks: The Choice and Impact of EU Democratic Sanctions and AidPaulina Pospieszna
Both the provision of democracy aid and the imposition of sanctions are tools to promote
democracy. Yet, it is unclear under which conditions states choose to set positive or negative
incentives. In order to answer which tool—democracy aid or democratic sanctions—is more
effective, one has to analyse the actual form of the provision of aid. Sanctions and democracy aid
can also be employed at the same time. The goal of this study is to determine their joint effect on
democratization in recipient countries. We argue that sending civil society aid or democracy aid
channeled through NGOs and the civil society when sanctions are in place, enhances the
effectiveness of sanctions as a democracy promotion tool because the civil society can be
empowered to introduce democratic changes in its country—so additionally to the top-down
pressure created by sanctions, there is bottom-up pressure exerted by the civil society. Our results
suggest that democratic sanctions are more likely to be successful if democracy aid bypasses the
government in a target state. Conversely, other forms of aid provision tend to decrease the
effectiveness of sanctions. In order to precisely explain the joint impact of positive and negative
incentives on democratization, we employ a new comprehensive dataset on economic sanctions
for the period between 1989 and 2015 which integrates and updates the Threats and Imposition of
Economic Sanctions and the GIGA sanctions data sets, merged with disaggregated OECD aid data
and V-Dem as well as PolityIV democracy scores.
Study Afghanistan government policies on the and development of private mediaAfghanistan
This document discusses private media development in Afghanistan over the past 15 years. It presents two variables: government policy towards media freedom as the independent variable, and the creation and growth of private media as the dependent variable. The central focus is on the unprecedented growth of private media in Afghanistan in the last decade. It notes that under Taliban rule from 1996-2001, there was no private media or freedom of expression. However, since 2001, international attention and Afghan government policy supporting democratic values and freedom of expression have enabled significant growth, with over 1,100 print outlets, 164 TV stations, and 180 radio stations now existing privately. The document analyzes this development through the theory of media development.
Using individual data on voting and political parties manifestos in European coun- tries, we empirically characterize the drivers of voting for populist parties (the demand side) as well as the presence of populist parties (the supply side). We show that the economic insecurity drivers of the demand of populism are significant, especially when considering the key interactions with turnout incentives, neglected in previous studies. Once turnout effects are taken into account, economic insecurity drives consensus to populist policies directly and through indirect negative effects on trust and attitudes towards immigrants. On the supply side, populist parties are more likely to emerge when countries are faced with a systemic crisis of economic security. The orientation choice of populist parties, i.e., whether they arise on left or right of the political spec- trum, is determined by the availability of political space. The typical mainstream parties response is to reduce the distance of their platform from that of successful populist entrants, amplifying the aggregate supply of populist policies.
Media Situation in Donetsk region in 2017. Based on the outcomes of Donbas me...DonbassFullAccess
Donbas Media Forum took place in June in Sviatohirsk, Donetsk region. Topics of the Forum discussions reflected the situation in the media of the region, its problems and successes. In particular, the following topics were discussed: use of the “hate speech” in the work of journalists and ways to reduce its use; loyalty or independence of journalists regarding compliance with journalistic ethic; the ability of local media to use the resources of international donors and the EU; partnership of local authorities, communities and media; special status of journalism during the crisis. The discussions allowed to draw conclusions about the media situation in the region.
Civil society and the crisis in Ukraine. Thematic report DonbassFullAccess
This report aims at providing a preliminary overview on civil society dynamics and activities in relation to the Ukrainian crisis. For the purpose of this report, civil society is considered as a social space outside governmental, business-oriented and family relationships and activities, where individuals voluntarily engage in forms of public participation and action around shared interests, purposes or values.
Migrating Towards Participation: Immigrants and Their Descendants in the P...thinkingeurope2011
This document analyzes the political participation of immigrants and their descendants in four EU member states: France, Germany, Spain, and Lithuania. It focuses on their participation as voters for center-right political parties and as elected officials. While immigrants make up a growing portion of the population in Europe, political parties have struggled to incorporate them as members, candidates, and elected representatives. The document examines methodology and provides country-by-country analyses of voter participation and numbers of elected immigrants holding office. It concludes with recommendations for political parties to better engage immigrant communities.
This document discusses the relationship between media and politics. It explores how media shapes society through its funding sources and accountability/independence. Politicians have become dependent on media to reach voters and media content has become increasingly "mediatized" by politics. Specifically, the decline of traditional media has weakened its ability to hold politicians accountable as the fourth estate. However, media also relies on politics for content and politicians require media access to campaign. Ultimately, media and politics have a symbiotic but tense relationship in democratic societies.
EED provided over 114 grants in 19 countries in 2015 to support democracy in challenging environments. EED tailors its support to the specific political and legal contexts in each country. It operates in contexts including challenging transitions, shrinking civil society space, authoritarian regimes, and conflict zones. EED supports initiatives fighting corruption, increasing youth voter registration, and encouraging more women in local government. EED plays a vital role in providing flexible support to pro-democracy activists where other donors cannot due to restrictions or sensitivities.
This document discusses the relationship between media and politics. It explores how politicians, journalists, and citizens shape news coverage and how media has changed politics. Media now plays a central role in politics by influencing politicians and political campaigns. Politicians also try to influence media coverage. The relationship is complex, with both sides relying on each other while also exerting power over one another. Foundations provide over $1.8 billion in funding to support various media-related activities in the U.S. Accountability and independence of media is important to balance the rights of individuals, communities, and press freedom.
Similar to Supporting new media in Ukraine through Polish Development Cooperation Program (20)
This paper aims to examine the activity of the Mamy Głos Foundation [We
have a voice], an organization founded in 2015 by junior high school students from
a handful of towns in Poland. For this purpose, a review of available materials about
this organization will be carried out and information will be collected using in-depth
interviews with the founders of the organization. The main research question concerns
the motivation behind young people’s activity in the foundation, the methods used to
achieve the goals of the organization and its founders’ profiles. Their activity will be
presented in the context of political activism among young people, including gender
differentiation.
The United Kingdom joined the EEC/EU in 1973. Its membership has been
one of the thorniest issues in British politics over the last forty-five years. The United
Kingdom was one of the most Euroskeptic member states in the EU. The ‘added
value’ brought by London to the EU was the English language, which successively
supplanted French from the function of working language of the EU. English is not
only the official language of the EU (it is one of 24 official languages), but primarily
has a dominant position in the EU. It is used for communication between the EU and
the world, between European institutions and during informal meetings. The purpose
of this article is to analyze the position of English in the EU, to show its strengths, and
finally to answer the question of whether the present status of English in the EU will
remain after the UK leaves.
This article aims to identify the major cores of the 15-M Movement mindset
and explain how particular historical factors shaped it. The research problems are to identify the types of relations the movement established between the people and the ruling
elites in its political manifestos, and the sources of these discursively created relations.
The research field encompasses the content of political manifestos published between
the Spanish general election on March 9, 2008 and immediately after the demonstrations
held on May 15, 2011. To solve these problems, the research applies source analysis of
the political manifestos. These are: (1) The Manifesto of ¡Democracia Real YA!; (2) The
Manifesto of the Puerta del Sol Camp, and (3) The Manifesto “May 68 in Spain.” The
research uses the technique of relational qualitative content analysis to determine the
relations between the semantic fields of the major categories of populism, ‘the people’
and ‘the elites,’ as well as to identify the meanings formed by their co-occurrence. The
tool used is a content analysis instruction whose major assumption is to identify all the
attempts to create images of ‘the people,’ ‘the elites,’ and relations between them.
The article analyzes the structure, content, properties and effects of the
Russian-Ukrainian ‘hybrid war’ in its non-military dimension. Particular emphasis is
placed on the aspect of the information and propaganda war, as well as activities in
cyberspace. The Russian-Ukrainian conflict is described in the context of the new war
strategy of General Valery Gerasimov. Contemporary practice of hybrid actions in the
conflict in Ukraine has revealed that, for the first time, a stronger opponent, Russia,
uses the full spectrum of hybrid interaction on an opponent who is weak and unable
to defend the integrity of its territory. The military conflict of 2014 showed not only
the weakness of the Ukrainian state, but also, more importantly, the inefficiency of the
organizations responsible for ensuring international security: NATO, OSCE and the
UN. In the longer term, it should be noted that the escalation of hybrid activities in
Ukraine clearly threatens the states on the Eastern flank of the North Atlantic Alliance.
The analysis conducted refers to the problem defined in the form of questions: what
is the essence of hybrid operations? What is the nature of non-military hybrid operations? What was the course of these activities in Ukraine? How was international law
interpreted in relation to this conflict?
The article has three dimensions: methodological, theoretical, and empirical. A point of departure for the methodological remarks is a characterization of the
three main approaches in the vibrant interdisciplinary research field dealing with the
phenomenon of conspiracy theories. In this context, the content analysis method is
discussed as a promising approach to gain new data on conspiracy narratives. On the
theoretical level, the concept of conspiracy narratives is discussed in reference to the
popular understanding of the conspiracy theory. The main aim of the empirical part is
determining to what extent the media are saturated with different kinds of conspiracy
narratives. The analysis covers over 200 articles from two popular Polish news magazines (Sieci and the Polish edition of Newsweek) which occupy positions on opposite sides of the political divide in a society polarized, inter alia, by a conspiratorial
suspicion that in 2010 an airplane carrying President Lech Kaczyński on board was
deliberately crashed in Russia.
: The main goal of the studies described in this article may be defined as an
analysis of the promotional processes of regional and traditional products executed with
the use of symbols regulated by European law: Traditional Speciality Guaranteed (TSG),
Protected Designation of Origin (PDO) and Protected Geographical Indication (PGI).
The analysis presented here and the trends in promotional activities deducted from
it, primarily result from the specifics of the goods. The shape of the information system is also influenced by social and cultural factors decisive for the recognizability
and renown of the products, which have been confirmed by the results of the questionnaire conducted for the study. What is worth noting is the correlation between quality
and tradition, reflected, among other things, in declarations regarding the reasons for
the choice of these products: the sense of pride and the willingness to continue the
traditions were chosen by 45% of the survey participants. The Traditional Speciality
Guaranteed (TSG) has proven to be the most recognizable European symbol (38%).
This paper looks at the proposals of the European Commission for the
Multiannual Financial Framework 2021–2027, and explores how to achieve a better
future for Europe by ensuring compliance with the legally binding values and objectives of the EU: democracy, equality, the rule of law, economic, social and territorial
cohesion and solidarity between the member states.
It is argued that introducing progressivity, a reform of the EU’s finances involving
a paradigm shift in the financing of policies with redistributive effects and a reform of
the system of the EU’s ‘own resources,’ would ensure that solidarity becomes a matter
of the rule of law and not of governance through conditionalities and fines.
It is pointed out that, unless the EU undertakes an effective reform of its redistributive policies to ensure that progressivity and solidarity in the EU become a matter
of the rule of law, the Union will bear less and less resemblance to a democracy and
will increasingly look like an empire with an economically stronger and more rapidly
developing ‘core,’ and an economically weaker ‘periphery’ in the East and the South
lagging behind the ‘core.’
What is needed is collective action by the member states most immediately interested in a reform to make the system of EU’s ‘own resources’ less regressive and to
introduce progressivity in the financing of the policies of the EU. It would take significant skill for those countries to organize themselves as a group and to act together
in the course of the adoption of the legislative proposals for the next MFF in order to
make the EU more equitable.
Contemporary diplomacy has evolved into a network involving various
new actors, including international sports organizations. The article is dedicated to the
issue of the sports diplomacy of international bodies which are in charge of international sporting competitions, particularly the International Federation of Association
Football (FIFA), an organization that manages football on a global level.
The research presented in this article is a case study dedicated to the issue of the
influence of international sports organizations on the governments of sovereign states,
specifically FIFA. The objective of the research is to investigate whether international
sports organizations are able to make governments change their political decisions.
The hypothesis that has been investigated states that international sports governing
bodies are diplomatic actors capable of influencing states.
One of the first laws adopted by the new political leadership in Ukraine
in the aftermath of the Revolution of Dignity in 2014 was the new concept of local
governance reform and the organization of territorial authority in Ukraine. The aforementioned law, as well as official declarations by top politicians on the necessity of
empowering Ukrainian citizens to take part in the decision-making process and shape
their local communities, led to positive expectations regarding the transformation of
local governance in Ukraine. Therefore, this article addresses the issue of the legal
basis framing the functioning of civil society in Ukraine, focusing on major attempts
to conduct reform and on the main outcomes of implemented actions. Additionally,
emphasis is placed on the current state of cooperation between social and political
actors, and the trends in civil participation in the decision-making process regarding
decentralization and local governance reform in Ukraine.
This document discusses how illiberal democracy in Hungary from 2010-2014 negatively influenced the effectiveness of lobbying control in the country. It defines key terms like lobbying, interest groups, and liberal vs illiberal democracy. Illiberal democracies differ from liberal democracies in that they do not strictly follow the rule of law, lack independent oversight of the government, have more corrupt political elites, less free media, and do not fully protect civil rights and minorities. The document analyzes how Hungary met the criteria of an illiberal democracy during this period and repealed its lobbying law, diminishing transparency and accountability in the lobbying process.
The article is based on an analysis of national and European legal acts,
documents and source literature and its aim is to describe education and information
in consumer policy in Poland. The protection of consumer rights within the scope
of information and education is presented as a prime objective of the consumer policy strategy of the European Union and government programs of consumer policy
in Poland. Certain aspects of information and education policy of the government
are investigated, which are included in the Consumer Policy Strategy 2014–2018.
The competencies of consumer authorities in the institutional context are thoroughly
discussed in terms of education and information in Poland. Moreover, the consumer
identity of information and education policy between Poland and the European Union
is indicated.
Agrarianism was founded in Germany in the second half of the nineteenth
century, but it exercised the greatest influence in the predominantly agricultural countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Central European agrarianism was the ideology
of peasants and it proclaimed that land was the greatest wealth of the nation, agriculture was the most important branch of economy, and peasants were the morally
healthiest and thus the most valuable part of the society. Agrarianism was a personalist
ideology, which proclaimed a conception of man as a subject of social and economic
life. It criticized both extreme liberalism and totalitarian political ideology and advocated the concept of a ‘third way of development’ – between capitalism and communism. The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the formation and development
of Polish agrarianism, and the related process of transfer and reception of knowledge.
The analysis focuses on the concept of land, man and labor, formulated by the representatives of the mainstream of agrarianism. In the 1930s, the Polish agrarians voiced
demands for land reform and the development of smallholder agriculture which, in
their opinion, made an optimal use of the land, capital and labor, that is, the most
important resources available to interwar Poland.
Using a proprietary computer program, simulations of voting in the Council
after Great Britain’s withdrawal from the EU were carried out. In the case of some of
them, a methodological innovation consisting in departing from the assumption that
the emergence of each possible coalition is equally probable was used. The analysis
conducted indicates that after Brexit the ability of the Council members to form small
minimally blocking coalitions will change significantly. At the same time, the assessment of the ability of states to block decisions in the Council and made on the basis
of the Preventive Power Index, differs fundamentally from the results of the analysis
focusing on building small minimally blocking coalitions.
This research is funded by the National Science Centre, Poland, under project no.
UMO-2016/23/D/HS5/00408 (SONATA 12 grant) entitled “The Impact of Brexit and
Unconditional Introduction of the ‘Double Majority’ Voting System on DecisionMaking in the Council of the European Union.”
Teoretycy i praktycy storytellingu koncentrują się zazwyczaj na formalnych właściwościach przekazu, upatrując klucza do jego perswazyjnej skuteczności w realizacji strukturalnych cech opowiadania. Niniejszy artykuł kładzie natomiast
nacisk na poznawczy aspekt relacji komunikat-odbiorca, upatrując w nim ważnego
czynnika determinującego siłę perswazyjnego oddziaływania storytellingu. W pierwszej części tekst analizuje psychologiczne przesłanki skuteczności perswazyjnej narracyjnego komunikatu. Część kolejna stanowi teoretyczną propozycję w jaki sposób
zwiększyć skuteczność jego oddziaływania, uwzględniając budowę, właściwości
i funkcje schematów poznawczych oraz w oparciu o model poznawczych reakcji na
perswazję.
The author examines the nexus between international law and the concept
of human security that emerged in the 1990s. The article proceeds in three parts. Part
one outlines the concept of human security, its genesis and contents. Part two examines the nexus between human security and international law and briefly considers the
most representative aspects of international law, including international jurisprudence,
that, in the author’s opinion, reflect human security imperatives. Finally, conclusions
provide answers to the questions posed and indicate the increased value of the human
security concept. The questions read as follows: How can human security strengthen
international actions (actions based on international law)? Where in international law
is human security reflected? In other words, what aspects of international law reflect
a human security-centered approach? What is the role of international law in human
security? Taking all this into account, what is the added value of adopting the concept
of human security? This article is inevitably interdisciplinary, as it combines the perspectives of international law and international relations.
Najważniejszą barierą rozwoju małych i średnich przedsiębiorstw
(MŚP) jest ograniczony dostęp do źródeł finansowania. W fazie startu wykorzystują
one zwykle środki własne, rodziny i przyjaciół. Następnie zaś sięgają one po kredyt bankowy, którego otrzymanie jest trudne ze względu na brak historii finansowej,
gwarancji i ekonomiczną ich słabość. Nieliczne mogą korzystać z grantów rządowych i wsparcia międzynarodowych organizacji (np. Unii Europejskiej). Pomocnymi mogą być alternatywne źródła finansowania takie jak venture capital, mezzanine,
crowdfunding, emisja obligacji oraz publiczna emisja akcji (Initial Public Offering:
IPO). Ten ostatnio wymieniony sposób finansowania może przynieść znaczne korzyści dla MŚP; umocnić ich pozycję rynkową i umożliwić ekonomiczną ekspansję, ale
związany jest z wieloma barierami. Do najważniejszych należą trudność spełnienia
kryteriów notowania na giełdzie lub specjalnych platformach, nawet jeśli są one łagodniejsze niż dla dużych firm, wysokie koszty, brak wiedzy o rynku kapitałowym
i niska płynność akcji MŚP. Dlatego niezbędne jest podjęcie przez rządy, organizacje
międzynarodowe i krajowe oraz interesariuszy działań zmierzających do likwidacji
lub ograniczenia tych barier.
Dyskusje i badania polskiego członkostwa w strefie euro są w obecnych, dynamicznie zmieniających się warunkach obarczone dużą dozą niepewności,
stąd ograniczać się mogą jedynie do kreślenia scenariuszy. Niniejsze opracowanie
skupia się na aspektach gospodarczych decyzji o: 1) definitywnej rezygnacji z wprowadzenia wspólnej waluty w Polsce, 2) szybkiej akcesji do strefy euro oraz 3) odsunięciu w czasie udziału Polski w tej strefie. Każdy z wariantów rodzi inne skutki polityczno-ekonomiczne i tym samym wyznacza inne ścieżki długookresowego rozwoju
polskiej gospodarki.
Artykuł prezentuje wyniki badań nad traumą społeczno-kulturową
w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej. Do weryfikacji teorii traumy zostały wykorzystane reprezentatywne dane sondażowe z Białorusi, Bułgarii, Węgier, Rumunii, Polski,
Rosji i Ukrainy. Prowadzone analizy pokazały, że społeczeństwo postkomunistyczne
negatywnie oceniło zmiany systemu gospodarczego i politycznego. Źródłem traumy był spadek poziomu życia oraz wzrost przestępczości. Respondenci uważali, że
w wyniku transformacji stracili na zmianach i pod wpływem powstałej traumy pesymistycznie oceniali przyszłość. Rekcją na pojawiającą się traumę była nostalgia za
socjalizmem i bezpieczeństwem społecznym przezeń oferowanym. Czynnikami łagodzącymi szok w społeczeństwie postkomunistycznym było wykształcenie, młodszy
wiek i orientacja proeuropejska.
Zasadniczym celem artykułu jest przybliżenie prób reformy systemu
wyborczego do Rady Najwyższej Ukrainy podejmowanych w okresie przypadającym
po Euromajdanie. Analizie zostały poddane rozwiązania prawne zawarte w zarejestrowanych i poddanych pod głosowanie w parlamencie projektach ordynacji wyborczych. Przybliżono także stanowisko poszczególnych sił politycznych wobec potrzeby reformy systemu wyborczego, na co pozwoliła analiza programów wyborczych,
zapisów umowy koalicyjnej zawartej w RN VIII kadencji, jak również wyników
głosowania nad poszczególnymi projektami ustaw w parlamencie. Ponadto uwaga
została skupiona na wynikach badań opinii publicznej, pozwalających ukazać, który
z wariantów systemu wyborczego jest najbardziej pożądany przez ukraińskie społeczeństwo.
Mołdawia jest państwem, które z jednej strony podejmuje wysiłki
zmierzające ku demokratyzacji i europeizacji jej systemu politycznego i prawnego,
z drugiej – działania te są chaotyczne, brak im konsekwencji i są uwarunkowane
bieżącą sytuacją polityczną. Jednym z obszarów podlegających takim politycznym
przesileniom jest samorząd terytorialny. Cele artykułu są dwojakie: po pierwsze, periodyzacja i charakterystyka kolejnych etapów kształtowania się modelu samorządu
lokalnego w Mołdawii, po drugie – charakterystyka aktualnie obowiązujących rozwiązań i wskazanie podstawowych problemów istotnie wpływających na jego funkcjonowanie.
More from Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne (20)
projet de traité négocié à Istanbul (anglais).pdfEdouardHusson
Ceci est le projet de traité qui avait été négocié entre Russes et Ukrainiens à Istanbul en mars 2022, avant que les Etats-Unis et la Grande-Bretagne ne détournent Kiev de signer.
Apna Punjab Media is a Punjabi newspaper that covers local and global news, cultural updates, and community events. It's a trusted source for Punjabi-speaking communities, offering a mix of traditional values and modern insights into Punjab's vibrant life and heritage.
17062024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdfFIRST INDIA
Find Latest India News and Breaking News these days from India on Politics, Business, Entertainment, Technology, Sports, Lifestyle and Coronavirus News in India and the world over that you can't miss. For real time update Visit our social media handle. Read First India NewsPaper in your morning replace. Visit First India.
CLICK:- https://firstindia.co.in/
#First_India_NewsPaper
16062024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdfFIRST INDIA
Find Latest India News and Breaking News these days from India on Politics, Business, Entertainment, Technology, Sports, Lifestyle and Coronavirus News in India and the world over that you can't miss. For real time update Visit our social media handle. Read First India NewsPaper in your morning replace. Visit First India.
CLICK:- https://firstindia.co.in/
#First_India_NewsPaper
La defensa del expresidente Juan Orlando Hernández, declarado culpable por narcotráfico en EE. UU., solicitó este viernes al juez Kevin Castel que imponga una condena mínima de 40 años de prisión.
#WenguiGuo#WashingtonFarm Guo Wengui Wolf son ambition exposed to open a far...rittaajmal71
Since fleeing to the United States in 2014, Guo Wengui has founded a number of projects in the United States, such as GTV Media Group, GTV private equity, farm loan project, G Club Operations Co., LTD., and Himalaya Exchange.
15062024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdfFIRST INDIA
Find Latest India News and Breaking News these days from India on Politics, Business, Entertainment, Technology, Sports, Lifestyle and Coronavirus News in India and the world over that you can't miss. For real time update Visit our social media handle. Read First India NewsPaper in your morning replace. Visit First India.
CLICK:- https://firstindia.co.in/
#First_India_NewsPaper
19 जून को बॉम्बे हाई कोर्ट ने विवादित फिल्म ‘हमारे बारह’ को 21 जून को थिएटर में रिलीज करने का रास्ता साफ कर दिया, हालांकि यह सुनिश्चित करने के बाद कि फिल्म निर्माता कुछ आपत्तिजनक अंशों को हटा दें।
लालू यादव की जीवनी LALU PRASAD YADAV BIOGRAPHYVoterMood
Discover the life and times of Lalu Prasad Yadav with a comprehensive biography in Hindi. Learn about his early days, rise in politics, controversies, and contribution.
Shark Tank Jargon | Operational ProfitabilityTheUnitedIndian
Don't let fancy business words confuse you! This blog is your cheat sheet to understanding the Shark Tank Jargon. We'll translate all the confusing terms like "valuation" (how much the company is worth) and "royalty" (a fee for using someone's idea). You'll be swimming with the Sharks like a pro in no time!
Why We Chose ScyllaDB over DynamoDB for "User Watch Status"ScyllaDB
Yichen Wei and Adam Drennan share the architecture and technical requirements behind "user watch status" for a major global media streaming service, what that meant for their database, the pros and cons of the many options they considered for replacing DynamoDB, why they ultimately chose ScyllaDB, and their lessons learned so far.
La defensa del expresidente Juan Orlando Hernández, declarado culpable por narcotráfico en EE. UU., solicitó este viernes al juez Kevin Castel que imponga una condena mínima de 40 años de prisión.
18062024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdfFIRST INDIA
Find Latest India News and Breaking News these days from India on Politics, Business, Entertainment, Technology, Sports, Lifestyle and Coronavirus News in India and the world over that you can't miss. For real time update Visit our social media handle. Read First India NewsPaper in your morning replace. Visit First India.
CLICK:- https://firstindia.co.in/
#First_India_NewsPaper
केरल उच्च न्यायालय ने 11 जून, 2024 को मंडला पूजा में भाग लेने की अनुमति मांगने वाली 10 वर्षीय लड़की की रिट याचिका को खारिज कर दिया, जिसमें सर्वोच्च न्यायालय की एक बड़ी पीठ के समक्ष इस मुद्दे की लंबित प्रकृति पर जोर दिया गया। यह आदेश न्यायमूर्ति अनिल के. नरेंद्रन और न्यायमूर्ति हरिशंकर वी. मेनन की खंडपीठ द्वारा पारित किया गया
मद्रास उच्च न्यायालय के सेवानिवृत्त न्यायाधीश और केंद्र और राज्य सरकार के नौकरशाहों सहित आठ अन्य लोगों की अध्यक्षता वाली एक उच्च स्तरीय समिति ने 2021 में NEET परीक्षा को खत्म करने की सिफारिश की थी। महत्वपूर्ण बात यह है कि रिपोर्ट में 2010-11 में ग्रामीण पृष्ठभूमि से तमिल छात्रों की संख्या में 61.5% की भारी गिरावट को दर्शाया गया है। इसके बजाय मेट्रो छात्रों में वृद्धि दर्ज की गई है।
Supporting new media in Ukraine through Polish Development Cooperation Program
1. DOI 10.14746/ssp.2017.2.9
Aleksandra Galus, Paulina Pospieszna
Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań
Supporting new media in Ukraine through Polish
Development Cooperation Program1
Abstract: After the relatively successful system transformation, some young demo-
cratic countries from Central and Eastern Europe which used to receive democratic
aid in the 1980s and 90s have engaged as new donors in assisting pro-democratic
changes in other post-communist countries. The donor-recipient relations between
two post-communist countries can be observed on the example of the development
of cooperation between Poland and Ukraine. This paper deals with Polish assistance
to new media in Ukraine in from 2007-2017 as a part of supporting democracy in
Ukraine under the Polish Cooperation Development Program. Firstly, this work ex-
amines whether the Polish government’s support of Ukrainian media as part of coop-
eration development will be sustained regardless of changes in the Polish government.
Secondly, the paper explores whether Polish NGOs tailor their projects, financed
by the Polish MFA, to the recipients’ respective needs and the current situation in
Ukraine. By examining Polish media assistance, the authors aim to explain the efforts
of the new donor in developing media in a partner country, emphasizing the relation
between the involvement of external actors and the presence of independent media
which play an important role in democratization processes.
Key words: media assistance, new media, development cooperation, Ukraine, Poland
Introduction
Over the years, some donor countries have engaged in supporting
political, economic and social development by providing foreign
aid to their partner countries. This practice is known as development
cooperation and due to its significance for international relations it has
gained a lot of attention from scholars as well as from policy-makers
and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). To support world develop-
ment, donors often decide to provide not only humanitarian aid, but also
to assist pro-democratic changes in countries in transition. The official
1
The paper is a part of the research project under the funding scheme of NCN
Sonata (UMO-2013/09/D/HS5/04381).
2. 170 Aleksandra Galus, Paulina Pospieszna ŚSP 2 ’17
development assistance (ODA)2
as a form of inequalities’reduction is still
maintained by the majority of donors, also by those who were reported by
Freedom House as facing some declines in political and civic freedoms
by Freedom House in recent reports (FH, 2016; FH, 2017a; FH, 2017b).
Hungary and Poland are among such countries.
Thus, the purpose of this paper is to take an attempt to examine Polish
bilateral democracy assistance aimed at supporting new media develop-
ment in Ukraine under the governance of the Civil Platform (2007–2015)
and the Law of Justice (after 2015). Poland joined the Development As-
sistance Committee (DAC) of the Organisation for Economic Co-opera-
tion and Development (OECD) in 2013 but the Polish governments and
NGOs have been involved in democracy assistance since early 90s and in-
tensified their activities after joining European Union in 2004. The goal of
providing support for media development, which is still under-researched
type of democracy assistance, is to boost freedom of the press based on
freedom of expression and freedom of information as a fundamental hu-
man rights.3
Governmental ‘Polish Aid’program is mainly realised by the
third sector on the basis of their own transition experiences in order to
foster democratisation in recipient countries (Pospieszna, 2016a, 2016b;
Szent-Iványi, 2014; Szent-Iványi, Lightfoot, 2015). It includes also the
support given to the development of all types of media in Ukraine – tel-
evision, radio, press, and new media (internet outlets and social media).
The goal of this research is not only to look at concrete media projects
implemented by NGOs, but to also trace if Poland as a donor tailors its
support to recipient’s needs, such as the emergence of armed conflict in
Eastern Ukraine after Euromaidan events. What is important, by examin-
2
OCD defines official development assistance (ODA) as ‘flows to countries and
territories on the DAC List of ODA Recipients and to multilateral institutions which
are: provided by official agencies, including state and local governments, or by their
executive agencies; and each transaction of which: a) is administered with the promo-
tion of the economic development and welfare of developing countries as its main
objective; and b) is concessional in character and conveys a grant element of at least
25 per cent (calculated at a rate of discount of 10 per cent).’
3
The terms ‘freedom of the press’, ‘freedom of the media’ and ‘media independ-
ence’ will be used alternatively in this work. Freedom of information can be defined
as the right to access information held by public bodies which was recognized by
Resolution 59 of the UN General Assembly adopted in 1946 as well as by Universal
Declaration of Human Rights adopted in 1948. Freedom of information is understood
as an extension of freedom of speech (referred to also as freedom of expression) as
a fundamental human right (Sobczak, 2007) being a basis for freedom of the press.
3. ŚSP 2 ’17 Supporting new media in Ukraine through Polish... 171
ing a piece of ‘Polish Aid’, directed at support for new media in Ukraine,
it will be possible to deliver some preliminary answers on important ques-
tion whether political environment in donor country affects its democracy
assistance strategy. Therefore, this paper aims to fill the existing gap in
the literature on democracy assistance by linking the issues of the role of
independent media in the process of democratization and the role of the
external actors. In particular, this research will touch upon assessing the
new media assistance of Poland, being one of the most intensively en-
gaged in sharing own transition experiences among CEE countries.
The substantial experiences gained by Poland and other new donors
during the process of system transformation are regularly used by gov-
ernmental and non-governmental actors engaged in democracy assistance
which might constitute a valuable lesson for especially Eastern European
aid recipients sharing some common historical and social characteristics
with the new donors (Pospieszna, 2016a, 2016b; Szent-Iványi, 2014;
Szent-Iványi, Lightfoot, 2015). Taking under consideration recent reports
showing the setback in Polish democracy, especially the decline of free-
dom of the press (FH, 2017a) as a result of the governance of Law and
Justice party after 2015,4
this article analyses if there are differences in
media assistance provided by Poland in Ukraine before and after parlia-
mentary and presidential elections in Poland in 2015. Two hypotheses are
to be tested through the examination of primary and secondary sources,
such as multiannual development cooperation programmes, annual plans,
reports published by Polish MFA and NGOs:
H1: Polish government’s media support to Ukraine within Poland’s de-
velopment cooperation has the same specific goals and thematic pri-
orities regardless changes in the Polish government.
H2: In providing media assistance to Ukraine, Polish NGOs’ tailor their
projects aimed at supporting new media to current socio-political
situation.
The paper is organized as follows. In the next section, scholarly lit-
erature on development cooperation, democracy assistance, media assist-
ance and foreign influence will be reviewed. Then the authors will present
4
According to the newest report ‘Freedom of the Press 2017’, mass media in Po-
land were rated as ‘partially free’ due to “government intolerance toward independent
or critical reporting, excessive political interference in the affairs of public media, and
restrictions on speech regarding Polish history and identity, which have collectively
contributed to increased self-censorship and polarization” (FH, 2017a, pp. 23).
4. 172 Aleksandra Galus, Paulina Pospieszna ŚSP 2 ’17
an empirical part describing Polish ODA strategy as an element of foreign
policy since 2007 and providing examples of Polish aid projects aimed
at supporting new media in Ukraine. The case study of Polish-Ukrainian
cooperation sheds some light on how two post-communist countries may
interact with each other as a donor and recipient countries in the field of
the development of media.
Development cooperation, democracy assistance, media assistance
Over the years, a fair amount of interest was devoted to the different
types of democracy assistance5
carried out mainly by Western donors in
developing countries (e.g. Alesina, Dollar, 2000; Burnell, 2000; Caroth-
ers, 1999, 2004; Diamond, 1999; Ethier, 2003; Olsen, 2000; The Com-
monwealth, 2016; Youngs, 2008). Specifically, the term ‘donor’ covers
different governmental, quasi-governmental, non-profit organizations,
aid agencies or individuals that advocate for the spread of democracy
and devote to this purpose some resources in developing countries. The
major donors examined in the literature are United States (US) and the
Western European Union members, who have been consistent in support-
ing electoral processes, political institutions and parties, rule of law, civil
society and free media in recipient countries (Carothers, 1999; Kumar,
2006; Pospieszna, 2014). The main partners in development cooperation,
also referred to as aid ‘recipients’, were the countries going through the
transformation process in CEE in the 80s and 90s, on the Balkans and
in Russia (Burnell, 2000; McMahon, 2004; Mendelson, 2001; Richter,
2002; Siegel, Yancey, 1992). Also media assistance was a part of such co-
operation within democracy assistance in last decades (Howard, 2003).
However, recent studies demonstrated that not only Western donors,
but also young democracies from the third wave of democratization in
CEE (Huntington, 1991) stimulate pro-democratic changes in neighbour-
5
Despite the fact that in many works terms ‘democracy promotion’ and ‘democ-
racy assistance’are used interchangeably like in Youngs (2008), this paper emphasises
the difference in meaning following Azpuru, Finkel, Pérez-Liñán, Seligson (2008)
and Pospieszna (2014). Democracy assistance is understood here as just one of the
measures of promoting democracy. In contrary to wider efforts to promote democracy,
including diplomatic pressure, aid conditionality or economic sanctions, democracy
assistance highlights the role of partners in recipient countries in the development
cooperation to establish democracy.
5. ŚSP 2 ’17 Supporting new media in Ukraine through Polish... 173
ing countries since they learned from their own transition experiences
and were the recipients of democracy assistance themselves not that long
ago (Beichelt, Hahn-Fuhr, Schimmelfenning, Worschech, 2014; Chimiak,
2016; Drążkiewicz-Grodzicka, 2013; Horký-Hlucháň, Lightfoot, 2015;
Jonavicius, 2008; Kucharczyk, Lovitt, 2007; Petrova, 2014a; Pospieszna,
2014, 2016a, 2016b; Szent-Iványi, 2014; Szent-Iványi, Lightfoot, 2015).
The process of spreading ideas, institutions, policies and models across
neighbouring countries through different channels is known in the litera-
ture as democracy diffusion (Brinks, Coppedge, 2006; Bunce, Wolchik,
2006). Democracy assistance is considered playing an important role
in diffusion of democracy (Petrova, 2014a). New findings on the spe-
cific character of democracy assistance provided by new democracies in
Europe, called emerging donors, such as Poland and other members of
Visegrad Group (V4), triggered the scholarly debate on external influ-
ences on democratization. Poland in the field of supporting democracy
abroad since the 90s is involved in the full spectrum of activities to pro-
mote democracy mainly in neighbouring countries which includes also
the interest in providing the support for media development.
While some authors appreciated the efforts of V4 countries, including
Poland, to promote democratic values, and even named them as ‘democ-
racy new champions’ (Kucharczyk, Lovitt, 2007), others showed donors’
limited funding for democracy assistance in comparison to Western sup-
port (Petrova, 2014b) or even governments’ anti-democratic moves like
in the cases of Hungry and Poland (FH, 2017b). Nevertheless, democracy
assistance is mainly implemented in CEE region by non-state actors who
tailor their international projects for partner countries independently from
the government (Pospieszna, 2016a, 2016b; Szent-Iványi, 2014; Szent-
Iványi, Lightfoot, 2015). Polish funding for official development aid, in-
cluding democracy assistance, has been maintained even after the victory
of Law and Justice in 2015.6
Scholars who examined the activities of new
donors, such as Poland, pointed at good recognition of partners’ needs as
well as political and social context visible in the development coopera-
tion (Chimiak, 2016; Kucharczyk, Lovitt, 2007; Lexmann, 2014; Petrova,
2014a; Pospieszna, 2014). Still, despite there are recent studies on post-
communist countries involvement in democracy assistance, there is a no-
ticeable gap in the literature on particular types of democratic support of
6
On the basis of Polish Aid’s data available at https://www.polskapomoc.gov.pl/
Calls,for,proposals,183.html, 20.05.2017.
6. 174 Aleksandra Galus, Paulina Pospieszna ŚSP 2 ’17
CEE countries to their post-communist partners, especially concerning
the support given to media.
From the donors’ perspective the main aim of media assistance is to
embrace freedom of the press and to promote professional, independent
news media in developing countries (Tsetsura, Grynko, Klyueva, 2011).
As in Ukraine case, many aid recipients go through the democratisation
process while cooperating with more developed donors. According to Re-
porters Without Borders, an international non-governmental organization
focused on monitoring media freedom in the world, in practice freedom
of the press is measured by the scope of media pluralism (political and
economic), media independence, media transparency, the scale of cen-
sorship and the quality of legal frameworks and media infrastructure.7
Governments, NGOs and private donors dedicate funds to improve those
patterns freedom of the press to contribute to the development of media
in their partner countries. Therefore, media assistance is expected to help
to produce better journalism, better media organizations as well as better
media systems in partner countries in order to foster democracy (Higgins,
2014) by informing society and keeping authorities accountable (Kumar,
2006, 2009) (Kumar, 2006, 2009).
The existing literature on freedom of expression and media effects
does not translate directly into better understanding of the democracy as-
sistance efforts. The importance of traditional and media, which will be
described in the next section, to some extent seems to be recognized by
democracy promoters and underlies many of the Western donors’ pro-
grams aimed at fostering free media in developing countries. For example,
US-based Center for International Media Assistance (CIMA) highlights
the significance of the media in bringing about the democratic change in
post-communist countries (Hume, 2011). Many other EU members fol-
lowed the idea to invest in raising the freedom of speech and the media
pluralism in former soviet countries. Although there are some statistics of
the funding for media development by major donors outside the US (My-
ers, 2009), works exploring aid flows as well as main characteristics of
media assistance provided by countries from Central and Eastern Europe
are still insufficient.
Moreover, if there was any attention paid to the matter of media as-
sistance in Europe, scholars concentrated on the media support directed
7
Based on the methodology of World Press Freedom Index developed by Report-
ers without Borders, https://rsf.org/en/detailed-methodology, 20.05.2017.
7. ŚSP 2 ’17 Supporting new media in Ukraine through Polish... 175
mainly at the Balkan countries given to traditional media outlets (Cornell,
Thielen, 2006; Karlowicz, 2003; Rhodes, 2007). Despite one report on
Western donors’ support to independent media in Ukraine (Tsetsura et
al., 2011), little is known about in terms of receiving by Ukrainian me-
dia the external support. Therefore, by putting the emphasis on Polish
governmental assistance, implemented by NGOs and aimed at fostering
the development of Ukrainian online media outlets, it is believed here to
deepen the understanding of the development cooperation between two
bordering, post-communist states in Central Europe.
‘Old’ and ‘new’ media for democratisation
The external support for media development as one of the elements of
strengthening democracy deserves to gain more attention in the scientific
discourse in recent years due to the historical roles that media played in
countries that went through transition from non-democratic to democratic
regimes (Bohdanova, 2014; Dyczok, 2009; Jakubowicz, Sükösd, 2008;
Obydenkova, 2008; Ullah, 2009; Voltmer, 2013). One of the processes,
on which the media have an impact, is democratization, understood as
a gradual, consisting of several stages change to democratic form of po-
litical regime (Gunther, Diamandouros, Puhle, 1995). Democratization
is a part of the holistic system transformation which includes political
changes as well as the transformation of society (development of civil so-
ciety) and economic system (mainly the introduction of the free market).
The transformation to democracy is interrelated with the liberalisation
of media system and the increase of media independence (Jakubowicz,
Sükösd, 2008; Sasińska-Klas, 1994; Voltmer, 2013). The role of media in
democratisation should be considered in two ways, as dependent and in-
dependent variable of democratic development (Jebril, Stetka, Loveless,
2013). In practice it means that media might be treated both as a system
undergoing through transformation, which includes e.g. the abolition of
censorship and state monopoly, and as ‘a necessary precondition of de-
mocracy’ (Jebril et al., 2013, p. 10).
The studies carried out in last decades proved that mass media can
play a central role in the democratic transformation, but it does not auto-
matically mean that only media determine the success or failure of sys-
tem change (Beacháin, Polese, 2010; Voltmer, 2013). Media of all types
can enable the struggle emerging between democratic movements and
8. 176 Aleksandra Galus, Paulina Pospieszna ŚSP 2 ’17
the authoritarian regimes in the process of democratisation (Downing,
1996). Despite the fact that mass media are considered as active partici-
pants of political communication (McNair, 1998), which is important for
democratization, it has not been clearly resolved so far whether the media
cause social and political changes or just follow these processes (Jebril,
Stetka, Loveless, 2013). As pointed by Voltmer (Voltmer, 2013, p. 2),
‘third wave’ of democratization was distinguished from earlier system
transitions by the ‘the active involvement of the media and their strategic
use by those fighting for (or against) democracy’. Taking under consid-
eration the progressive globalisation and the spread of information and
communication technologies (ICTs) in recent two decades, not precisely
defined roles of mass media in the processes of democratisation deserve
further scientific reflections.
However, most researchers from the fields of political science and me-
dia studies agree that media fulfil diverse, socially important functions
such as a) informing as providing information about current events and
identifying power relations; b) correlating as interpreting the reality and
building the social consensus; c) ensuring continuity understood as ex-
pressing the dominant values to build a community; d) entertaining as
reducing social tensions, and finally e) mobilizing society to take actions
in the sphere of e.g. politics (Breuer, 2012; Chyliński, Russ-Mohl, 2008;
Gilboa, 2005; Jebril et al., 2013; McCombs, 2014; McQuail, 2010). The
social functions of media are also described in relation to the potential
of creating a platform for public discourse, educating the public or con-
trolling authorities (Kunczik, Zipfel, 2000; McNair, 1998). It should be
also noted that full spectrum of above-mentioned roles can be realized by
media only in democratic environment and event then also some dysfunc-
tional media’ actions can be observed (Baran, Davis, 2007; Nierenberg,
2007).
Even if media have more or less limited possibilities of informing,
educating or mobilizing society in countries in transitions, they are still
involved in transformation processes which was visible on the examples
of colour revolutions (Beacháin, Polese, 2010; Kudlenko, 2015; Lysenko,
Desouza, 2012), Arab Spring (Arafa, 2015; Cottle, 2011; Lynch, Free-
lon, Aday, 2016; Robertson, 2013) or recently during Euromaidan (Boh-
danova, 2014; Shveda, Park, 2016; Zaliznyak, 2014). Speaking of Post-
Soviet space, some authors point the existence of independent media as
one of the factors contributing to the final result of colour revolutions,
in addition to e.g. strong opposition, civil society or the involvement of
9. ŚSP 2 ’17 Supporting new media in Ukraine through Polish... 177
foreign actors (Beacháin, Polese, 2010). Observing the systems transfor-
mations to more democratic after 2000, especially previously mentioned
colour revolutions, Arab Spring and protest in Ukraine, many scholars
recognised both the importance and the ambiguity of new technologies
and new media (e.g. Armbrust, 2007; Cottle, 2011; Etling, Roberts, Faris,
2014; Kyriakopoulou, 2011; Lynch, 2015; Lynch et al., 2016; Olorun-
nisola, Martin, 2013; Onuch, 2015; Robertson, 2013; Tsetsura, 2015).
Due to the growing popularity of new media, this article focuses on
the external support from Poland for the development of digital media
outlets and social media in Ukraine. The term ‘new media’usually covers
any kind of content being available online on users’ demand. Despite the
confusion that the ‘newness’ of media causes, there is an agreement in
the literature that ‘new media’ have several characteristics such as being
digital, virtual (computer-mediated), networked and interactive (Lister,
Dovey, Giddins, Grant, Kelly, 2009; Manovich, 2001). In practice, new
media include online outlets of traditional press, radio and television as
well as social media understood as ‘a group of internet-based applica-
tions, build on the ideological and technological foundations of Web 2.0,8
and that allow the creation and exchange of user-generated content’ (Ka-
plan, Haenlein, 2010, p. 62). Social media are based on networks of peo-
ple involved in creating collaborative projects (e.g. Wikipedia), sharing
content on blogs and microblogs (e.g. Twitter) and being active on social
network sites (SNS) where users create their own profiles (e.g. Facebook,
Vkontakte).
The pro-democratic movements happening in past decade, such as the
Egypt’s ‘Facebook Revolution’, Iran’s ‘Twitter Uprising’ (El-Nawawy,
Khamis, 2012), Ukrainian Euromaidan (Bohdanova, 2014), delivered
some proofs of the growing scale of the digital media outlets as well as
social media’ usage for political mobilization. Scholars from media stud-
ies as and political science highlighted both positive and negative aspects
of the spread of new media in recent years (Olorunnisola, Martin, 2013;
Pearce, Kendzior, 2012; Robertson, 2015; Sandoval-Almazan, Ramon
Gil-Garcia, 2014). In present scholarly debate, there are both reflections
and case studies proving the ‘liberation technology’ potential (Diamond,
2012) of new media, highlighting the role of social media, in the proc-
8
The idea of Web 2.0 is based on interactivity. As a consequence of its popularity,
personal websites dominating in era of Web 1.0 (before 2004) were replaced by social
networks, blogs and collaborative projects where people can easily communicate with
each other.
10. 178 Aleksandra Galus, Paulina Pospieszna ŚSP 2 ’17
esses of democratisation, and more sceptical attitudes, treating new tech-
nologies as ‘net delusion’ (Morozov, 2011).
Some of the pros of new media include their contribution to empower-
ing individuals, fostering mobilisation and independent public sphere as
well as strengthening the development of civil society (Arafa, 2015; Elt-
antawy, Wiest, 2011; Lopes, 2014; Yesayan, 2014). On the basis of some
of the recent studies it can be concluded that internet brings opportunities
to pluralise the flows of information and increase the degree of freedom of
speech (Bohdanova, 2014; Diamond, 2012; Howard, Hussain, 2011) not
only in democratising countries but also in authoritarian regimes. Shirky
(Shirky, 2009, 2011) argues that new technologies brought broader access
to information resulting in the empowerment of citizens to undertake in-
dividual and collective actions. What is more, this digital media’potential
for mobilisation may be important for contentious politics (Aday et al.,
2010) and social movements’ appearance (Bastos, Mercea, Charpentier,
2015; Lopes, 2014). Last but not least, some authors point at new media
as a part of accountability mechanism which allows civil society to moni-
tor authorities (Diamond, 2012), regarding both professional journalists
publishing materials online as well as citizen journalist, taking attempts to
inform their audience in new media (Doliwa, 2012; Gillmor, 2006).9
On the other hand, the literature proves also that the spread of new
communication technologies and practices may be used by authoritar-
ian regimes in order to extend state-surveillance and censorship, counter
civil society actions and spread anti-democratic propaganda (Morozov,
2011, 2012; Pearce, Kendzior, 2012; Soldatov, Borogan, 2015). For ex-
ample, the phenomenon of ‘networked authoritarianism’ (Pearce, Kend-
zior, 2012, p. 295) explains the mechanisms of using new media by non-
democratic states to manipulate the information flows and to discourage
citizen from using social alternative sources of news. Nonetheless, even if
scholars face some difficulties in assessing the exact role of new media in
democratisation, existing literature indicates the functions that journalists
can fulfil during the processes of political and societal changes. There-
fore, it is not a surprise that the matter of media development, including
online media, started to be recognized also by international actors who
9
Citizen journalism (referred also as grass-roots or participatory journalism) is
understood as an alternative for traditional journalism based on the reporting news by
activists led by social interest who are not professional media workers. Doliwa (2012)
distinguishing many forms of citizen journalism depending on journalists’ motives
and media in which they are active.
11. ŚSP 2 ’17 Supporting new media in Ukraine through Polish... 179
take actions in the field of supporting democracy in countries in transition
(Higgins, 2014; Howard, 2003; Rotham, 2015). To get better understand-
ing of such foreign assistance, the development cooperation between Po-
land and Ukraine aimed at fostering new media (journalists from online
media, bloggers etc.) will be analysed in the next section of this paper.
Development cooperation between Poland and Ukraine
After the collapse of communism and following fruitful European
integration, young democratic countries from the third wave of democ-
ratization (Huntington, 1991), which used to receive international aid in
80s and 90s, have become to be active in the same field as donors assist-
ing democracy in less developed countries. Such involvement of Poland,
which entered the difficult path of democracy in 1989, is a result of a will
to build positive relations with neighbouring states and to share own tran-
sition experiences as well as to fulfil international commitments in terms
of development cooperation. The choice of analysing Poland and Ukraine
as countries cooperating within democracy assistance since early 90s us
motivated by at least two reasons. Firstly, in terms of system transfor-
mation Poland and Ukraine as two post-communist countries started in
similar positions. Although in recent years Poland played a role of young
democracy, currently the country is experiencing the democratic backlash
visible on the example of the Law and Justice government attempts to
increase its influence over civil society, education system, judiciary and
media. Despite those anti-democratic moves after 2015, in the perspec-
tive of last 10 years Poland seems to be consistent in providing support
for democratisation in Ukraine as one of the most dynamically develop-
ing countries in the region of CEE.
All ‘new democracies’ in the CEE that joined EU and now are ac-
tive in the field of democracy assistance are ranked by Freedom House
as ‘free’ with high level of freedom, political rights and civil liberties
(FH, 2016). However, some of new EU members, such as Poland and
Hungary, experienced recently anti-democratic backlashes. A manifes-
tation of authoritarian tendencies in the field of the media market in
Poland is clearly visible on the example of increased state control over
public media in Poland under the governance of Law and Justice (FH,
2017a, 2017b) which resulted in the change of media freedom rate in
Poland from ‘free’ to ‘partially free’ in 2017 for the first time after
12. 180 Aleksandra Galus, Paulina Pospieszna ŚSP 2 ’17
1989.10
Media in Ukraine are rated as ‘partially free’ (FH, 2016, 2017a)
with many areas of Ukrainian media system needed be improved and
more democratic. Despite those unfavourable political conditions and
attacks on media independence, Polish NGOs and journalists working
in the field of media assistance might have a lot to offer in terms of
sharing transition know-how in countries who still struggle with some
limitations of freedom of expression. As Szent-Iványi points, new
donors’ ‘vast body of transition experience most likely has the high-
est relevance for the eastern neighbours of the EU (Ukraine, Belarus,
Moldova, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan)’ due to partners’ common
historical and social backgrounds (Szent-Iványi, 2014, p. 1103). Polish
transition experiences include also opportunities and challenges related
to the process of democratisation of media system in Poland which
might be useful for Ukrainian media.
Polish democracy assistance efforts, including media assistance
projects, are mainly funded by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA)
and coordinated by ‘Polish Aid’ as a leading program for developmental
cooperation as well as by Solidarity Fund as State Treasury Foundation11
.
According to governmental documents, Polish democracy assistance is
based on the idea of sharing Polish transition experience and treated as
an important tool of foreign policy (MFA, 2013). Poland is engaged in
supporting democracy as a member of Development Assistance Commit-
tee (DAC) at Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development
(OECD) obligated to provide Official Development Assistance (ODA) in
developing, partner countries.12
Polish democracy assistance, including
10
The main imperfections of Polish media system are political dependence of
public broadcast services and some of legal solutions such as defamation (FH, 2017a;
Kobylińska, Makowski, Solon-Lipiński, 2012).
11
More on ‘Polish Aid’: https://www.polskapomoc.gov.pl/About,Polish,aid,202.
html, 20.05.2017 and Solidarity Fund, http://solidarityfund.pl/fundacja/o-fundacji/,
20.05.2017.
12
During its transformation period, Poland received support provided by oth-
er countries, international organizations and institutions and organisations. Now as
a member of the European Union as well as the OECD Development Assistance Com-
mittee, Poland is engaged in development aid as donor. OECD defines Official De-
velopment Assistance (ODA) as ‘those flows to countries and territories on the DAC
List of ODA Recipients and to multilateral institutions which are: provided by official
agencies, including state and local governments, or by their executive agencies; and
each transaction of which: a) is administered with the promotion of the economic
development and welfare of developing countries as its main objective; and b) is con-
13. ŚSP 2 ’17 Supporting new media in Ukraine through Polish... 181
media assistance, is realised mainly by NGOs (Chimiak, 2016; Petrova,
2014a; Pospieszna, 2014) on the basis of governmental and non-gov-
ernmental financial support coming from domestic and foreign actors.13
ODA provided by Poland in Ukraine has both bilateral and multilateral
character. Taking under consideration the big number and diversity of
actors involved in development cooperation provided by Poland and its
sources of funding, this paper focuses only on bilateral, Polish-Ukrainian,
efforts to support media. In practice, only governmental call for papers
for NGOs, public administration etc. in the area of democracy assistance
will be analysed to see whether a) third sector in Poland acknowledged
the need to support media development in Ukraine and if yes, ten what
types of projects were implemented, and b) if the strategy of Polish MFA
was modified after the change of ruling party in 2015.
Polish ODA for media in Ukraine
The Development Cooperation Acts (2013) set the basic guidelines
for Polish ODA. Since 2000 in governmental reports on Polish develop-
ment cooperation Ukraine was listed as one of main partner countries
receiving democratic support. In annual plans of development assistance,
published since 2007, Ukraine has been mentioned as priority aid recipi-
ent as well as in Multiannual Development Cooperation Programmes for
years 2012–2015 and 2016–2020.14
Polish MFA highlighted in both of
multiannual programmes (MFA, 2012, 2016) the need of promoting ‘ob-
jective information and independent media’ within actions aimed at sup-
cessional in character and conveys a grant element of at least 25 per cent (calculated
at a rate of discount of 10 per cent)’. Read more: http://www.oecd.org/dac/stats/of-
ficialdevelopmentassistancedefinitionandcoverage.htm, 20.05.2017.
13
Polish NGOs involved in democracy assistance are often the beneficiaries of
financial grants coming from European Union, Visegrad Fund, US-based National
Endowment for Democracy (NED), Polish-American Freedom Foundation and other
governments, international organisations, foundations and private donors.
14
The complete list of governmental documents on Poland’s development co-
operation is available at Polish Aid’s website: https://www.polskapomoc.gov.pl/m/
Documents,and,Publications,208.html, 20.05.2017. It includesAnnual Reports (2000–
2015), Multiannual Programme 2012–2015, Multiannual Programme 2016–2020,
Polish aid programmes (2007–2011), Development Cooperation Plans (2012–2017),
Strategy for Poland’s Development Co-operation (2003), Development Co-operation
Act (2011) and several additional brochures.
14. 182 Aleksandra Galus, Paulina Pospieszna ŚSP 2 ’17
porting good governance. NGOs, who applied for governmental funds
within Polish Aid, proposed many projects in the field of media assistance
to implement the ideas expressed in the official strategies of development
cooperation.15
Moreover, in 2014 ‘Poland-Canada Democracy Support Program’was
established to promote media development and self-governance. The ini-
tiative was dedicated to democracy assistance just in Ukraine and realised
in order to finance two types of projects: a) supporting independent media,
and b) supporting local governance.16
‘Poland-Canada Democracy Sup-
port Program’became one of the flagships of Polish democracy assistance
initiatives based on the idea of sharing Polish transition experiences with
Ukraine. None of the other aid programs so explicitly stressed the need
to promote media as an important element of Ukrainian transition to de-
mocracy. ‘Poland-Canada Democracy Support Program’ budget reached
approximately 16 million PLN and allowed to finance eleven projects
aimed at media development. Support for new media was essential in six
of mentioned media assistance projects.
However, the exact data on the amount of Poland’s support for tradi-
tional and new media are not available. Polish MFA has published only
statistics showing bilateral and multilateral aid for recipient countries di-
vided into grant competitions (e.g. Polish Development Assistance 2015,
Polish Aid Volunteering Programme 2015, Global Education 2015, Hu-
manitarian aid for Ukraine 2015 etc.), not into particular types of support
(e.g. for media, local government, civil society etc.).17
However, such dis-
tinction was made by OECD while measuring DAC countries’ efforts in
providing ODA. OECD distinguished aid dedicated to a) media and free
15
The results of call for proposals (2004–2017): https://www.polskapomoc.gov.
pl/Konkursy,dotacyjne,14.html, 20.05.2017.
16
The program budget was approximately PLN 16 million (5.5 mln CAD). With-
in media assistance and local democracy assistance 40 Polish-Ukrainian annual and
biannual projects were financed. Precise information on particular projects’funding is
unavailable. More: http://solidarityfund.pl/en/programs/poland-canada-democracy-
support-program/, 20.05.2017.
17
Statistics on Polish development cooperation in 2015: https://www.polskapo-
moc.gov.pl/Pomoc,w,liczbach,-,Rok,2015,2448.html, 20.05.2017. Only Zagranica
Group as a platform of Polish NGOs working in the field of international develop-
ment cooperation provides a database of projects, including support dedicated to me-
dia development (without the distinction between ‘old’ and ‘new’ media). However,
this database lacks many implemented NGOs’ initiatives and projects. More: http://
zagranica.org.pl/baza/, 20.05.2017.
15. ŚSP 2 ’17 Supporting new media in Ukraine through Polish... 183
flow of information, b) radio/television/print media, and c) information
and communication technology.18
Data on Polish engagement in ODA
goes back to 2013 when Poland joined the group of donors affiliated with
DAC OECD.
Still, it is impossible to precisely distinguish the assistance given to
traditional and digital media. The support for media and free flow of in-
formation might include trainings both for journalists working for ‘old’
and ‘new’ media outlets. Technical assistance for radio, TV and print me-
dia is dedicated traditional media but can be indirectly targeted at the
development of their digital versions. Finally, the ODA for ICT might
include the support given for new media – among other recipients. On the
basis of OECD data, however incomplete, it can be concluded that Poland
did invest in supporting media development in Ukraine, but regarding
Polish ODA in total in Ukraine, these expenditures were not large.
Table 1
Media Assistance: Disaggregated Polish ODA in Ukraine
(millions of US dollars)
2013 2014 2015 2016
Media and free flow of information n/a 0,73 0,24 n/a
Radio/television/print media n/a 0,063 n/a n/a
Information and communication technology (ICT) n/a n/a n/a n/a
Total amount of ODA 12,873 18,705 28,970 n/a
Source: Own calculations based on OECD data.
The governmental assistance for new media was provided not only
within ‘Poland-Canada Democracy Support Program’ (2014–2016), but
also to some extent in annual development cooperation grants within
‘Polish Aid’. However, Polish media assistance in Ukraine was rather
modest in comparison to support given to other sectors such as civil so-
18
‘Media and free flow of information’ (15153) includes all ‘activities that sup-
port free and uncensored flow of information on public issues; activities that increase
the editorial and technical skills and the integrity of the print and broadcast media,
e.g. training of journalists’. ‘Radio/television/print media’ (22030) is understood
as technical support given to ‘radio and TV links, equipment; newspapers; printing
and publishing’. Finally, ‘information and communication technology (ICT)’ covers
‘computer hardware and software; internet access; IT training’. More on OECD clas-
sification of ODA: http://www.oecd.org/dac/stats/purposecodessectorclassification.
htm, 20.05.2017.
16. 184 Aleksandra Galus, Paulina Pospieszna ŚSP 2 ’17
ciety, decentralisation reform, good governance. In years 2007–201719
only several projects were proposed and financed by ‘Polish Aid’ except
the support coming from Polish-Canadian initiative. Journalists working
online started to receive attention only in 2012. The vast majority of the
projects were realised as a result of cross-border cooperation between
Polish and Ukrainian NGOs and media. One initiative in the field of me-
dia assistance was carried by the Embassy of Poland in Kiev. The table
presented below shows the number of projects aimed at supporting media
development (both traditional and new media) in Ukraine financed within
Polish ODA.
Table 2
The number of media assistance projects implemented within
‘Polish Aid’
2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017
0 2 1 1 2 2 2 3 2 0 0
Source: Own calculations. Excluding ‘Poland-Canada Democracy Support Program’.
Despite the fact that in Multiannual Development Cooperation Pro-
gramme 2016–2020 Polish MFA highlighted the need of promoting
‘access to reliable and objective information’ and ‘independent media’
(MFA, 2015b, p. 13) and Ukraine remained one of priority countries, in
2016–2017 there was no media assistance projects funded within Polish
Aid as a result of announced call for proposals outside ending Poland-
Canada Democracy Support Program. The Polish-Canadian initiative was
not continued by the Law and Justice government after 2016. Media as-
sistance, including support for new media, supposed to be maintained
also on the basis of annual Development Cooperation Plan for 2016. This
document stated that through Solidarity Fund financed will be projects of
Polish NGOs aimed at ‘expending citizens’ access to reliable and objec-
tive information by developing independent media, in particular electron-
ic’ (MFA, 2015c) – including Ukraine. However, there was no adequate
notation in Development Cooperation Plan for 2017 (MFA, 2016b).20
19
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland has not published full
reports for years 2016–2017 yet. However, the results of call for paper are available:
https://www.polskapomoc.gov.pl/Konkursy,2017,2583.html, 20.05.2017.
20
According to official documents of MFA (MFA 2009, 2010, 2011, 2012, 2013,
2014, 2015, 2016), the number of financed projects within Polish Aid was low but
stable.
17. ŚSP 2 ’17 Supporting new media in Ukraine through Polish... 185
Given the fact that there have been no projects in the field of media
assistance accepted to be implemented within ‘Polish Aid’ since the new
Law and Justice government is in power, we are not able to support our
assumption that Polish support for new media remains the same regard-
less the changes in the ruling government. Polish MFA did not publish the
list of unsuccessful applications for projects, so is impossible to conclude
whether there was no interest from NGOs in submitting media assistance
proposals or the governmental funding priorities has changed as the result
of new government ruled by Law and Justice. Considering the fact that
since 2008 media assistance was continued by several Polish NGOs and
that the new ruling party undertook many anti-democratic steps, includ-
ing limitation of freedom of the press, the second explanation sound more
likely. However, conducting further research concerning also multilateral
aid and support coming from private donors would be necessary to draw
more precise conclusions.
Polish media assistance in Ukraine – NGOs projects
In order to verify the second hypothesis, assuming that Polish NGOs
tailor media assistance projects respectively to the needs of aid recipients
and current socio-political situation in Ukraine, we embark on examining
the examples of aid projects implemented by NGOs in years 2007–2017.
Following media assistance projects which were aimed at empowering
journalists and developing new media will allow to reveal some mecha-
nism behind wider democracy assistance provided by Poland as new do-
nor. In addition to ODA data, the only possible source of data regarding
media assistance comes from Polish NGOs that implement project in this
field. Some of the Polish NGOs’ projects aimed at fostering Ukrainian
new media development are financed within Polish governmental sourc-
es, but NGOs actively look also for other financial possibilities to finance
their projects. Despite the difficulties in calculating the exact amount of
funding for concrete projects accepted by Polish MFA as a result of an-
nounced call for proposals in years 2007–2017, in most cases revealing
involved NGOs as projects’ initiators as well as getting detailed informa-
tion on their aims was possible. Information on specific projects – their
goals, timeframe, names of NGOs responsible for the implementation, in
some cases the amount of funding – were available in annual MFAreports
and on the website.
18. 186 Aleksandra Galus, Paulina Pospieszna ŚSP 2 ’17
It is worth mentioning that none of the projects qualified for receiving
Polish media support in years 2007–2011 explicitly addressed the matter
of empowering new media journalists or developing online media outlets.
All of the media projects proposed at this time by Polish third sector were
aimed at assisting traditional journalists, especially from local media, and
strengthening media independence. Polish NGOs started to introduce ini-
tiatives to promote digital media in 2012 within ‘Polish Aid’. Later, thanks
to the existence of ‘Poland-Canada Democracy Support Program’ six im-
plemented projects included the support also for online media outlets and
trainings in new technologies. The results of call for papers announced in
2014 and 2015, proved that both grantees and Polish MFA21
were aware of
the growing role of new media. Due to security reasons, the descriptions
of three projects implemented in Ukraine in order to support media devel-
opment were not revealed at the requests of NGOs. Table below presents
selected projects implemented after 2012 in Ukraine within Polish ODA
which concentrated to some extend on fostering new media development.
Table 3
Assistance for online media in Ukraine funded through Polish development
cooperation program (examples of projects)
Year Title of the project/Cooperating partners/Brief description
1 2
2014 The development of analytical and informational journalism in the regional
media in Donetsk (2014)
Poland-Canada Democracy Support Program (donor)
Association of Ukrainians in Poland (NGOs in Poland)
Internews Ukraine (News agency in Ukraine)
The scope of the training included issues related to the use of modern informa-
tion technologies, optimization of content and pictures on the internet, practical
work with audio-visual materials. Journalists learned how to create infographics,
quizzes, and various types of video for social media, including Facebook and
Snapchat. Much of the training was devoted to practical tasks.a)
2015 Protection and Support for Journalists of Donbass
Poland-Canada Democracy Support Program (donor)
Democratic Society East Foundation (TDW) (Polish NGO)
Research Center of Donbass Social Perspectives OstroV (Ukrainian NGO)
The project assumed to support journalists of ostro.org through providing knowl-
edge on safe functioning, including cyberspace safety techniques, ability to anal-
yse and present information for journalist covering conflict areas. The project
included creation of a mobile version of ostro.org, 220 articles and 13,300 pieces
of news.b)
21
Civic Platform governance.
19. ŚSP 2 ’17 Supporting new media in Ukraine through Polish... 187
1 2
2015–
2016
Investigative journalism in Ukrainian regional and local media on guard
of reforms
Poland-Canada Democracy Support Program (donor)
Democratic Society East Foundation (TDW) (Polish NGO)
Regional Press Development Institute (RPDI) from Kiev (Ukrainian NGO)
The aim was to enhance the level of investigative journalism, increase secu-
rity of regional journalists (50) and to integrate them. It assumed financial help,
broader access to legal advice, trainings in data visualization instruments and
data journalism. The project included the usage of new media.c)
2015 Media Production Centre
Poland-Canada Democracy Support Program (donor)
Polish Journalists Association (SDP) (Polish trade union)
Telekritika (Ukrainian medium)
The project assumed establishment of a Media Production Centre managed by
independent NGO Telekritika, who deals with production and financing of ma-
terials concerning the situation in Donbass. A monthly talk-show focusing on
social, economic and cultural problems was created and broadcast live by 24 lo-
cal channels of the state television with its online version.d)
2016 The civic wave in the region of Kiev and Donbas
Poland-Canada Democracy Support Program (donor)
Education for Democracy Foundation (Polish NGO)
Hromadske Radio (Ukrainian medium)
The aim of the project is to support Hromadske Radio in broadcasting on ultra-
sonic waves in the Kyiv region and in the parts of Lugansk and Donetsk (includ-
ing territories affected by war activities). The ‘civic wave’ will be heard live
on-line, through traditional radio, and through multimedia podcasts. Over 200
programmes will be produced.e)
2016 Support for Crimean Tatar media
Poland-Canada Democracy Support Program (donor)
The Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights in Poland (Polish NGO)
Ukrainian journalists
The aim of the project is to support Crimean Tatar newspapers and journalists in
2016. Support will be used both for the continuation of printed editions as well
as the development of web portals.f)
a)
Solidarity Fund, http://solidarityfund.pl/trening-narzedzia-multimedialne-dla-dzienni
karzy/, 20.05.2017.
b)
Solidarity Fund, http://solidarityfund.pl/ochrona-i-wsparcie-dziennikarzy-donbasu/,
20.05.2017.
c)
Solidarity Fund, http://solidarityfund.pl/dziennikarstwo-sledcze-w-ukrainskich-mediach-
regionalnych-i-lokalnych-na-strazy-reform/, 20.05.2017.
d)
Solidarity Fund, http://solidarityfund.pl/centrum-produkcji-medialnej/, 20.05.2017.
e)
Education for Democracy Foundation, https://fed.org.pl/obywatelska-fala-na-kijowsz-
czyznie-i-donbasie/, 20.05.2017.
f)
Solidarity Fund, http://solidarityfund.pl/en/programs/poland-canada-democracy-support-
program/, 20.05.2017.
Source: Own compilation.
20. 188 Aleksandra Galus, Paulina Pospieszna ŚSP 2 ’17
Most of the projects that started in 2012 stressed the role of new media
in raising the quality of journalism. Along with the growth of internet us-
ers in Ukraine and spread of popularity of online media outlets and social
media, projects’organisers naturally started to offer project including ele-
ments of digital media literacy, trainings for journalists in new tools avail-
able online, and the production of news dedicated to online media out-
lets. In 2014 Polish media assistance, which previously was focused on
traditional press, TV and radio, evolved to more complex support which
included also digital media.
The example of pioneer assistance for internet medium was ‘Support
for Ukrainian youth media’ – a project run in 2012 by New Media Foun-
dation from Poland and aimed at supporting independent youth media. As
a result, young journalists created 54 online press outlets on media free-
dom available at the platform Qmam.22
Other projects combined the ele-
ments of supporting ‘old’ and ‘new’ as in ‘Regional media in Ukraine for
fair and free elections’implemented by East European Democratic Centre
(Poland) in cooperation with Municipal Center for Humanistic Technolo-
gies AHALAR (Ukraine) in 2014.23
The aim of the Polish-Ukrainian ini-
tiative was to support the development of regional media in Ukraine in
favour to increase the transparency of elections foster their civic functions
in society. What is important, selected journalists received from Polish
and Ukrainian experts technological and know how support, including
trainings of online media usage.
Those two examples of projects may serve as role models of a) a project
aimed directly at developing online medium and b) as an example of ho-
listic media assistance involving both support for traditional and new me-
dia. The majority of aid initiatives, dedicated to Ukrainian media, treated
assistance for digital outlets and professionals working online as a part of
wider support for journalists and media. Surprisingly, none of the funded
projects within bilateral cooperation in 2007–2015 provided direct sup-
port for bloggers or citizens journalists who also cover news from Ukraine
or serve as watch-dogs controlling authorities just as traditional media
workers. Such projects as the effort of Common Europe Foundation to es-
tablish and develop online portal Eastbook.eu which was financed jointly
by Visegrad Fund and Polish Aid were rare and implemented only within
multilateral aid. The projects concerned the support for online journalism
22
New Media Foundation, http://www.fundacjanowemedia.org/, 20.05.2017.
23
Solidarity Fund, http://solidarityfund.pl/media-regionalne-na-ukrainie-dla-
wolnych-i-sprawiedliwych-wyborow/, 20.05.2017.
21. ŚSP 2 ’17 Supporting new media in Ukraine through Polish... 189
and effective use of new media regarding emerging trends and challenges
posed by digital media.24
In 2014 and 2015 Poland focused on media assistance in Eastern
Ukraine, mostly on the aid dedicated to the journalist covering the areas of
military conflict between Ukraine and Russia. The information cut off of
the region of Donbas and the lack of security for journalists working in dan-
gerous circumstances were probably the main reasons why NGOs targeted
its projects to support media in Eastern part of Ukraine. Polish projects in-
cluded technical support (new equipment) as well as conceptual assistance
for e.g. journalists covering the armed conflict between Ukraine and Russia
and for media belonging to the Tatar minority who was harassed as a result
of the Annexation of Crimea by Russian Federation in 2014. Therefore,
Poland by providing external funding for Ukrainian independent media got
involved in information war between Ukraine and Russia.
Polish media assistance was also dedicated to journalists working
for both traditional and online media in Ukraine in order to improve the
transparency of public life and spread democratic values. Polish MFA as
a grant-giver of NGOs’ media assistance projects aimed at strengthen-
ing and building social trust in Ukraine and control mechanisms. The
belief in media fulfilling the function of watch-dog and the importance of
strengthening the control mechanisms underpinned such media assistance
projects which was formulated in the description on project.25
As a good
example of such initiative was a project entitled ‘Investigative journalism
in Ukrainian regional and local media on guard of reforms’ organised by
Democratic Society East Foundation in years 2013–2016. Polish journal-
ist who participated in this project as an expert explained that during the
trainings the emphasis was put on using online tools for journalism and
the matter of digital security.26
The analysis of the NGOs’ projects allows us to make a conclusion
that while assisting media development in Ukraine, Polish NGOs fol-
24
Solidarity Fund, http://solidarityfund.pl/eastbook-eu-usamodzielnienie-wersji-
ukrainskojezycznej/, 20.05.2017.
25
Solidarity Fund, http://solidarityfund.pl/dziennikarstwo-sledcze-w-ukrains-
kich-mediach-regionalnych-i-lokalnych-na-strazy-reform/, 20.05.2017. Democratic
Society East Foundation, http://www.tdw.org.pl/material,dziennikarstwo-sledcze-
w-ukrainskich-mediach-regionalnych-i-lokalnych-na-strazy-reform-2015-2016,253.
html, 20.05.2017.
26
Interview with Beata Biel, specialist working for Google and Democratic Soci-
ety East Foundation, 11.04.2017, Warsaw.
22. 190 Aleksandra Galus, Paulina Pospieszna ŚSP 2 ’17
low the social and political developments in Ukraine and try to tailor
their projects respectively to recipients’ needs and current situation in the
country. After 2013 Polish media projects started to focus on supporting
media from Eastern Europe which was motivated by severe difficulties
that journalists from this regional faced in their work. NGOs acknowl-
edged also the necessity to promote investigative journalism which sup-
posed to help Ukrainians deals with the problem of corruption. And last
but not least, Polish support since 2012 started to involve more and more
investments in new media development. Therefore, the second hypothe-
sis, expecting flexibility from media assistance provided by Polish NGOs,
has been supported.
Summary
As a result of relatively successful system transformation, Poland as
donor country started to support freedom of expression and media within
development cooperation with Ukraine in early 90s driven by the idea
of sharing own transition experiences and building good relations with
its neighbour. After joining the European Union in 2004 and becoming
a member of DAC OECD, Poland confirmed its position as young, demo-
cratic country and emerging donor in the field of democracy assistance.
Nonetheless, according to the recent reports on the freedom in the world,
like many other countries, after 2015 also Poland suffered declines in
the quality of democracy, including the governmental attacks on media
independence. Such political shifts gave impetus to ask important ques-
tion about development cooperation as part of Polish foreign policy and
international obligation.
This paper focuses on developmental assistance for new media in
years 2007–2017 provided by Poland as donor in its priority partner
country – Ukraine. The support given to Ukrainian journalists and media
outlets fits Polish democracy assistance strategy within Official Develop-
ment Assistance (ODA). In principle, media assistance aims to improve
freedom of speech and freedom of press, and in longer perspective to
contribute to the consolidation of democracy. Poland is involved in sup-
porting pro-democratic changes in Ukraine, including media assistance,
on the basis of development cooperation act (2013), multiannual devel-
opment cooperation programmes (2012–2015, 2016–2020) and annual
plans (2007–2017). In years 2008–2013 the support for Ukrainian media
23. ŚSP 2 ’17 Supporting new media in Ukraine through Polish... 191
was maintained and intensified in 2014–2016 in connection with the im-
plementation of ‘Poland-Canada Democracy Support Program’ dedicated
to media assistance and local governance assistance. After the expiration
of this program, no more funds were allocated by MFA in 2016–2017
to NGOs activities aimed at promoting the development of independent
media.
A first bilateral Polish-Ukrainian project concerning new media as-
sistance and financed by Polish Aid was financed in 2012. Since then,
NGOs started to include digital literacy and new technologies in projects’
proposals. The trainings of journalists in e.g. new online tools or direct
support for establishing digital media outlets were continued until 2016.
Six out of eleven media assistance projects implemented within ‘Poland-
Canada Democracy Support Program’ responded to the need of strength-
ening online media and improving journalists’ skills. Poland seemed also
to target its media assistance regarding the needs of Ukraine as recipient
of aid. Such tendency was visible on the example of shifts of beneficiar-
ies in 2014–2015. While before the outbreak of armed conflict between
Ukraine and Russia Polish support had rather nationwide character, in
2014–2015 many projects concentrated on delivering aid to journalists
and media from Eastern Ukraine. The vast majority of project was ad-
dressed to professional journalists gaining experiences in working online,
while there was no significant interest in empowering Ukrainian bloggers
or citizen journalists.
Therefore, with confidence we can conclude, based on the analysis con-
ducted, that the second hypothesis assuming that Poland actively takes at-
tempt to support media respectively to socio-political situation in recipient
country has been supported. Not only Polish projects focus on new media
development regarding their growing popularity, but NGOs also acknowl-
edge emerging journalists’ problems, needs, and the obstacles to counting
professional development due to ongoing armed conflict. However, we
were not able to support our first hypothesis in which we expected that
Polish governmental support for new media has been maintained regard-
less the changes in the ruling government. While PolishAid financed media
assistance projects in Ukraine in years 2008–2015 (Civic Platform govern-
ance), as the result of call for papers for open competition for develop-
ment cooperation in 2016 and 2017, no projects in the field of media were
funded. Assessing the reasons of state of art requires further research.
Last but not least, it should be emphasised that this paper examined
only bilateral development cooperation between Poland and Ukraine
24. 192 Aleksandra Galus, Paulina Pospieszna ŚSP 2 ’17
funded by Polish MFA and realised mainly by Polish NGOs together with
their Ukrainian partners. To receive a bigger picture of media assistance
efforts undertaken by diverse entities, it would be necessary to include also
multilateral aid within e.g. European Union, and foreign donors providing
funds for Polish initiatives such as National Endowment for Democracy
(US). By examining Polish bilateral ODA aimed at supporting media, this
work drew attention to the role of NGOs in shaping the practice of Polish
development cooperation, being an instrument of foreign policy.
Bibliography
Aday S., Farrell H., Lynch M., Sides J., Kelly J., Zuckerman E. (2010), Blogs and
Bullets: New Media in Contentious Politics, United States Institute of Peace,
Washington.
Alesina A., Dollar D. (2000), Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?, “Journal of
Economic Growth”, no. 5, pp. 33–63.
Arafa M. (2015), Facebook to Mobilize, Twitter to Coordinate Protests, and YouTube
to Tell the World: New Media, Cyberactivism, and the Arab Spring, “Jour-
nal of Global Initiatives: Policy, Pedagogy, Perspective Volume”, no. 10 (1),
pp. 73–102.
Armbrust W. (2007), New Media and Old Agendas: The Internet in the Middle East
and Middle Eastern Studies, “International Journal of Middle East Studies”,
no. 39 (4), pp. 531–533.
Azpuru D., Finkel S. E., Pérez-Liñán A., Seligson M. A. (2008), Trends in Democracy
Assistance: What Has the United States Been Doing?, “Journal of Democra-
cy”, no. 19 (2), pp. 150–159.
Baran S. J., Davis D. K. (2007), Teorie komunikowania masowego, Wydawnictwo
Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, Kraków.
Bastos M. T., Mercea D., Charpentier A. (2015), Tents, tweets, and events: The in-
terplay between ongoing protests and social media, “Journal of Communica-
tion”, no. 65 (2), pp. 320–350.
Beacháin D. Ó., Polese A. (eds.) (2010), The Colour Revolutions in the Former Soviet
Republics. Successes and Failures, Routledge, London–New York.
Beichelt T., Hahn-Fuhr I., Schimmelfenning F., Worschech S. (Eds.) (2014), Civil
Society and Democracy Promotion, Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke–New
York.
Bohdanova T. (2014), Unexpected revolution: the role of social media in Ukraine’s
Euromaidan uprising, “European View”, no. 13 (1), pp. 133–142.
Breuer A. (2012), The Role of Social Media in Mobilizing Political Protest: Evidence
from the Tunisian Revolution. The Social-Economic Situation of Middle East
Youth, Deutsche Nationalbibliografie, Bonn.
25. ŚSP 2 ’17 Supporting new media in Ukraine through Polish... 193
Brinks D., Coppedge M. (2006), Diffusion Is No Illusion: Neighbor Emulation in
the Third Wave of Democracy, “Comparative Political Studies”, no. 39 (4),
pp. 463–489.
Bunce V., Wolchik S. (2006), International Diffusion and Postcommunist Electoral Rev-
olutions, “Communist and Post-Communist Studies”, no. 39 (3), pp. 283–304.
Burnell P. (2000), Democracy Assistance: International Co-operation for Democrati-
zation, Frank Cass, London–Portland.
Carothers T. (1999), Aiding Democracy Abroad: The Learning Curve, Carnegie En-
dowment for International Peace, Washington.
Carothers T. (2004), Critical Mission: Essays on Democracy Promotion, Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace, Washington.
Chimiak G. (2016), The Growth of Non-Governmental Development Organisations in
Poland and Their Cooperation with Polish Aid, IFiS PAN, Warsaw.
Chyliński M., Russ-Mohl S. (2008), Dziennikarstwo, Grupa Wydawnicza Polska-
presse, Warsaw.
Cornell S., Thielen T. (2006), Herzegovina Assessment of Usaid/Bosnia and Herze-
govina Media Interventions, United States Agency for International Develop-
ment, Washington, http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/Pnadh275.pdf.
Cottle S. (2011), Media and the Arab Uprisings of 2011, “Journalism”, no. 12 (5),
pp. 531–541.
Diamond L. (1999), Developing Democracy. Toward Consolidation, The Johns Hop-
kins University Press, Baltimore–London.
Diamond L. (2012), Liberation Technology, in: Liberation technology. Social Media
and the Struggle for Democracy, eds. L. Diamond, M. F. Plattner, The Johns
Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, pp. 5–17.
Doliwa U. (2012), Dziennikarstwo obywatelskie, czyli jakie?, “Nowe Media”, no. 3,
pp. 81–100.
Downing J. (1996), Internationalizing Media Theory: Transition, Power, Culture,
SAGE Publications, Thousand Oaks.
Drążkiewicz-Grodzicka E. (2013), From a Recipient to Donor – the Case of Polish
Developmental Cooperation, “Human Organization”, no. 72 (1), pp. 65–75.
Dyczok M. (2009), Do the Media Matter? Focus on Ukraine, in: Media, Democracy
and Freedom: the Post-Communist Experience, eds. M. Dyczok, O. Gaman-
Golutvina, Peter Lang, Bern, http://shron.chtyvo.org.ua/Marta_Dyczok/Do_
the_Media_Matter7_Focus_on_Ukraine__en.pdf.
El-Nawawy M., Khamis S. (2012), Political Activism 2.0: Comparing the Role of
Social Media in Egypt’s “Facebook Revolution” and Iran’s “Twitter Up-
rising”, “CyberOrient”, no. 6 (1), http://www.cyberorient.net/article.
do?articleId=7439.
Eltantawy N., Wiest J. B. (2011), Social Media in the Egyptian Revolution: Reconsid-
ering Resource Mobilization Theory, “International Journal of Communica-
tion”, no. 5, pp. 1207–1224.
26. 194 Aleksandra Galus, Paulina Pospieszna ŚSP 2 ’17
Ethier D. (2003), Is Democracy Promotion Effective? Comparing Conditionality and
Incentives, “Democratization”, no. 10 (1), pp. 99–120.
Etling B., Roberts H., Faris R. (2014), Blogs as an Alternative Public Sphere: The
Role of Blogs, Mainstream Media, and TV in Russia’s Media Ecology, The
Berkman Center for Internet & Society at Harvard University.
FH. (2016), Freedom in the World 2016, Freedom House.
Gilboa E. (2005), The CNN Effect: The Search for a Communication Theory of Inter-
national Relations, “Political Communication”, no. 22 (1), pp. 27–44.
Gillmor D. (2006), We the Media. Grassroots Journalism By the People, For the Peo-
ple, O’Reilly Media, Sebastopol.
Gunther R., Diamandouros N. P., Puhle H.-J. (1995), The Politics of Democratic Con-
solidation: Southern Europe in Comparative Perspective, The Johns Hopkins
University Press, Baltimore–London.
Higgins D. (2014), The Western Way? Democracy and the Media Assistance Model,
“Global Media Journal”, no. 4 (2), pp. 1–15.
Horký-Hlucháň O., Lightfoot S. (eds.) (2015), Development Cooperation of the
“New” EU Member States: Beyond Europeanization, Palgrave Macmillan,
New York.
Howard P. N., Hussain M. M. (2011), The Role of Digital Media, “Journal of Democ-
racy”, no. 22 (3), pp. 35–48.
Howard R. (2003), International Media Assistance: A Review of Donor Activities and
Lessons Learned (No. Working Paper 19), Netherlands Institute of International
Relations “Clingendael” Conflict Research Unit (CRU), Hague, https://www.
clingendael.nl/sites/default/files/20030600_cru_working_paper_19.pdf.
Hume E. (2011), Caught in the Middle: Central and Eastern European Journalism
at a Crossroads, National Endowment for Democracy, Washington, http://
ellenhume.com/wp-content/uploads/CIMA-Central_and_Eastern_Europe-
Report_3.pdf.
Huntington S. P. (1991), Democracy’s Third Wave, “Journal of Democracy”, no. 2
(2), pp. 12–34.
Jakubowicz K., Sükösd M. (2008), Finding the right place on the map: Central and
Eastern European media change in a global perspective, Intellect Books,
Bristol.
Jebril N., Stetka V., Loveless M. (2013), Media and Democratisation: What is Known
about the Role of Mass Media in Transitions to Democracy, University of
Oxford, https://reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk/sites/default/files/Mediaand-
Democratisation_0.pdf.
Jonavicius L. (2008), The Democracy Promotion Policies of Central and Eastern Eu-
ropean States, FRIDE, http://fride.org/download/wp55_central_estearn_eu_
eng_mar08.pdf.
Kaplan A. M., Haenlein M. (2010), Users of the world, unite! The challenges and op-
portunities of Social Media, “Business Horizons”, no. 53 (1), pp. 59–68.
27. ŚSP 2 ’17 Supporting new media in Ukraine through Polish... 195
Karlowicz I. (2003), The Difficult Birth of the Fourth Estate: Media Development
and Democracy Assistance in the Post-Conflict Balkans, http://pdc.ceu.hu/
archive/00002252/01/media_5_karlowicz.pdf.
Kobylińska A., Makowski G., Solon-Lipiński M. (eds.) (2012), Mechanizmy
przeciwdziałania korupcji w Polsce. Raport z monitoringu, Instytut Spraw
Publicznych, Warszawa, http://www.isp.org.pl/uploads/filemanager/Mecha-
nizmyprzeciwdziaaniakorupcji.PDF.
Kucharczyk J., Lovitt J. (eds.) (2007), Democracy’s New Champions. European De-
mocracy Assistance after EU Enlargement, EUROPEUM Institute for Euro-
pean Policy, Praha.
Kudlenko A. (2015), From Colour Revolutions to the Arab Spring: The Role of Civil
Society in Democracy Building and Transition Processes, “Journal of Con-
temporary Central and Eastern Europe”, no. 23 (2–3), pp. 167–179.
Kumar K. (2006), Promoting Independent Media: Strategies for Democracy Assist-
ance, Lynne Rienner Publishers, Boulder.
Kumar K. (2009), One Size Does Not Fit All. Objectives and Priority Areas for Media
Assistance in Different Societies, Center for International Media Assistance,
Washington.
Kunczik M., Zipfel A. (2000), Wprowadzenie do nauki o dziennikarstwie i komu-
nikowaniu, Wydawnictwo SCHOLAR, Warszawa.
Kyriakopoulou K. (2011), Authoritarian states and internet social media: Instruments
of democratisation or instruments of control?, “Human Affairs”, no. 21 (1),
pp. 18–26.
Lexmann M. (2014), Let’s not talk about transition sharing, let’s do it. The potential
of the Central and Eastern EU Member States in accelerating democracy
support and transition in EU’s neighbourhood, in: International Conference
Booklet Development and Democracy Development Ecosystems in V4: the
New Role for Civil Society Organisations and Business Beyond 2015, Pon-
tis Foudantion, Bratislava, http://www.nadaciapontis.sk/data/files/D&D_
zbornik_BOOK_WEB.pdf.
Lister M., Dovey J., Giddins S., Grant I., Kelly K. (2009), New media: a critical in-
troduction (Second edi), Routledge, Abingdon.
Lopes A. R. (2014), The Impact of Social Media on Social Movements: The New
Opportunity and Mobilizing Structure, https://www.creighton.edu/fileadmin/
user/CCAS/departments/PoliticalScience/Journal_of_Political_Research__
JPR_/2014_JSP_papers/Lopes_JPR.pdf.
Lynch M. (2015), How the Media Trashed the Transitions to Democracy, “Journal of
Democracy”, no. 26 (4), pp. 90–99.
Lynch M., Freelon D., Aday S. (2016), How Social Media Undermines Transitions
to Democracy, PeaceTech Lab, Washington, http://www.peacetechlab.org/
blogs-bullets-iv.
Lysenko V. V., Desouza K. C. (2012), Moldova’s Internet Revolution: Analyzing the
Role of Technologies in Various Phases of the Confrontation, “Technological
Forecasting and Social Change”, no. 79 (2), pp. 341–361.
28. 196 Aleksandra Galus, Paulina Pospieszna ŚSP 2 ’17
Manovich L. (2001), The Language of New Media, The MIT PRess, Massachusetts.
McCombs M. (2014), Setting the Agenda. The Mass Media and Public Opinion, Pol-
ity Press, Cambridge–Malden.
McConnell P. J., Becker L. B. (2002), The Role of the Media in Democratization
(Paper presented to the Political Communication Section of the International
Association for Media and Communication Research at the Barcelona Con-
ference), http://www.grady.uga.edu/coxcenter/activities/act_2001_to_2002/
materials01-02/democratizationiamcrjuly2002.pdfm.
McMahon P. (2004), Building Civil Societies in East Central Europe: The Effect of
American Non-governmental Organizations on Women’s Groups, in: Civil So-
ciety in Democratization, eds. P. J. Burnell, P. Calvert, Routledge, New York.
McNair B. (1998), Wprowadzenie do komunikowania politycznego, Wydawnictwo
Wyższej Szkoły Nauk Humanistycznych i Dziennikarstwa, Poznań.
McQuail D. (2010), McQuail’s Mass Communication Theory, SAGE Publications,
London.
Mendelson S. E. (2001), Democracy Assistance and Political Transition in Russia,
“International Security”, no. 25 (4), pp. 68–106.
Morozov E. (2011), The Net Delusion. The Dark Side of Internet Freedom, vol. 9,
PublicAffairs, New York, http://doi.org/10.1017/S1537592711004026.
Morozov E. (2012), Whither Internet Control?, in: Liberation Technology: Social
Media and the Struggle for Democracy, eds. L. Diamond, M. F. Plattner, The
Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore.
Myers M. (2009), Funding for Media Development by Major Donors Outside the
United States, National Endowment for Democracy, New York, http://cima.
ned.org/sites/default/files/CIMA-Non-US_Funding_of_Media_Develop-
ment.pdf.
Nierenberg B. (2007), Publiczne przedsiębiorstwo medialne. Determinanty, systemy,
modele, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, Kraków.
Obydenkova A. (2008), Regime transition in the regions of Russia: The freedom of
mass media: Transnational impact on sub-national democratization?, “Euro-
pean Journal of Political Research”, no. 47 (2), pp. 221–246.
Olorunnisola A. A., Martin B. L. (2013), Influences of Media on Social Movements:
Problematizing Hyperbolic Inferences about Impacts, “Telematics and Infor-
matics”, no. 30 (3), pp. 275–288.
Olsen G. R. (2000), Promotion of Democracy as a Foreign Policy Instrument of
“Europe”: Limits to International Idealism, “Democratization”, no. 7 (2),
pp. 142–167.
Onuch O. (2015), EuroMaidan Protests in Ukraine: Social Media Versus Social Net-
works, “Problems of Post-Communism”, no. 62, pp. 217–235.
Pearce K. E., Kendzior S. (2012), Networked Authoritarianism and Social Media in
Azerbaijan, “Journal of Communication”, no. 62, pp. 283–298.
Petrova T. (2014a), From Solidarity to Geopolitics. Support for Democracy among
Postcommunist States, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
29. ŚSP 2 ’17 Supporting new media in Ukraine through Polish... 197
Petrova T. (2014b), Making Transitional Democracy and Human Rights Activism
Work? On the Trade-Offs of Eastern EU Support for Civil Society Develop-
ment Abroad, in: Civil Society and Democracy promotion, Palgrave Macmil-
lan, Basingstoke–New York, pp. 110–133.
Pospieszna P. (2014), Democracy Assistance from the Third Wave. Polish Engage-
ment in Belarus and Ukraine, University of Pittsburgh Press, Pittsburgh.
Pospieszna P. (2016a), Pomoc demokratyzacyjna polskich organizacji pozarządowych
skierowana do Białorusi i Ukrainy: przesłanki oraz różne formy wsparcia,
“Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne”, no. 3, pp. 236–266.
Pospieszna P. (2016), Współpraca rozwojowa w zakresie promowania dobrego
rządzenia i rozwoju demokracji przez kraje Grupy Wyszehradzkiej, in:
Tożsamość i efektywność: w poszukiwaniu mechanizmów zrównoważonego
rozwoju, eds. K. Jarecka-Stępień, A. Surdej, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek,
Toruń, pp. 89–110.
Rhodes A. (2007), Ten Years of Media Support To the Balkans: An Assessment, Media
Task Force of the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe, Amsterdam, http://
www.medienhilfe.ch/fileadmin/media/images/dossier/mediasupport_Balkan.
pdf.
Richter J. (2002), Promoting Civil Society? Democracy Assistance and Russian Wom-
en’s Organizations, “Problems of Post-Communism”, no. 49 (1), pp. 30–41.
Robertson A. (2013), Connecting in Crisis: “Old” and “New” Media and the Arab
Spring, “The International Journal of Press/Politics”, no. 18 (3), pp. 325–341.
Robertson A. (2015), What’s Going on? Making Sense of the Role of the Media in
the Arab Uprisings, “Sociology Compass”, no. 9 (7), pp. 531–541, http://doi.
org/10.1111/soc4.12278.
Rotham P. (2015), The Politics of Media Development. The Importance of Engag-
ing Government and Civil Society, Center for International Media Assistance,
Washington.
Sandoval-Almazan R., Ramon Gil-Garcia J. (2014), Towards cyberactivism 2.0? Un-
derstanding the use of social media and other information technologies for
political activism and social movements, “Government Information Quarter-
ly”, no. 31 (3), pp. 365–378.
Sasińska-Klas T. (1994), The Transition of Mass Media in Poland: The Road to Liber-
alization, “The Electronic Journal of Communication”, no. 4 (1).
Shirky C. (2009), Here Comes Everybody: The Power of Organizing Without Organi-
zations, Penguin Books, London, http://doi.org/10.3399/bjgp09X420437.
Shirky C. (2011), The Political Power of Social Media, “Foreign Affairs”, no. 90 (1),
pp. 28–41.
Shveda Y., Park J. H. (2016), Ukraine’s revolution of dignity: The dynamics of Euro-
maidan, “Journal of Eurasian Studies”, no. 7 (1), pp. 85–91.
Siegel D., Yancey J. (1992), The Rebirth of Civil Society: The Development of the
Nonprofit Sector in East Central Europe and the Role of Western Assistance,
The Rockefeller Brothers Fund, New York.
30. 198 Aleksandra Galus, Paulina Pospieszna ŚSP 2 ’17
Sobczak J. (2007), Wolność prasy. Złudzenia – oczekiwania – rzeczywistość, in: Me-
dia w Polsce. Pierwsza władza IV RP?, ed. M. Sokołowski, Wydawnictwo
Akademickie i Profesjonalne, Warszawa, pp. 303–334.
Soldatov A., Borogan I. (2015), The Red Web: The Struggle Between Russia’s Digital
Dictators and the New Online Revolutionaries, PublicAffairs, New York.
Szent-Iványi B. (2014), The EU’s Support for Democratic Governance in the Eastern
Neighbourhood: The Role of Transition Experience from the New Member
States, “Europe-Asia Studies”, no. 66 (7), pp. 1102–1121.
Szent-Iványi B., Lightfoot S. (2015), Central and Eastern European transition ex-
perience: a depoliticisation of democracy aid?, in: Democratization in EU
foreign policy: new member states as drivers of democracy promotion, eds.
B. Berti, K. Mikulova, N. Popescu, Routledge, Abingdon, pp. 37–60.
The Commonwealth (2016), Global Youth Development Index and Report 2016, Lon-
don, http://cmydiprod.uksouth.cloudapp.azure.com/sites/default/files/2016-
10/2016GlobalYouthDevelopmentIndexandReport.pdf.
Tsetsura K. (2015), Ukrainian NGOs as Opinion Makers: How Media Organiza-
tions Communicate about Progress in New Democracy with Western Donors,
“Trípodos”, no. 37, pp. 91–110.
Tsetsura K., Grynko A., Klyueva A. (2011), The Media Map Project. Ukraine. Case
Study on Donor Support to Independent Media, 1990–2010, Internews, http://
www.mediamapresource.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/04/Ukraine.pdf.
Ullah M. S. (2009), Free Media, Democracy and Democratisation: Experiences from De-
veloping Countries, “Journal of Global Communication”, no. 2 (2), pp. 343–351.
Voltmer K. (2013), The Media in Transitional Democracies, Polity Press, Cambridge.
Yesayan T. (2014), Social Networking: A Guide to Strengthening Civil Society
Through Social Media, United States Agency for International Development
or the United States Government, https://www.usaid.gov/sites/default/files/
documents/1866/SMGuide4CSO.pdf.
Youngs R. (2008), Trends in Democracy Assistance. What has Europe Been Doing?,
“Journal of Democracy”, no. 19 (2), pp. 160–169, http://fride.org/download/
ART_EU_Democracy_Aid_EN_abr08.pdf.
Zaliznyak J. (2014), The New Media of Euromaidan: Online Instruments to Defend
Democracy in Ukraine, in: Open Europe: Cultural Dialogue Across Bor-
ders, ed. W. Piątkowska-Stepaniak, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Opolskiego,
Opole, pp. 179–190.
Wsparcie nowych mediów na Ukrainie w ramach polskiego programu
pomocy rozwojowej
Streszczenie
W efekcie stosunkowo udanej transformacji systemowej niektóre młode, demo-
kratyczne kraje, które jeszcze w latach 80-tych i 90-tych otrzymywały pomoc de-
31. ŚSP 2 ’17 Supporting new media in Ukraine through Polish... 199
mokratyzacyjną, zaangażowały się w charakterze nowych donatorów we wspieranie
pro-demokratycznych przemian w mniej rozwiniętych państwach. Relacje pomię-
dzy post-komunistycznymi donatorami a odbiorcami pomocy można obserwować
na przykładzie współpracy rozwojowej Polski i Ukrainy. Artykuł koncentruje się na
kwestii polskiego wsparcia rozwojowego, udzielanego Ukrainie w latach 2007–2017
w ramach Polskiej Pomocy. Niniejsza praca ma za zadanie udzielić odpowiedzi na
pytania o to czy polskie, rządowe wsparcie dla ukraińskich mediów jest kontynuowa-
ne pomimo zmiany partii rządzącej oraz czy polskie organizacje pozarządowe, które
realizują pomoc rozwojową w oparciu o finansowanie Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicz-
nych RP, dopasowują swoje projekty do aktualnych potrzeb beneficjentów wsparcia
i aktualnej sytuacji na Ukrainie. Autorki stawiają sobie jako cel zwrócenie uwagi na
związki pomiędzy zaangażowaniem państw zewnętrznych i istnieniem niezależnych
mediów a procesami demokratyzacji i wysiłkami, jakie podejmowane są przez tzw.
nowych donatorów w państwach partnerskich.
Słowa kluczowe: wspieranie mediów, nowe media, współpraca rozwojowa, Ukraina,
Polska