This longitudinal study examined how school belonging changes over the course of high school and how it relates to academic achievement and motivation. The study found that in 9th grade, girls reported higher school belonging than boys, but girls' belonging declined over high school while boys' remained stable. Higher school belonging in a given year was associated with students feeling school was more enjoyable and useful in that year, beyond their actual achievement level. The results highlight the importance of belonging for maintaining student engagement during adolescence.
Assessing Pupil Concerns About Transition To Secondary SchoolAaron Anyaakuu
The document describes a study that assessed the validity of a quantitative self-report measure called the School Concerns Questionnaire (SCQ) for measuring pupils' concerns about transitioning from primary to secondary school. The study involved administering the SCQ to pupils in Year 6 of primary school and Year 7 of secondary school. Results found that the SCQ showed good reliability and its factors were replicated pre- and post-transition. Higher SCQ scores post-transition were linked to less liking of school and teachers. The SCQ was also associated with anxiety and gender both pre- and post-transition.
07School Size & Youth Violence - Mediating Role of School ConnectednessAdam Volungis
This document summarizes a study that examined the relationships between school size, school connectedness, and youth violence. The study utilized longitudinal data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health. A series of multilevel models found that school connectedness partially mediated the relationship between school size and youth violence, such that larger school size was associated with lower school connectedness, which in turn was associated with higher rates of youth violence. School connectedness did not moderate the relationship between school size and youth violence. The findings suggest that maintaining quality relationships between students and school staff may help prevent violence, especially in larger school settings where connectedness can be more challenging.
3. Adolescents with and without ld make the transition to middle schoolNor Zakiah
The document summarizes research on how Hispanic students with and without learning disabilities fare academically and socially during the transition from elementary to middle school. It found that the 14 Hispanic students who were studied and had received instruction in an inclusive 6th grade classroom experienced the transition similarly, whether they had learning disabilities or not, and generally fared well in the transition to middle school. It also reviews literature showing that the transition often leads to declines for general education students in areas like academic performance and self-perceptions.
Surname 1
Name
Professor
Subject
Date
Increasing Number of School Dropouts
Introductions
Individuals who abscond school prior to high commencement can be described as school dropouts. In the current years, there has been a swift increase in the number of dropout in United States (Rumberger, p. 68). Each year, approximately one third of the students in public schools, fail to finish their high school education. According the researches, the majority of these dropouts leave school while remaining two years to complete. This disturbing trend has actually deteriorated over the past decades regardless of the fact that education was prioritized in the public agenda. Currently, the public is well informed of the seriousness of the matter of school dropout, and this has been due to lack of precise data (Bruce, p. 112).
Nonetheless, the results of these dropouts have been devastating. The notion of dropping out of school is dangerous for a student, this is because in most circumstances, that particular student is most likely to live poverty stricken life, end up unemployed, be a liability to public assistance, end up in jail, or be divorced or single parent. In this state of affairs, the nation greatly suffers from these issues of dropout due to increased costs associated with increased social services, increased cases of imprisonment and healthcare costs (Marcus & Green, p. 123). Due to these detrimental personal and economic costs, the purpose of this scholarly paper will seek to understand, why students tend to drop out of school, the extent of the problem, and how the educators, policy makers, and government have assisted them to complete their studies.
Extent of the Problem
The rate of dropouts has been scrutinized from various perspectives. Event dropout rates gauge the proportion percentage of students who drop out of school every year before completing a certain stage of schooling (Lexander et al., p. 129) Status dropout rates estimate the percentage of the whole population of a given age, who failed to complete a certain level of schooling and currently not enrolled (Lexander, et al. p. 138). Cohort dropout measures dropping in the midst of a single group of students over a given period (Caterall, p. 321). High school achievement rates gauges the percentage of a total population of a given age who left high school and obtained a diploma or certificate (NCES, p. 43). According to the U.S. National Center for Education Statistics (NCES), that defines the percentage of young adults between ages fourteen to twenty four, who dropped school by 2000, they reported the rate that ranged between 4% to 6%. This, rate rose from 1972 through 1990. From 1990 to 2000, there was yearly fluctuation but the overall pattern range seemed to be stable ranging between 4% to 6% (NCES, p. 88).
Status dropout rates reported by NCES, as the proportion of young adults ranging between 16-24, and presently enrolled, and have obtained a diplom ...
Running head rough draft1 rough draft 15ssusere73ce3
This document summarizes and analyzes research on inclusion programs that integrate special needs students into mainstream classrooms. It discusses several studies from the 1980s that found inclusion led to closer peer relationships and a desire from both special needs and non-special needs students to remain in the same classroom. More recent research discussed found that inclusion is associated with higher academic achievement for special needs students and no negative impacts for non-special needs students. However, one study cited found physical education inclusion programs in Shanghai schools lacked resources and negatively impacted special needs students' self-esteem and socialization. Overall, the document analyzes research demonstrating cognitive and social benefits of inclusion for both groups of students when properly implemented.
Mc cormick sarraf_brckalorenz_haywood_ashe_09trinaribon
This document summarizes a study examining the experiences of transfer students compared to native students. The study uses data from the 2008 National Survey of Student Engagement to compare horizontal transfers, vertical transfers, and native students on measures of student-faculty interaction, campus relationships, satisfaction, participation in high-impact activities, and advising satisfaction. The study aims to understand similarities and differences between the transfer groups and identify any institutions where transfer students perform comparably to native students.
Teacher Education Students Living in Boarding House/DormitoriesAJHSSR Journal
ABSTRACT : Living inside the campus guarantees all sorts of good facilities will be readily and quickly
access from the gym, dining hall, classrooms, and library. This descriptive research study was aimed to
determine the factors affecting the students who live in the boarding houses/dormitories towards their academic
performance related to their financial; personal and boarding house security and if the gender of the individual
affects the performances of the students who live in the boarding house or dormitories of President Ramon
Magsaysay State University, Iba Campus, Iba, Zambales, A.Y. 2018-2019. Sixty (60) teacher education students
were chosen to be the respondents of the recent researches. The method used in this research study was a
descriptive survey questionnaire. Results revealed that Student –respondents were typically females, Academic
Performance of the student respondents is at the average level. Moderately agree on the financial, personal, and
boarding house factors affecting boarding student respondents. There is no significant difference in the factors
affecting boarding student respondents in terms of sex. There is no significant relationship between factors
affecting the boarding student – respondent in terms of the financial, personal, and boarding house. The result
of the study will be the baseline information that the Electricity supply, potable and running water must be
prioritize by the school administration. Parents should ensure enough allowance given to their children.
Boarding house/dormitories must have enough space for the study area. Conduct another study to deepen the
information provided specifically on focusing boarders privacy .
KEYWORDS : Boarding house, Financial, Personal, Academic Performance, Dormitories
Communicating Community Environment of Junior High School Students in the Fir...ijtsrd
The study investigates the community environment, particularly the learning and social communities of junior high school students in the first congressional district of Northern Samar, Philippines. The research design employed descriptive research. The sample consisted of 388 junior high school students enrolled during the Academic Year 2019 2020. The research findings revealed that while the learning community was moderately favorable, the social community was highly favorable. To sum up, the community environment was moderately favorable. It was also indicated that a communication task force should be instituted in schools. In the same manner, the schools should forge for sustainable school students community relations. Veronica A. Piczon | Leah A. De Asis | Brenfred N. Romero "Communicating Community Environment of Junior High School Students in the First Congressional District of Northern Samar, Philippines: Inputs to School-Students-Community Relations" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-6 | Issue-2 , February 2022, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd49272.pdf Paper URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/other-scientific-research-area/other/49272/communicating-community-environment-of-junior-high-school-students-in-the-first-congressional-district-of-northern-samar-philippines-inputs-to-schoolstudentscommunity-relations/veronica-a-piczon
Assessing Pupil Concerns About Transition To Secondary SchoolAaron Anyaakuu
The document describes a study that assessed the validity of a quantitative self-report measure called the School Concerns Questionnaire (SCQ) for measuring pupils' concerns about transitioning from primary to secondary school. The study involved administering the SCQ to pupils in Year 6 of primary school and Year 7 of secondary school. Results found that the SCQ showed good reliability and its factors were replicated pre- and post-transition. Higher SCQ scores post-transition were linked to less liking of school and teachers. The SCQ was also associated with anxiety and gender both pre- and post-transition.
07School Size & Youth Violence - Mediating Role of School ConnectednessAdam Volungis
This document summarizes a study that examined the relationships between school size, school connectedness, and youth violence. The study utilized longitudinal data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health. A series of multilevel models found that school connectedness partially mediated the relationship between school size and youth violence, such that larger school size was associated with lower school connectedness, which in turn was associated with higher rates of youth violence. School connectedness did not moderate the relationship between school size and youth violence. The findings suggest that maintaining quality relationships between students and school staff may help prevent violence, especially in larger school settings where connectedness can be more challenging.
3. Adolescents with and without ld make the transition to middle schoolNor Zakiah
The document summarizes research on how Hispanic students with and without learning disabilities fare academically and socially during the transition from elementary to middle school. It found that the 14 Hispanic students who were studied and had received instruction in an inclusive 6th grade classroom experienced the transition similarly, whether they had learning disabilities or not, and generally fared well in the transition to middle school. It also reviews literature showing that the transition often leads to declines for general education students in areas like academic performance and self-perceptions.
Surname 1
Name
Professor
Subject
Date
Increasing Number of School Dropouts
Introductions
Individuals who abscond school prior to high commencement can be described as school dropouts. In the current years, there has been a swift increase in the number of dropout in United States (Rumberger, p. 68). Each year, approximately one third of the students in public schools, fail to finish their high school education. According the researches, the majority of these dropouts leave school while remaining two years to complete. This disturbing trend has actually deteriorated over the past decades regardless of the fact that education was prioritized in the public agenda. Currently, the public is well informed of the seriousness of the matter of school dropout, and this has been due to lack of precise data (Bruce, p. 112).
Nonetheless, the results of these dropouts have been devastating. The notion of dropping out of school is dangerous for a student, this is because in most circumstances, that particular student is most likely to live poverty stricken life, end up unemployed, be a liability to public assistance, end up in jail, or be divorced or single parent. In this state of affairs, the nation greatly suffers from these issues of dropout due to increased costs associated with increased social services, increased cases of imprisonment and healthcare costs (Marcus & Green, p. 123). Due to these detrimental personal and economic costs, the purpose of this scholarly paper will seek to understand, why students tend to drop out of school, the extent of the problem, and how the educators, policy makers, and government have assisted them to complete their studies.
Extent of the Problem
The rate of dropouts has been scrutinized from various perspectives. Event dropout rates gauge the proportion percentage of students who drop out of school every year before completing a certain stage of schooling (Lexander et al., p. 129) Status dropout rates estimate the percentage of the whole population of a given age, who failed to complete a certain level of schooling and currently not enrolled (Lexander, et al. p. 138). Cohort dropout measures dropping in the midst of a single group of students over a given period (Caterall, p. 321). High school achievement rates gauges the percentage of a total population of a given age who left high school and obtained a diploma or certificate (NCES, p. 43). According to the U.S. National Center for Education Statistics (NCES), that defines the percentage of young adults between ages fourteen to twenty four, who dropped school by 2000, they reported the rate that ranged between 4% to 6%. This, rate rose from 1972 through 1990. From 1990 to 2000, there was yearly fluctuation but the overall pattern range seemed to be stable ranging between 4% to 6% (NCES, p. 88).
Status dropout rates reported by NCES, as the proportion of young adults ranging between 16-24, and presently enrolled, and have obtained a diplom ...
Running head rough draft1 rough draft 15ssusere73ce3
This document summarizes and analyzes research on inclusion programs that integrate special needs students into mainstream classrooms. It discusses several studies from the 1980s that found inclusion led to closer peer relationships and a desire from both special needs and non-special needs students to remain in the same classroom. More recent research discussed found that inclusion is associated with higher academic achievement for special needs students and no negative impacts for non-special needs students. However, one study cited found physical education inclusion programs in Shanghai schools lacked resources and negatively impacted special needs students' self-esteem and socialization. Overall, the document analyzes research demonstrating cognitive and social benefits of inclusion for both groups of students when properly implemented.
Mc cormick sarraf_brckalorenz_haywood_ashe_09trinaribon
This document summarizes a study examining the experiences of transfer students compared to native students. The study uses data from the 2008 National Survey of Student Engagement to compare horizontal transfers, vertical transfers, and native students on measures of student-faculty interaction, campus relationships, satisfaction, participation in high-impact activities, and advising satisfaction. The study aims to understand similarities and differences between the transfer groups and identify any institutions where transfer students perform comparably to native students.
Teacher Education Students Living in Boarding House/DormitoriesAJHSSR Journal
ABSTRACT : Living inside the campus guarantees all sorts of good facilities will be readily and quickly
access from the gym, dining hall, classrooms, and library. This descriptive research study was aimed to
determine the factors affecting the students who live in the boarding houses/dormitories towards their academic
performance related to their financial; personal and boarding house security and if the gender of the individual
affects the performances of the students who live in the boarding house or dormitories of President Ramon
Magsaysay State University, Iba Campus, Iba, Zambales, A.Y. 2018-2019. Sixty (60) teacher education students
were chosen to be the respondents of the recent researches. The method used in this research study was a
descriptive survey questionnaire. Results revealed that Student –respondents were typically females, Academic
Performance of the student respondents is at the average level. Moderately agree on the financial, personal, and
boarding house factors affecting boarding student respondents. There is no significant difference in the factors
affecting boarding student respondents in terms of sex. There is no significant relationship between factors
affecting the boarding student – respondent in terms of the financial, personal, and boarding house. The result
of the study will be the baseline information that the Electricity supply, potable and running water must be
prioritize by the school administration. Parents should ensure enough allowance given to their children.
Boarding house/dormitories must have enough space for the study area. Conduct another study to deepen the
information provided specifically on focusing boarders privacy .
KEYWORDS : Boarding house, Financial, Personal, Academic Performance, Dormitories
Communicating Community Environment of Junior High School Students in the Fir...ijtsrd
The study investigates the community environment, particularly the learning and social communities of junior high school students in the first congressional district of Northern Samar, Philippines. The research design employed descriptive research. The sample consisted of 388 junior high school students enrolled during the Academic Year 2019 2020. The research findings revealed that while the learning community was moderately favorable, the social community was highly favorable. To sum up, the community environment was moderately favorable. It was also indicated that a communication task force should be instituted in schools. In the same manner, the schools should forge for sustainable school students community relations. Veronica A. Piczon | Leah A. De Asis | Brenfred N. Romero "Communicating Community Environment of Junior High School Students in the First Congressional District of Northern Samar, Philippines: Inputs to School-Students-Community Relations" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-6 | Issue-2 , February 2022, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd49272.pdf Paper URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/other-scientific-research-area/other/49272/communicating-community-environment-of-junior-high-school-students-in-the-first-congressional-district-of-northern-samar-philippines-inputs-to-schoolstudentscommunity-relations/veronica-a-piczon
1) The document discusses research on the effects of inclusion classrooms on students without disabilities. Studies have found positive impacts on academics, social awareness, and exposure to diversity.
2) Academically, students in inclusion classrooms showed improved standardized test scores in reading and math compared to students in traditional classrooms. Socially, students reported developing empathy, acceptance of individual differences, and stronger interpersonal relationships.
3) Exposure to inclusion helped students appreciate diversity more and made them less likely to stereotype others. Overall, the research suggests inclusion benefits students without disabilities.
Academic performence and factors affecting it full 1PRASAN168
1) The document discusses factors that influence the academic performance of graduate students, including gender, age, schooling background, socioeconomic status, residential area, medium of instruction, tuition trends, and accommodation.
2) It reviews several previous studies on this topic and their findings that academic performance is positively associated with higher socioeconomic status, private schooling, urban residence, and English medium instruction.
3) The methodology section describes a study of 100 graduate students that uses questionnaires to collect data on independent variables and academic performance, which is then analyzed using statistical tests in SPSS and Excel.
This document discusses several factors that can affect students' academic achievement and experiences in university, including:
1) Teacher-student relationships, with research showing this relationship significantly impacts student success. Effective teaching methods, understanding student perspectives, and providing encouragement and feedback are important.
2) Sleep, as insufficient sleep decreases concentration, attention, and memory retention, hindering academic performance. Many students do not prioritize sleep.
3) Commuting, as long or difficult commutes reduce time available for studying and focus.
4) Working jobs during studies, which mostly impacts non-academic aspects like socializing, according to some research, though it can also strain academic performance.
Article Parent-Child Relationship,Well-Being and Home-Leaving during the Tran...LilyMulianaMustafa1
We found bidirectional associations mainly between parent–
child relationship quality and life satisfaction and between conflict with mother and stress. These
findings underline the importance of considering the changes in parent–child relationship quality
and well-being in the transition to university in a family-oriented culture.
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This work is complemented with “in situ” accomplaniment and joint research.
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Daniel Cameron International Student Literature ReviewDaniel P. Cameron
This document provides a literature review on international students in higher education in the United States. It summarizes research on three main themes: social integration, academic adaptation, and mental health issues. For social integration, the document finds that international students struggle more with social integration than domestic students and benefit from social support groups. Their social integration is also impacted by university programming and interactions with domestic students. Regarding academic adaptation, international students face challenges adjusting to a new learning culture and utilizing academic resources. They also struggle with differences in expectations. Finally, the document discusses that international students experience higher levels of stress, isolation and health issues like depression compared to domestic students.
Academic Achievement In Grade 11 And 12 In K12 High School Students In Public...Scott Donald
This document discusses a study investigating the influence of parents' educational attainment on the academic achievement of grade 11 and 12 students in public and private schools. The study utilized surveys of students, teachers, and parents in Naval Biliran, Philippines. Previous research suggests parents' education level affects children's academic outcomes through factors like resources available at home, parental values around education, involvement in schooling, and modeling of skills. However, some research has found no relationship between parental education and student achievement. The study aims to further examine the long-term effects of parental education on children's educational and occupational success when controlling for socioeconomic status and children's behaviors.
This document summarizes a study conducted by Walden University to improve student progress and retention, especially in the first year. It details the university's cultural shift to establish a clear student progress strategy and methodology for a multi-year study of retention initiatives. The study found initiatives improved student satisfaction, performance, and retention. The introduction provides historical context on the focus of retention in higher education beginning in the 1960s. It also notes challenges in online programs include competing responsibilities, lack of direct contact between students and faculty, and need for support specific to distance learners.
This article proposes a model for understanding student engagement at the classroom level. The model focuses on the interactions between three core elements: the student, the teacher, and the class content. These interactions are: student-teacher relationship, student-content relevance, teacher content and pedagogical expertise, and the intersection of all three where student engagement emanates. The quality of these interactions, such as a positive student-teacher relationship and content relevance to students' lives, influences a student's engagement in thought, feeling, and action within a classroom. The article argues this model provides teachers a framework to promote student engagement through their relationships with students and how they teach class content.
The document discusses factors that contribute to students' academic performance at the university level. It analyzes data collected from 100 students at Islamia University of Bahawalpur Rahim Yar Khan Campus in Pakistan. The study finds that age, father/guardian socioeconomic status, and daily study hours significantly impact students' grades. Previous studies have found mixed results on the relationship between prior academic performance and future university achievement.
FACTS SCHOOL INTEGRATIONThe Benefits of SocioeconomicallyMargaritoWhitt221
FACTS SCHOOL INTEGRATION
The Benefits of Socioeconomically and Racially Integrated Schools and
Classrooms
APRIL 29, 2019
https://tcf.org/topics/education/school-integration/
https://tcf.org/
Research shows that racial and socioeconomic diversity in the classroom can provide students with a range of cognitive and
social benefits. And school policies around the country are beginning to catch up. Today, over 4 million students in America are
enrolled in school districts or charter schools with socioeconomic integration policies—a number that has more than doubled
since 2007.
Here’s why the growing momentum in favor of diversity in schools is good news for all students:
Academic and Cognitive Benefits
On average, students in socioeconomically and racially diverse schools—regardless of a student’s own economic status—have
stronger academic outcomes than students in schools with concentrated poverty.
Students in integrated schools have higher average test scores. On the 2011 National Assessment of Educational
Progress (NAEP) given to fourth graders in math, for example, low-income students attending more affluent schools scored
roughly two years of learning ahead of low-income students in high-poverty schools. Controlling carefully for students’
family background, another study found that students in mixed-income schools showed 30 percent more growth in test
scores over their four years in high school than peers with similar socioeconomic backgrounds in schools with concentrated
poverty.
Students in integrated schools are more likely to enroll in college. When comparing students with similar
socioeconomic backgrounds, those students at more affluent schools are 68 percent more likely to enroll at a four-year
college than their peers at high-poverty schools.
Students in integrated schools are less likely to drop out. Dropout rates are significantly higher for students in
segregated, high-poverty schools than for students in integrated schools. During the height of desegregation in the 1970s
and 1980s, dropout rates decreased for minority students, with the greatest decline in dropout rates occurring in districts
that had undergone the largest reductions in school segregation.
Integrated schools help to reduce racial achievement gaps. In fact, the racial achievement gap in K–12 education closed
more rapidly during the peak years of school desegregation in the 1970s and 1980s than it has overall in the decades that
followed—when many desegregation policies were dismantled. More recently, black and Latino students had smaller
achievement gaps with white students on the 2007 and 2009 NAEP when they were less likely to be stuck in high-poverty
school environments. The gap in SAT scores between black and white students continues to be larger in segregated
districts, and one study showed that change from complete segregation to complete integration in a district could reduce as
much as one quarter of the current SAT scor ...
An Opportunity To Learn US History What NAEP Data Suggest Regarding The Oppo...Brandi Gonzales
This document summarizes a study that examined National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) U.S. History assessment data to better understand factors associated with 12th grade students' historical knowledge. The study found that opportunity to learn (OTL), such as instructional exposure, is associated with learning outcomes. However, Black students experience an opportunity gap, receiving less instructional exposure in U.S. History. When controlling for socioeconomic factors, instructional exposure positively predicted achievement, though some differences remained. Both student characteristics and instructional factors significantly impacted achievement. The study indicates culturally congruent instruction is needed to ensure positive learning experiences for Black students.
Exploring teaching practices that are helpful in addressing at risk students ...zahirwali
This study is conducted to explore and identify factors
that put students at risk. Secondly, it introduces teaching
practices that are found to be helpful in dealing with those
students who are entitled at-risk. The data for the study has been
collected through a critical review of available literature. The
findings indicate that different factors related to school, personal
life, family and community contribute in putting students at-risk.
The findings also show that caring and committed teaching,
involvement in learning, peer tutoring, tutoring and small groups
are the beneficial teaching practices for students at-risk.
This document summarizes a study that examined the relationship between students' educational aspirations and their educational outcomes using data from the Educational Longitudinal Study of 2002. The study found:
1) Students who aspired to graduate from a 4-year college were over 2 times more likely to obtain a postsecondary degree than students who did not know how far they would go or did not aspire to a degree.
2) Students who planned to attend postsecondary education right after high school were over 3 times more likely to obtain a degree than students who did not plan to attend right after high school.
3) Students who planned to attend postsecondary education right after high school were almost 3 times more likely to obtain
Jones fayettevvile principals and counselors perceptions of freshmen academy ...William Kritsonis
This study explored the perceptions of North Carolina freshmen academy principals and counselors regarding social and educational issues impacting student academic success. The researchers conducted a survey of 103 principals and 103 counselors. Two key themes emerged from their responses: (1) the need for a student-centered environment within the academy and (2) beliefs that the academy model could lead to improved student outcomes. Respondents identified challenges such as high teacher turnover, a lack of respect from the regular high school staff, and insufficient parental involvement. Prior to implementing the academies, schools commonly faced issues like high absenteeism, discipline problems, and low student performance among ninth-graders. The study provided insights into freshmen transition programs from
‘‘You’re Trying to Know Me’’ Studentsfrom Nondominant Group.docxodiliagilby
‘‘You’re Trying to Know Me’’: Students
from Nondominant Groups Respond to Teacher
Personalism
Kate Phillippo
Published online: 5 January 2012
� Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012
Abstract Urban school districts have increasingly enacted policies of personal-
ism, such as converting large schools into smaller schools. Such policies ask
teachers to develop supportive, individual relationships with students as a presumed
lever for student achievement. Research on student–teacher relationships generally
supports policies of personalism. Much of this literature also considers these rela-
tionships’ sociocultural dimensions, and so leads to questions about how low-
income youth and youth of color might respond to teacher efforts to develop closer
relationships with them. This qualitative study, conducted over 1 year with 34 youth
at 3 small, urban high schools, explores how youth from nondominant groups
responded to teacher personalism. Data show that teacher practices consistent with
culturally-responsive pedagogy and relational trust literature do promote student–
teacher relationships. However, tensions arose when participants perceived that
teacher personalism threatened their privacy or agency. Sociocultural and institu-
tional contexts contributed to these tensions, as participants navigated personalism
amidst experiences that constrained their trust in schools. A staged model of stu-
dent–teacher relationships integrates these findings and extends current thinking
about culturally-responsive personalism. These findings inform implications for
teacher practice and policies of personalism.
Keywords Urban education � Student–teacher relationships �
Teacher personalism � Relational trust � Culturally-responsive pedagogy �
Small schools
K. Phillippo (&)
Department of Cultural and Educational Policy Studies, School of Education, Loyola University
Chicago, 820 North Michigan Avenue, Suite 1100, Chicago, IL 60611, USA
e-mail: [email protected]
123
Urban Rev (2012) 44:441–467
DOI 10.1007/s11256-011-0195-9
You’re here for science, for math, and you’re trying to know me.
(Lupe, age 17)
Lupe expressed uncertainty about teacher personalism, defined as teachers’
efforts to provide students with personal support via individual, interpersonal
relationships (Bryk et al. 2010).
1
By contrast, Malik (age 16) affirmed his teacher’s
efforts to address his poor attendance at school. ‘‘She started getting on me. She was
worried about me and she didn’t want me roaming the streets. She wasn’t acting like
my mom, she just told me how she feels.’’ Together, Malik and Lupe’s statements
illustrate this study’s primary finding, that teacher personalism has the potential to
both deliver support and bring about tension. This finding expands and complicates
our understanding of research that shows the positive impact of student–teacher
relationships, particularly for students from nondominant groups.
2
I conducted this
study ...
Across the country schools face a multitude of challenges related to student discipline and school climate that potentially impact social and academic outcomes for students. Schools are continually changing and the demands that students face daily have increased at a rapid rate. When students are ill-equipped to face such demands, and traditional reactive approaches to discipline are employed, there is an increased likelihood that they will drop out, or will face punitive measures that do not ultimately improve behaviors (Morrissey et al., 2010). Choosing to dropout of high school may cause serious repercussions for students, their communities and families. Although many interventions currently used to decrease the number of dropouts do not have strong evidence to support their effectiveness (Freeman et al., 2015), several studies conducted in the past 20 years indicate that improved outcomes for students graduating high school have occurred through various interventions. School of Life (SOLF) is a intervention offered as an alternative to in school detention and suspensions. Although other dropout prevention programs have been evaluated, SOLF is a time and resource efficient method for targeting dropout and students who have participated in this intervention over the past three years have seen positive results, including higher rates of graduation (Baggaley, 2015). The purpose of the current study was to answer the following three research questions: 1. What is the effect of the SOLF on grade advancement/dropout rates? 2. What is the effect of SOLF on attendance? 3. What is the effect of SOLF on school connectedness and student motivation?
Influence of Parents on the Persistence Decisions of First-generation Coelleg...William Kritsonis
This study examines the influence of parents on first-generation college students' decisions to persist in their education. The study found that most first-generation students reported high self-efficacy. They received moderate to low parental support, with parents providing little help or monitoring. There was no correlation found between parental influence and students' self-efficacy. The study concludes that institutions should develop programs to replace the lack of parental support, such as mentoring from upperclassmen and programs to help first-generation parents understand the college experience.
This study examines the influence of parents on first-generation college students' decisions to persist in their education. It finds that while first-generation students report high levels of self-efficacy, they perceive only moderate levels of support from their parents. Parents provide low levels of help and involvement for first-generation students. There is no correlation found between parental influence and students' self-efficacy. The study concludes that institutions should develop programs to replace the lack of parental support for first-generation students, such as peer mentoring programs and resources to help parents understand the college experience.
(10 SheetsSet) European Pastoral Style Retro Love LeCassie Romero
The document outlines a 5-step process for requesting writing assistance from HelpWriting.net:
1. Create an account with a password and email.
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Columbia College Chicago, Chicago Admission, Criteria ApplicationCassie Romero
The document provides instructions for using the HelpWriting.net service to get assistance with writing assignments. It outlines a 5-step process: 1) Create an account and provide contact details. 2) Complete an order form with instructions, sources, and deadline. 3) Review bids from writers and choose one. 4) Review the completed paper and authorize payment. 5) Request revisions until satisfied, with a refund option for plagiarized work. The service aims to match users with qualified writers and ensure satisfaction through revisions.
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‘‘You’re Trying to Know Me’’: Students
from Nondominant Groups Respond to Teacher
Personalism
Kate Phillippo
Published online: 5 January 2012
� Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012
Abstract Urban school districts have increasingly enacted policies of personal-
ism, such as converting large schools into smaller schools. Such policies ask
teachers to develop supportive, individual relationships with students as a presumed
lever for student achievement. Research on student–teacher relationships generally
supports policies of personalism. Much of this literature also considers these rela-
tionships’ sociocultural dimensions, and so leads to questions about how low-
income youth and youth of color might respond to teacher efforts to develop closer
relationships with them. This qualitative study, conducted over 1 year with 34 youth
at 3 small, urban high schools, explores how youth from nondominant groups
responded to teacher personalism. Data show that teacher practices consistent with
culturally-responsive pedagogy and relational trust literature do promote student–
teacher relationships. However, tensions arose when participants perceived that
teacher personalism threatened their privacy or agency. Sociocultural and institu-
tional contexts contributed to these tensions, as participants navigated personalism
amidst experiences that constrained their trust in schools. A staged model of stu-
dent–teacher relationships integrates these findings and extends current thinking
about culturally-responsive personalism. These findings inform implications for
teacher practice and policies of personalism.
Keywords Urban education � Student–teacher relationships �
Teacher personalism � Relational trust � Culturally-responsive pedagogy �
Small schools
K. Phillippo (&)
Department of Cultural and Educational Policy Studies, School of Education, Loyola University
Chicago, 820 North Michigan Avenue, Suite 1100, Chicago, IL 60611, USA
e-mail: [email protected]
123
Urban Rev (2012) 44:441–467
DOI 10.1007/s11256-011-0195-9
You’re here for science, for math, and you’re trying to know me.
(Lupe, age 17)
Lupe expressed uncertainty about teacher personalism, defined as teachers’
efforts to provide students with personal support via individual, interpersonal
relationships (Bryk et al. 2010).
1
By contrast, Malik (age 16) affirmed his teacher’s
efforts to address his poor attendance at school. ‘‘She started getting on me. She was
worried about me and she didn’t want me roaming the streets. She wasn’t acting like
my mom, she just told me how she feels.’’ Together, Malik and Lupe’s statements
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both deliver support and bring about tension. This finding expands and complicates
our understanding of research that shows the positive impact of student–teacher
relationships, particularly for students from nondominant groups.
2
I conducted this
study ...
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A Longitudinal Study Of School Belonging And Academic Motivation Across High School
1. Running head: SCHOOL BELONGING OVER THE COURSE OF HIGH SCHOOL
1
A Longitudinal Study of School Belonging and Academic Motivation across High School
May 3, 2012
Author note: Support for this study was provided by a grant from the Russell Sage
Foundation. Both authors are affiliated with: University of California, Los Angeles
2. School belonging over the course of high school 2
Abstract
This longitudinal study examined how school belonging changes over the years of high school,
and how it is associated with academic achievement and motivation. Students from Latin-
American, Asian, and European backgrounds participated (N = 572; age span = 13.94 to 19.15
years). In 9th
grade, girls’ school belonging was higher than boys’. Over the course of high
school, however, girls’ school belonging declined, whereas boys’ remained stable. Within-person
longitudinal analyses indicated that years in which students had higher school belonging were
also years in which they felt that school was more enjoyable and more useful, above and beyond
their actual level of achievement. Results highlight the importance of belonging for maintaining
students' academic engagement during the teenage years.
Keywords: school belonging, academic motivation, longitudinal, adolescent development, high
school
3. School belonging over the course of high school 3
A Longitudinal Study of School Belonging and Academic Motivation across High School
Late adolescence, when students are in high school, may be a time when feeling a sense
of belonging or connectedness with one’s school is critically important. High school students, for
example, reach the age at which education is no longer compulsory, and the extent to which
students maintain a sense of belonging at school may predict whether or not they leave high
school prematurely, a decision which can have life-long social and economic implications (Finn,
1989; Rouse & Kemple, 2009). Despite the importance of school belonging during this
developmental period, most research has been conducted with children and early adolescents,
leaving school belonging among middle and late adolescents relatively unexplored (Liu & Lu,
2011; Witherspoon & Ennett, 2011).
In particular, little is known about what happens to school belonging over the course of
high school and the extent to which school belonging is truly associated with academic
achievement and values among high school students from different ethnic backgrounds.
Although findings from early adolescence suggest that students may become progressively less
connected to school over time, key differences between early and middle to late adolescents
suggest that declines in school belonging that occur in middle school may not continue into high
school (Anderman, 2003; Green, Rhodes, Hirsch, Suarez-Orozco, & Camic, 2008; Witherspoon
& Ennett, 2011). Furthermore, although school belonging is often found to be associated with
academic achievement and values (Pittman & Richmond, 2007; Roeser, Midgley, & Urdan,
1996), there are some inconsistencies in these findings (Booker, 2006; Dotterer, McHale, &
Crouter, 2007; Liu & Lu, 2011; Singh, Chang, & Dika, 2010).
In order to address the limitations of previous school belonging work, the current study
followed a diverse group of students across each year of high school. This longitudinal study was
4. School belonging over the course of high school 4
specifically designed to investigate whether school belonging tends to decline over the course of
high school and whether high school students’ school belonging translates into higher academic
achievement and motivation. In examining school belonging, we focused on students’ social and
emotional connection with their academic institutions or the people within their academic
institutions. Other researchers have examined differently-named constructs (e.g., school identity,
school connectedness, and emotional engagement) that, despite their names, tap essentially the
same concepts. In the review that follows, therefore, we include work that focuses on students’
social and emotional connections to school, regardless of the exact nomenclature.
Development of School Belonging
Although there is individual variability in how school belonging changes over the course
of development, there is a generally normative trend for school belonging to decline from
childhood to early adolescence (Anderman, 2003; Anderman & Anderman, 1999). In childhood,
when students are in elementary school, reports of school belonging tend to be universally high
(Fredricks, Blumenfeld, Friedel, & Paris, 2005; Morrison, Cosden, O'Farrell, & Campos, 2003).
As students enter adolescence, average school belonging tends to drop significantly, especially
among students transitioning into middle school (Eccles, Wigfield et al., 1993). Across the
course of the early adolescence, school belonging generally continues to decline (Anderman,
2002; Ding & Hall, 2007).
Unlike school belonging research conducted with children and early adolescents, the
limited school belonging research that has been conducted with older students offers mixed
findings. A few studies have examined students’ school belonging as they transition from middle
to high school. These studies indicate that compared with the transition to middle school,
changes in school belonging may be less normative when transitioning to high school (Benner &
5. School belonging over the course of high school 5
Graham, 2007). Most studies that have examined school belonging beyond the high school
transition have relied on cross-sectional data. Although some of these cross-sectional studies
suggest that school belonging generally declines over the course of high school, others suggest
that school belonging remains stable or increases slightly (Meeus & Dekovic, 1995; Whitlock,
2006). Witherspoon and Ennett (2011) conducted one of the few studies that has employed
longitudinal data among high school students; they found that school belonging decreased during
the transition to and first year of high school, but then increased slightly across the rest of high
school. This study, however, focused only on students from predominately rural counties. Thus,
unlike in childhood and early adolescence, it is unclear whether there are general trends in school
belonging across middle and late adolescence. Unfortunately, even turning to an examination of
the theoretical reasons why school belonging declines across development offers equivocal
predictions for what might happen in late adolescence.
As argued by stage-environment fit theory, one reason for the drop in school belonging
among early adolescents is a relatively ubiquitous mismatch between adolescent students’
developmental needs and the environments that their schools typically provide (Eccles, Midgley
et al., 1993; Eccles & Roeser, 2009). As students enter adolescence, for example, their
developmental needs for autonomy and positive relationships with non-parental adults increase
(Eccles, Early, Fraser, Belansky, & McCarthy, 1997). Simultaneously, however, the structures of
most adolescents’ schools tend to provide authoritarian rule enforcement and few opportunities
for the development of teacher-student relationships (Eccles, Midgley et al., 1993; Roeser,
Eccles, & Sameroff, 2000). As indicated above, school belonging does tend to decrease after
middle school matriculation, and it continues to decrease over the course of middle school (e.g.,
Finn, 1989; Whitlock, 2006). This decline is especially steep among students who report that
6. School belonging over the course of high school 6
their needs are not met and, importantly, school belonging declines less or not at all among the
minority of middle-school students who report that their needs are met by their school
environments (Anderman, 2003; Brewster & Bowen, 2004; Eccles et al., 1997).
Similarities between middle- and high-school environments and students may result in
continued needs-environment mismatches among a majority of high school students. Like middle
schools, high schools tend to be large and have fully-departmentalized curriculums, both of
which can attenuate feelings of autonomy and student-teacher relationships (Alfaro, Umaña-
Taylor, & Bamaca, 2006; Davis, 2003; Gilman & Anderman, 2006). Differences between
middle- and high-school environments and students, however, may result in better fit between
high-school environments and students’ developmental needs. Compared with middle schools,
for example, high schools tend to offer students more choice in coursework and have more
support staff (e.g., guidance counselors), meeting students’ needs for autonomous decision-
making and supportive adult relationships (Eccles & Roeser, 2005; Hargreaves, Earl, & Ryan,
1996). High-school students, themselves, may need less support from their school environment
given that they are older and more mature, have already successfully navigated one major school
transition, and generally have already entered puberty and therefore are not simultaneously
navigating biological as well as social transitions (Anderson, Jacobs, Schramm, & Splittgerber,
2000; Hargreaves et al., 1996). Thus, even considering stage-environment fit, research does not
offer a clear prediction for whether to expect normative changes in school belonging across the
course of high school.
Very few studied have longitudinally examined school belonging in high school. Even
school belonging studies that have drawn from longitudinal datasets have either restricted
analyses to data from a single year and used a cross-sectional approach (e.g., McNeely,
7. School belonging over the course of high school 7
Nonnemaker, & Blum, 2002), restricted analyses to a limited sample (e.g., youth living in rural
communites; Witherspoon & Ennett, 2011), or failed to test the significance of longitudinal
changes in school belonging (Liu & Lu, 2011). The current study assessed school belonging
among diverse students during each year of high school and was specifically designed to
examine how students’ school belonging changes over the course of high school.
School Belonging and Academic Achievement and Values
In addition to being an indicator of the extent to which students’ needs are met by their
academic institutions, school belonging may be an important source of students’ academic
achievement and values. Drawing on the idea that belonging is a fundamental human need and,
as such, is a prerequisite for positive outcomes in any domain (Baumeister & Leary, 1995), many
theories of academic achievement include the idea that students’ sense of personal connection to
their academic institution supports internalization of academic values, encourages academic-
supporting behaviors, and therefore, plays a role in academic success (e.g., Eccles, 2004; Finn,
1989; Voelkl, 1997).
Across studies, however, associations between school belonging and academic
achievement have been inconsistently observed. Although some research has found that students
who have higher school belonging tend to have higher achievement (Anderman, 2002; Walton &
Cohen, 2007), other studies have found no association between school belonging and
achievement (Dotterer et al., 2007; Liu & Lu, 2011), and others have found inconsistent
associations. Battistich, Solomon, Kim, Watson, and Schaps (1995), for example, found that
school belonging is associated with achievement test scores, but not with reading or writing
performance. Singh et al. (2010) found that school belonging is associated with self-reported
8. School belonging over the course of high school 8
grades among African-American high school students, but not among European-American high
school students.
Different studies have employed different measures of achievement, including
standardized test scores (Adams & Singh, 1998), self-reported grades (Finn & Frone, 2004), and
grades from school records (Kuperminc, Darnell, & Alvarez-Jimenez, 2008). Different studies
have also focused on different populations of students, including students of different ages,
genders, ethnic backgrounds, and generational status. Thus, it is possible that methodological and
population differences could account for some of the discrepancies. It is also possible, however,
that school belonging is not reliably associated with achievement. School belonging research has
almost exclusively relied on between-person associations. Thus, instances in which school
belonging seems to be associated with achievement may be attributable to confounding between-
person variables that were not assessed.
In the current study, we measured school belonging and academic achievement among
the same students over the course of many years. In this study, therefore, each participant could
essentially serve as their own control group, and these data allow us to move beyond between-
person questions (e.g., do the students with higher school belonging tend to be the students with
higher achievement?) and allow us to answer within-person questions (e.g., during a year when a
student reports higher than personal average school belonging, does this same student also report
higher than personal average achievement?). Thus, the longitudinal design provides a
conservative test of the association between school belonging and academic outcomes.
Unlike school belonging and achievement, associations between school belonging and
academic values have been consistently demonstrated. Students who are more connected to their
schools tend to also report liking school more and persevering in school for intrinsic reasons (i.e.,
9. School belonging over the course of high school 9
self-driven reasons such as interest; Close & Solberg, 2008; Gilman & Anderman, 2006; Ibañez,
Kuperminc, Jurkovic, & Perilla, 2004). Thus, despite school belonging’s inconsistent direct
association with achievement, school belonging may nonetheless indirectly support achievement
by helping students maintain engagement with the academic enterprise. Again, however,
previous studies’ results draw almost exclusively from between-person associations. As
mentioned above, the current study examined the within-person associations between school
belonging and academic values. We included two types of academic values that are likely to be
very relevant for high school students—intrinsic value (i.e., the extent to which students enjoy
school) and utility value (i.e., the extent to which student’s feel that school is useful to their
current or future lives; Eccles, 1983).
Group Differences
In addition to considering the development of school belonging across all students, the
current study also examined whether school belonging develops differently among certain
groups of students. Given previous research suggesting that changes in school belonging may be
less normative among high school students, examining these group differences may be especially
important during this time period. Although broad social groups (e.g., gender and ethnicity)
comprise heterogeneous individuals, if typical school environments tend to differentially meet
the needs of students from different groups, group membership may be associated with average
differences in school belonging (Goodenow, 1993b; Smith & Tyler, 1997).
Across studies of school belonging, there is a fairly consistent gender difference with
girls tending to report higher school belonging than boys. This gender difference is demonstrated
across a range of student ages, including elementary, middle school, and early high school
students (Anderman, 2002; Hughes, Zhang, & Hill, 2006; Kenny & Bledsoe, 2005; Voelkl,
10. School belonging over the course of high school 10
1997). Girls’ higher school belonging may be consistent with the idea that, from an early age,
schools’ and teachers’ behavioral expectations are more consistent with behavior that is more
typical among girls (Banse, Gawronski, Rebetez, Gutt, & Morton, 2010). There is some
evidence, however, that the gender difference in school belonging may decrease in the latter
years of high school (Witherspoon & Ennett, 2011).
Unlike gender, ethnic differences in school belonging have been inconsistently observed.
Theoretically, a number of researchers have predicted that ethnic-minority students would report
lower school belonging than their ethnic-majority peers, perhaps because of negative academic
stereotypes that ethnic-minority students often face (Garcia-Reid, 2007; Goodenow & Grady,
1993; Ibañez et al., 2004). Empirically, however, while some studies do report that ethnic-
minority students have lower school belonging, other studies do not (Booker, 2006; Goodenow,
1993b; Voelkl, 1997). One possible reason for this lack of consensus is that ethnic differences in
school belonging may depend on factors such as school and neighborhood diversity that vary
widely between studies (Benner & Graham, 2007).
Like school belonging research in general, most studies that have examined group
differences have been conducted among younger students and have focused on differences at a
single time point. Questions remain, therefore, as to whether there are gender or ethnic
differences in school belonging in high school and whether these differences change over time.
Beyond differences in mean levels of school belonging, it is also possible that there are group
differences in the associations between school belonging and other outcomes. According to the
concept of functional substitution, for example, any resource is especially influential among
students who have fewer resources in general (Mirowsky & Ross, 2003). Thus, it is possible that
school belonging is associated with achievement only among students who face increased risk of
11. School belonging over the course of high school 11
academic challenges (Crosnoe, Johnson, & Elder, 2004; Goodenow & Grady, 1993). To the
extent that boys may have lower general school belonging or ethnic-minority students may face
negative stereotypes at school, any school belonging that these students are able to maintain in
spite of these challenges may be especially associated with achievement. Indeed, there is some
evidence that although school belonging is associated with higher intrinsic motivation among all
students, this association is especially strong among students from Latin-American backgrounds
(Bennett & Sani, 2003).
The current study included boys and girls from Asian, European, and Latin-American
backgrounds. Our diverse sample allowed us to examine whether there are group differences in
average levels of school belonging, differences in how school belonging changes across the
course of high school, and differences in the associations between school belonging and other
academic outcomes. For levels of school belonging, like previous work, we expect that girls will
report higher school belonging than boys. Given the contradictory findings regarding ethnic
differences, we make no a priori prediction about the comparative levels of school belonging
between students from the different ethnic backgrounds included in this study. For the
associations between school belonging, GPA, and academic values, we speculate that these
associations will be especially strong among boys and students from Latin-American
backgrounds.
Goals of the Study
In summary, this study sought to answer two main questions: (1) on average, what
happens to students’ school belonging over the course of high school, and (2) within individual
high school students, how is school belonging associated with academic achievement and
values? In addition to these primary questions, we also examined whether levels of school
12. School belonging over the course of high school 12
belonging or associations with school belonging differ by gender or ethnicity. To answer these
questions, we tracked students’ school belonging, academic achievement, and academic values
longitudinally over the four years of high school. We then employed multi-level analyses to
examine the within-person associations between school belonging and academic outcomes.
Method
Participants
Beginning in 9th
and continuing in 10th
, 11th
, and 12th
grades, we recruited students from
three public high schools in Los Angeles to participate in a larger longitudinal study. Each school
had a unique ethnic and socioeconomic composition, but no school was dominated by a single
ethnic group. Instead, the two largest ethnic groups of each school composed 30%–50% of the
total population (California Department of Education, 2006). School 1 primarily served students
from Latin-American and Asian backgrounds whose families had lower-middle to middle-class
educational and occupational statuses. School 2 primarily served students from Latin-American
and European backgrounds whose families were lower-middle to middle class. Finally, school 3
primarily served students from families with Asian and European backgrounds who were
middle- to upper-middle class. At the time of the study, these three schools also had different
average levels of achievement. School 1 tended to be in the lower-average to average range of
the achievement distribution of schools within the state of California, school 2 tended to be in the
average range, and school 3 tended to be in the above-average range (California Department of
Education, 2006).
In schools 1 and 2, we invited the entire 9th
grade to participate in the first year of the
study. This same recruitment strategy was employed in subsequent years—during each year of
the study, we invited all students in the target grade at these two schools to participate. Across
13. School belonging over the course of high school 13
the years of the study, the participation rate at school 1 ranged from 57–63%, and the
participation rate at school 2 ranged from 63–69%. The large size of school 3 made it infeasible
to recruit all students in a given grade. In this school, therefore, we invited approximately half
the 9th
graders to participate the first year of the study, and 53% of those invited agreed to
participate. In subsequent years, we only followed those students from school 3 who had
participated in 9th
grade. At all three schools, students who had participated in earlier years but
were no longer enrolled in the school were contacted and invited to participate by mail in
subsequent years.
For the current study, we examined responses from the students who were from Latin-
American, Asian, or European backgrounds and who participated in at least two of the four years
of the study. Of the 467 participants who began this study when they were in 9th
grade, 97%
participated in 10th
grade, 87% participated in 11th
grade, and 88% participated in 12th
grade. Of
the 93 participants who began this study when they were in 10th
grade, 95% participated in 11th
grade, and 91% participated in 12th
grade. All 12 of the participants who began this study when
they were in 11th
grade participated again when they were in 12th
grade.
In total, 572 participants were included in the current study. During the first wave of data
collection (i.e., when participants were in the 9th
grade), participants ranged in age from 13.94 to
16.22 (M = 14.88, SD = 0.39). The majority of the 210 participants from Latin-American
families had Mexican backgrounds (82.4%), and these participants included 40 adolescents who
were first-generation immigrants (i.e., they and their parents were born outside the United
States), 130 adolescents who were second-generation (i.e., they were born in the United States,
but at least one of their parents was not), and 40 adolescents who were third-generation or later
(i.e., they and both of their parents were born in the United States). The majority of the 246
14. School belonging over the course of high school 14
participants from Asian families had Chinese backgrounds (67.1%), and these participants
included 77 first-generation adolescents, 158 second-generation adolescents, and 11 third- or
later-generation adolescents. Finally, the 116 participants from European backgrounds included
12 first-generation adolescents, 12 second-generation adolescents, and 92 third- or later-
generation adolescents.
As a measure of socioeconomic status (SES), we combined students’ reports of their
parents’ education and occupation. Students reported how far their mothers and fathers went in
school by selecting one of the following categories: elementary/junior high school, some high
school, graduated from high school, some college, graduated from college, or law, medical, or
graduate school. Students’ open-ended reports of their mothers’ and fathers’ jobs were coded
into the following five categories: unskilled, semiskilled, skilled, semiprofessional, or
professional. These four measures (mother’s and father’s education and mother’s and father’s
occupation) were each standardized and summed to provide an overall index of SES. On
average, students from European backgrounds reported higher SES (M = 0.70, SD = 0.55) than
students from Asian backgrounds (M = 0.05, SD = 0.78), who in turn, reported higher SES than
students from Latin-American backgrounds (M = -0.52, SD = 0.70), F(2,567) = 114.71, p < .001,
η2
= .29. These ethnic differences held even after controlling for differences in immigrant
background.
Procedure
Participant recruitment and data collection were conducted during school hours. Students
who returned parental consent forms and provided their own assent completed self-report
questionnaires during class time. Consent forms and questionnaires were available to students
15. School belonging over the course of high school 15
and their parents in Spanish, Chinese, and English; all participants chose to complete the survey
in English.
Measures
School belonging. Items from Tyler’s work on institutional engagement (Tyler &
Degoey, 1995) were revised to assess the extent to which students feel a sense of belonging with
their school. Using a 5-point response scale (1 = strongly disagree and 5 = strongly agree),
students rated their agreement with the following seven statements: I feel close to people at my
school, I feel like I am a part of my school, I am happy to be at my school, My school is
important to the way I think of myself as a person, I feel a sense that I personally belong at my
school, I feel like a valued member of my school, and I do not feel like an important part of my
school (reversed). The final measure was an average of participants’ responses to all seven items.
Across each year of the study, this scale possessed good internal consistency (αs = .86–.89) and
was similarly reliable for the adolescents from all three ethnic backgrounds (Latino: αs = .85–
.89, Asian: αs = .85–.89, European: αs = .88–.92).
Academic achievement. Participants’ grades were collected from school records at the
end of each school year. Using a 5-point scale (0 = F to 4 = A), yearly grade-point averages
(GPAs) were calculated by averaging students’ grades across all of their classes for both
semesters of each grade.
Intrinsic value of school. The extent to which students believe that school is intrinsically
valuable was assessed by averaging students’ responses to two items: In general, I find working
on school work... (1 = very boring to 5 = very interesting) and How much do you like working
on school work? (1 = a little to 5 = a lot). These items were adapted from Eccles (1983) and
were highly correlated with one another each year of the study (rs = .66–.73, ps < .001). These
16. School belonging over the course of high school 16
items were similarly correlated among adolescents from all three ethnic backgrounds (Latino: rs
= .63–.69, Asian: rs = .63–.75, European: rs = .67–.75, ps < .001).
Utility value of school. This measure was also adapted from Eccles (1983) and assessed
the extent to which students believe that school is a useful enterprise. Using a 1 (not at all useful)
to 5 (very useful) scale, students responded to three items: Right now, how useful do you find
things you learn in school to be in your everyday life? In the future, how useful do you think the
things you have learned in school will be in your everyday life? How useful do you think the
things you have learned in school will be for what you want to be after you graduate? The final
scale was an average of students’ responses to these three items. This scale had good internal
consistency each year of the study (αs = .77–.82) and was similarly reliable for each ethnic group
(Latino: αs = .75–.84, Asian: αs = .74–.83, European: αs = .82–.84).
Results
Sample means, standard deviations, and correlations for each variable in each year of the
study are presented in Table 1.
Participation Analyses
The sample for the current study included the adolescents who participated in two, three,
or all four years of the study. Despite this inclusive criteria, most adolescents participated in all
four years (M = 3.54 years, SD = 0.66). Initial analyses were conducted to examine whether
participants differed according to the number of years in which they participated. Because
participants could potentially enter the study during different years of data collection, a variable
was created to indicate the percentage of possible years each participant took part in the study. A
participant who began the study in 9th
grade, for example, had four possible years, whereas a
participant who began the study in 10th
grade had only three possible years. On average,
17. School belonging over the course of high school 17
participants took part in the study in 93.5% (SD = 13.9) of their possible years. Between-subjects
analyses of variance (ANOVAs) indicated only one demographic difference in proportion of
years participated; students from Asian backgrounds tended to participate in a higher proportion
of years (95.4%) than students from Latin-American backgrounds (91.8%), F(2,569) = 4.17, p =
.016, η2
= .01). There were no other ethnic, gender, generation, or SES differences in proportion
of years participated. To determine if there were differences in any of the yearly-varying
variables (i.e., school belonging, GPA, intrinsic value of school, and utility value of school) as a
function of participation, hierarchical linear models (HLM; Bryk & Raudenbush, 1992) were
estimated using the following equations:
school belonging, etcij = b0j + eij (1)
b0j = c00 + c01(participation j) + u0j (2)
where Equation 1 represents adolescents’ scores on the yearly-varying variables, and Equation 2
represents these scores as a function of adolescents’ degree of participation (i.e., the percentage
of possible years that they took part in the study). For three of the four variables, there were no
differences based on degree of participation; adolescents’ average school belonging, intrinsic
value of school, and utility value of school did not differ according to the percentage of possible
years that they took part in the study. The one exception was GPA; participants with higher
degrees of participation tended to have higher GPAs (b = 1.26, p < .001).
School Differences
Given that participants in this study were drawn from three different schools (school 1: n
= 267, school 2: n = 114, and school 3: n = 191), we conducted a series of ANOVAs to examine
whether any of the key study variables (averaged across the years of high school) differed by
school. Controlling for ethnicity and SES, there were no differences between schools in average
18. School belonging over the course of high school 18
school belonging (F(2,560) = 0.83, p = .436, η2
= .003), average GPA (F(2,560) = 1.28, p = .278,
η2
= .005), or average intrinsic value of school (F(2,560) = 1.07, p = .345, η2
= .004). Average
utility value, however, did differ slightly by school; students who attended school 1 reported
higher utility value (M = 3.71, SD = 0.72) than students who attended either school 2 (M = 3.30,
SD = 0.71) or school 3 (M = 3.17, SD = 0.64), F(2,560) = 3.80, p = .023, η2
= .013.
For all of our primary research questions, we initially conducted two-level HLMs (level 1
= years and level 2 = individuals). We then reran these analyses as three-level HLMs (level 1 =
years, level 2 = individuals, and level 3 = schools) to account for the fact that our participants
were nested within schools. In all cases, the results of the three-level models were identical to
those of the two-level models, and therefore, we only report the coefficients from the more
parsimonious two-level models.
School Belonging over the Course of High School
The first goal of this study was to examine students’ sense of school belonging over the
course of high school. To address this goal, two-level HLMs were estimated using the following
equations:
school belongingij = b0j + b1j(yearij) + eij (3)
b0j = c00 + c01(femalej) + c02(Latinoj) + c03(Asianj) + c04(SESj) + u0j (4)
b1j = c10 + c11(femalej) + c12(Latinoj) + c13(Asianj) + c14(SESj) + u1j (5)
As shown in Equation 3, adolescents’ school belonging during a particular year (i) for a
particular individual (j) was modeled as a function of average school belonging during the first
year of the study (i.e., 9th
grade; b0j) and the average change in school belonging that occurred
over each additional year of the study (i.e., the slope; b1j). Year was coded such that the first year
of the study (9th
grade) = 0, 10th
grade = 1, 11th
grade = 2, and 12th
grade = 3. As shown in
19. School belonging over the course of high school 19
Equations 4 and 5, average school belonging during 9th
grade and average slope of school
belonging were modeled as a function of adolescents’ gender, ethnicity, and SES. Gender was
dummy coded such that males = 0 and females = 1. The two ethnicity variables were also
dummy coded such that students from European backgrounds were the comparison group.
As shown in Table 2 and in Figure 1, results indicated that controlling for SES, females
reported higher school belonging in 9th
grade. Over the course of high school, however, females’
sense of school belonging declined, whereas males’ sense of school belonging did not change.
Female students’ average school belonging declined 6.92% from 9th
grade to 12th
grade; male
students’ average school belonging stayed similar across high school. As a result, females and
males had similar levels of school belonging by the end of high school.
None of the ethnicity terms reached significance, indicating that students from Latin-
American, Asian, and European backgrounds reported similar levels of school belonging in 9th
grade, and on average, students from these three groups reported similar slopes of school
belonging over the course of high school. The standard deviations of the estimates of school
belonging’s intercept and slope were significant. These standard deviations indicate that, across
individuals, there was significant variance in both 9th
-grade school belonging and the slope of
school belonging across the years of high school.
In this and all subsequent analyses, we initially examined main effects of gender and
ethnicity and then estimated additional models that included gender-by-ethnicity interaction
terms. These analyses tested whether observed gender differences were consistent across
ethnicity and, conversely, whether observed ethnic differences were consistent across gender. In
the current analysis, all interaction terms for the intercept of school belonging were
nonsignificant. For the slope of school belonging, however, the interaction between gender and
20. School belonging over the course of high school 20
Latin-American background was significant (b = -0.17, p = .032). This interaction indicates that
the gender difference in school belonging slopes (i.e., females’ school belonging declining more
steeply than males’) is more pronounced among students from Latin-American backgrounds
compared with students from European-American backgrounds. Finally, we estimated additional
models that included generation. These analyses indicated whether observed ethnic differences
were artifacts of immigrant background. For both the intercept and the slope of school belonging,
none of the generation terms reached significance.
School Belonging and Academic Achievement
The second goal of this study was to examine whether students’ sense of school
belonging in any given year can predict their academic achievement in that same year. To
address this goal, a series of hierarchical linear models were estimated using the following
equations:
GPAij = b0j + b1j(yearij) + b2j(school belongingij) + eij (6)
b0j = c00 + c01(femalej) + c02(Latinoj) + c03(Asianj) + c04(SESj) + u0j (7)
b1j = c10 + c11(femalej) + c12(Latinoj) + c13(Asianj) + c14(SESj) + u1j (8)
b2j = c20 + c21(femalej) + c22(Latinoj) + c23(Asianj) + c24(SESj) + u2j (9)
Equation 6 represents adolescents’ GPA as a function of the within-person association between
school belonging and GPA (b2j) while controlling for normative levels of high school GPA
(average GPA during 9th
grade: b0j and the average slope of GPA across the years of the study:
b1j). In this equation, school belonging was centered at each individual’s mean, and all other
predictors were uncentered. As can be seen in Equations 7, 8, and 9, average GPA in 9th
grade,
average slope of GPA over the course of high school, and the within-person association between
school belonging and GPA were each modeled as a function of adolescents’ gender, ethnicity,
21. School belonging over the course of high school 21
and SES. As before, gender and ethnicity were dummy coded such that males and students from
European backgrounds were the comparison groups.
Results indicated no within-person association between school belonging and GPA (b =
0.04, p = .273) and this non-significant association did not differ by gender or ethnicity (bs: -
0.03–0.05). In other words, students’ school belonging for a particular year had no association
with their GPA in that same year.
School Belonging and Academic Motivation
To examine whether students’ sense of school belonging in any given year can predict
their academic values in that same year, a series of hierarchical linear models were estimated.
These models were similar to Equations 6, 7, 8, and 9, but included either intrinsic value or
utility value of school (rather than GPA) as the outcome.
As shown in Table 3, results indicated positive within-person associations between
school belonging and intrinsic value of school and between school belonging and utility value of
school. In other words, years in which individuals reported higher-than-personal-average school
belonging were likely to be years in which these same individuals also reported higher intrinsic
value and higher utility value.
For intrinsic value, the within-person association with school belonging was invariant
across gender and ethnicity; the average association between school belonging and intrinsic
value was similar for males and females from Latin-American, Asian, and European
backgrounds. For utility value, the association differed by gender, but not by ethnicity. The
positive association between school belonging and utility value was significant for both genders,
but was stronger for males than it was for females. Follow-up tests of gender-by-ethnicity
interactions were nonsignificant, indicating that the gender difference in the association between
22. School belonging over the course of high school 22
school belonging and utility value was consistent across students from Latin-American, Asian,
and European-American backgrounds.
We conducted one final set of analyses in which we controlled for GPA at level 1. These
analyses allowed us to determine whether the associations between school belonging, intrinsic
value, and utility value would remain significant even after controlling for individuals’ year-to-
year variation in academic achievement. As shown in Table 4, results indicated that school
belonging’s positive within-person associations with intrinsic and utility value of education
remained significant even when controlling for students’ GPA in each given year. In other
words, these analyses indicated that even after statistically equating students’ GPA within a
particular year of high school, students’ school belonging in that year is associated with higher
academic values in that same year. These results suggest that school belonging is associated with
a higher level of academic motivation among adolescents as compared to their equally-achieving
peers.
Discussion
School Belonging over the Course of High School
Our results indicated that changes in school belonging over the course of high school
depend on students’ gender. In their first year of high school, girls’ average school belonging
was higher than boys’. This gender difference is consistent with previous research that has
demonstrated that middle-school girls tend to have higher school belonging than middle-school
boys (Anderman, 2002; Goodenow, 1993b). The current findings suggest, however, that this
gender difference in school belonging does not persist beyond the beginning of high school.
Over the course of high school, girls’ school belonging tended to decline, whereas boys’ school
belonging remained the same; by the end of high school, the gender difference in school
23. School belonging over the course of high school 23
belonging had disappeared. As compared with girls from European-American backgrounds, the
decline in school belonging was steeper among girls from Latin-American backgrounds.
Previous investigations of school belonging among high school students have primarily
relied on cross-sectional data which can be unreliable for examinations of change over time.
Perhaps this is one reason why previous studies have not offered consistent findings for how
school belonging changes across the course of high school (e.g., Meeus & Dekovic, 1995;
Whitlock, 2006). The current results, in contrast, are drawn from longitudinal data, with the same
group of students reporting their school belonging in each of the four years of high school. These
data, therefore, are more likely to accurately represent trajectories of school belonging and, as
such, add to the school belong literature.
The current study suggests that, unlike in middle school, normative declines in school
belonging do not continue into high school. Among male students especially, school belonging
remains remarkably stable, and although school belonging does decline among female students,
the magnitude of this decline across all four years of high school is only about seven percent of
9th
grade values. These findings are in contrast to studies conducted with younger students that
find larger drops in school belonging across the course of middle school among both boys and
girls. Anderman (2003), for example, reported a five percent decline in school belonging across
just a single year of middle school.
Two possible explanations for the gender difference in school belonging are access to
extracurricular activities and the importance of student-teacher relationships. For late adolescents
in particular, participation in extra-curricular activities (e.g., sports) fosters connections at school
(Brown & Evans, 2002; Fredricks & Eccles, 2006; Ozer, Wolf, & Kong, 2008). Despite reforms
such as Title IX aimed at reducing gender disparities, many high schools still provide more
24. School belonging over the course of high school 24
extracurricular opportunities for boys than girls (Braddock, Sokol-Katz, Greene, & Basinger-
Fleischman, 2005). Gender disparities in extracurricular options may explain boys’ stable and
girls’ declining school belonging over the course of high school. Another possibility is that girls
may be especially sensitive to the quality of student-teacher relationships (Crosnoe et al., 2004).
For Latinas in particular, student-teacher relationships may be especially important for fostering
school connection (Garcia-Reid, 2007). Although middle school presents challenges for student-
teacher relationships, these challenges are often exacerbated in high school (Davis, 2003). If girls
are especially sensitive to declining student-teacher relationships, this may account for girls’
declining school belonging in high school.
To the extent that school belonging represents the degree to which school environments
are meeting students’ developmental needs, the current study offers some surprising optimism
for high schools. Although there are many aspects of typical high-school environments that are
not optimal for students (Eccles & Roeser, 2005; Hargreaves et al., 1996), the current study
suggests that, at least in the three schools sampled, school environments may fit students’
developmental needs at least well enough to stop the dramatic declines in school belonging that
are seen among younger students. Future research could more thoroughly test this idea by
directly measuring students’ needs, their school environments, and their school belonging across
the course of high school. By measuring a variety of specific aspects of school environment, this
research would allow us to determine which aspects of the school environment are beneficial for
all students and which are especially beneficial for certain groups of students (e.g., boys or girls).
Although the current study was an important first step in documenting changes in school
belonging across the course of high school, it is important to remember that the reported findings
represent average levels of school belonging. Even after controlling for SES, gender, and
25. School belonging over the course of high school 25
ethnicity, significant variability in school belonging remained. This significant variability
indicates that although, on average, boys’ school belonging remained consistent and girls’
declined, there may have been some students for whom these averages did not apply. There may
be subgroups of girls, for example, for whom school belonging remained stable or increased, and
there may be subgroups of boys for whom school belonging increased or decreased. Future
research, therefore, will benefit by more thoroughly examining predictors of changes in school
belonging, identifying protective factors associated with stability or increases in school
belonging and risk factors associated with decreases in school belonging.
It is worth emphasizing, however, that unlike some previous work, we did not find
ethnicity to be one such risk factor. Some researchers have suggested that ethnic minority
students are at increased risk for academic disengagement which could manifest as decreasing
school belonging (Anderson et al., 2000; Nussbaum & Steele, 2007). Our findings, in contrast,
indicate that ethnic group membership alone is not associated with mean levels of school
belonging or with changes in school belonging across high school. On average, students from
Latin-American, Asian, and European backgrounds reported similar levels of school belonging
in 9th
grade, and students from these three groups reported similar slopes of school belonging
over the course of high school. As with our findings for gender, however, there is certainly
within-group variability in school belonging that the current study was unable to capture, and
there may be subgroups of students who are at risk of school disengagement. Our findings,
however, argue for moving beyond ethnic group membership as a definition of risk (Catterall,
1998). Future research should include more individual-level variables to examine predictors of
school belonging among subgroups of students.
School Belonging, Academic Achievement, and Academic Values
26. School belonging over the course of high school 26
The second goal of this study was to examine the associations between students’ school
belonging and their academic achievement and academic values. Within-person analyses
indicated that school belonging was not associated with achievement as measured by GPA, and
this was true among boys and girls from Latin-American, Asian, and European backgrounds.
Although this null association between school belonging and GPA is consistent with some
previous research (e.g., Dotterer et al., 2007; Gutman & Midgley, 2000), it does seem to conflict
with other research (e.g., Anderman, 2002; Kuperminc et al., 2008). Unlike the current study,
however, previous studies demonstrating associations between school belonging and GPA have
been based on between-subjects analyses. Like these studies, we also found modest correlations
between school belonging and GPA at the individual level (in the 11th
and 12th
grades). Between-
subjects analyses, however, address whether individuals with high school belonging also have
high GPA. Despite the inclusion of control variables in these analyses, the possibility remains
that between-subjects associations are artifacts of unmeasured variables. In contrast, the
longitudinal within-person analyses employed in the current study assess whether year-to-year
variations in a student’s school belonging predict year-to-year variations in the same student’s
GPA. Within-person analyses, therefore, control for unmeasured factors that confound
traditional, individual-level analyses. Thus, our study suggests that knowing how connected a
student is to their school in a particular year does not predict their GPA for that same year.
Another important difference between our study and others is the age of the participants.
Most previous investigations of school belonging and achievement have focused on middle
school students. It is possible that school belonging does contribute to middle school students’
achievement, but not high school students’. More so than in middle school, for example, high
school grades are largely determined by objective indicators such as standardized test
27. School belonging over the course of high school 27
performance (Eccles & Midgley, 1990; Reyes, Gillock, Kobus, & Sanchez, 2000). It is possible
that school belonging does not directly contribute to the knowledge and skills needed to perform
on such tests and therefore may not directly contribute to one’s high school grades.
Unlike GPA, the current study suggests that school belonging was associated with both
intrinsic value and utility value of school. During years in which high-school students had a
strong connection to their school, they were more likely to feel that school was enjoyable and
useful. These results are consistent with school belonging work conducted with elementary and
middle-school students (Anderman, 2002; Battistich et al., 1995; Goodenow, 1993a), indicating
that the motivational benefits of school belonging continue into high school. Importantly, these
associations held even after controlling for achievement. In other words, year-by-year changes in
GPA were ruled out as a potentially confounding variable, indicating that even after statistically
equating students’ GPA within a particular year of high school, students’ school belonging in
that year was still associated with higher academic values in that same year. In other words,
school belonging may help high school students continue to enjoy school and appreciate its
usefulness, even when they are struggling academically. Given that these academic values are
associated with increased educational persistence and graduation rates (Finn, 1989; Janosz,
Archambault, Morizot, & Pagani, 2008), the current study suggests that school belonging may be
a promising intervention to reduce school drop-out.
There were no ethnic differences in the associations between school belonging and
academic values, but there was one gender difference. Although the positive associations
between school belonging and academic values were significant among both boys and girls, the
association between school belonging and utility value was especially strong among boys. On
average, boys’ graduation rates are lower than girls’ (Greene & Winters, 2006), but feeling that
28. School belonging over the course of high school 28
school is useful may be especially beneficial for boys’ educational persistence (DeBacker &
Nelson, 1999). Thus, the potential benefits that school belonging may have for reducing school
drop-out may especially be conferred among boys.
The longitudinal design and diverse sample were among this study’s methodological
strengths. This study did, however, have some limitations that future studies should address. The
main limitation was that our sample was drawn from only three different schools, which is
insufficient for examining school-level effects. Among elementary and middle-school students,
there is some evidence that aggregated school belonging (i.e., average school belonging across
all students at the school) has independent effects above and beyond individual-level school
belonging (Battistich et al., 1995). Anderman (2002), for example, found that individual school
belonging interacted with school average school belonging—the positive effects of an individual
student’s school belonging were especially strong in schools in which average school belonging
was low. Future studies should include more high schools to allow for an examination of these
between-school effects.
Including more schools could also address the second limitation of our study; we did not
include any measurements of school context. It is possible that we found few ethnic differences
in school belonging because all of the students in our sample attended schools in which there was
no dominant ethnic majority. Research has suggested that the ethnic composition of one’s school
can make a difference for one’s school belonging (Benner & Graham, 2007). Within particular
school contexts, ethnicity may be associated with school belonging. Other school context
variables such as urbanicity, bussing policies, and safety also impact students’ school belonging
(Anderman, 2002). Including a wide range of schools and directly measuring these context
variables would allow us to determine if the observed patterns of school belonging in the current
29. School belonging over the course of high school 29
study hold across a variety of contexts. Finally, as mentioned above, the current study did not
examine predictors of change in school belonging and, as such, does not offer any indication of
what could be done to foster students’ school belonging. Future research focusing on predictors
of school belonging could more directly inform interventions aimed at increasing students’
connections with their schools.
Despite these limitations, this study makes a significant contribution to the school
belonging literature by examining longitudinal changes in school belonging and within-person
associations between school belonging and academic outcomes. The current study demonstrated
a surprising amount of stability in school belonging across the course of high school, especially
among male students. The current study also suggests that school belonging may help students
maintain high levels of motivation, regardless of their actual level of achievement. These
findings were derived from conservative, within-person analyses, providing confidence that they
represent true trajectories and true associations between school belonging and motivation.
Furthermore, the diversity of our sample demonstrated that school belonging operates similarly
across students from different ethnic backgrounds, at least in the contexts we studied. Thus, to
the extent that high schools can help students feel like a part of the academic community, the
schools will help these students to continue liking school and appreciating its usefulness, even if
they are struggling academically.
30. School belonging over the course of high school 30
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39. Running head: SCHOOL BELONGING OVER THE COURSE OF HIGH SCHOOL
39
Table 2
School Belonging Over the Course of High School
School belonging
b (SE)
Intercept (9th
grade) 3.20 (0.09)***
female 0.26 (0.07)**
Latino 0.05 (0.11)
Asian -0.06 (0.10)
SES 0.01 (0.05)
standard deviation 0.66***
Year (slope) -0.02 (0.04)
female -0.10 (0.03)**
Latino -0.02 (0.05)
Asian 0.04 (0.04)
SES -0.00 (0.02)
standard deviation 0.21***
Note. Gender was dummy coded such that males = 0 and females = 1. All ethnicity variables
were dummy coded such that students from European backgrounds were the comparison group.
All predictors were uncentered.
*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
40. School belonging over the course of high school 40
Table 3
Within-Person Associations Between School Belonging and Academic Values
Intrinsic value Utility value
b (SE) b (SE)
Intercept (9th
grade) 1.08 (0.23)*** 2.12 (0.22)***
female 0.58 (0.18)** 0.64 (0.17)**
Latino 0.19 (0.28) 0.23 (0.28)
Asian 0.05 (0.25) 0.44 (0.25)
SES -0.05 (0.13) -0.17 (0.13)
standard deviation 0.76* 0.77
Year (slope) -0.06 (0.04) -0.13 (0.04)**
female -0.01 (0.03) -0.02 (0.03)
Latino 0.05 (0.05) 0.00 (0.05)
Asian 0.01 (0.04) -0.02 (0.04)
SES -0.01 (0.02) 0.04 (0.02)
standard deviation 0.17*** 0.15**
School belonging 0.42 (0.06)*** 0.40 (0.06)***
female -0.08 (0.05) -0.15 (0.05)**
Latino -0.03 (0.08) -0.01 (0.08)
Asian 0.02 (0.06) -0.07 (0.07)
SES -0.01 (0.04) -0.04 (0.04)
standard deviation 0.22 0.16
Note. Gender was dummy coded such that males = 0 and females = 1. All ethnicity variables
were dummy coded such that students from European backgrounds were the comparison group.
School belonging was centered at each individual’s mean; all other predictors were uncentered.
*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
41. School belonging over the course of high school 41
Table 4
Within-Person Associations Between School Belonging and Academic Values,
Controlling for Yearly Variations in Achievement
Intrinsic value Utility value
b (SE) b (SE)
Intercept (9th
grade) 0.69 (0.24)** 1.86 (0.24)***
female 0.42 (0.17)* 0.55 (0.18)**
Latino 0.21 (0.28) 0.28 (0.28)
Asian 0.01 (0.24) 0.41 (0.25)
SES -0.10 (0.13) -0.20 (0.13)
standard deviation 0.67 0.80
Year (slope) -0.06 (0.04) -0.12 (0.04)**
female -0.01 (0.03) -0.02 (0.03)
Latino 0.05 (0.05) -0.01 (0.05)
Asian 0.01 (0.04) -0.02 (0.04)
SES 0.01 (0.02) 0.04 (0.02)*
standard deviation 0.18*** 0.15**
School belonging 0.38 (0.06)*** 0.39 (0.06)***
female -0.05 (0.05) -0.14 (0.05)**
Latino -0.01 (0.08) 0.00 (0.08)
Asian 0.03 (0.07) -0.07 (0.07)
SES -0.01 (0.04) -0.03 (0.04)
standard deviation 0.19 0.16
GPA 0.17 (0.03)*** 0.10 (0.03)**
Note. Gender was dummy coded such that males = 0 and females = 1. All ethnicity variables
were dummy coded such that students from European backgrounds were the comparison group.
School belonging was centered at each individual’s mean; all other predictors were uncentered.
*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001
42. School belonging over the course of high school 42
Figure 1. School belonging over the course of high school among boys and girls from European,
Latin-American, and Asian backgrounds.
boys
1
2
3
4
5
9th 10th 11th 12th
year in school
school
belonging_
European backgrounds
Latin-American backgrounds
Asian backgrounds
girls
1
2
3
4
5
9th 10th 11th 12th
year in school