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1. MICHELLE MYCOO
Adopting integrated coastal
planning and management
A case study of Trinidad
Land reclamation and the building of coastal structures often take place in
response to demands from tourism, industry and the upper-income housing
market. The development strategy for islands is to capture the high amenity
value of the coast and to provide `solution space’ for congested urban areas.
However, in the absence of a strategic statutory planning framework or clear
policy guidelines, ad hoc decisions are made that compromise feasible future
development options, compromise the capture of higher land rents,
undermine the provision of solution space and increase user con¯icts. Once
approvals are granted such development is, unfortunately, irreversible. From
the perspective of private sector developers, policy guidelines for land
reclamation and coastal structures are unclear, fragmented jurisdiction is
scattered among a number of agencies, and inadequate administrative
procedures compound uncertainties and delays. Private developers are also
using these institutional de®ciencies as loopholes to proceed with illegal land
reclamation and coastal structures. Using Trinidad as a case study, this
paper addresses the problems associated with the lack of integrated coastal
planning and management (ICPM). It examines a model for ICPM,
impediments to such an approach, steps taken towards ICPM in Trinidad,
and conclusions that can be drawn from the experience, including prospects
for future success.1
IDPR, 24 (3) 2002
227
Michelle Mycoo is a lecturer in the Planning and Development Programme at the Department
of Surveying and Land Information, University of the West Indies, St Augustine, Trinidad, email
mmycoo@uwi.eng.tt
Paper submitted April 2001; revised paper received April 2002 and accepted May 2002.
1 The author was one of three consultants contracted by the Urban Development Corporation
of Trinidad and Tobago (UDeCOTT) to prepare a report on a proposed policy for land
reclamation and coastal structures development from the Port of Spain to Chaguaramas coastline.
The primary responsibility of the author, as the land-use planner on the team, was to examine
land-use and administrative issues in the formulation of policies on land reclamation and the
building of coastal structures. This paper is largely the product of the author’s individual research
for the project and ongoing research. The author was also one of three consultants contracted by
UDeCOTT to produce the `West Coast Strategic Investment Plan Project Formulation Study’ in
1998. Supporting information for this research paper was drawn from the earlier study.

2. Trinidad and Tobago is a twin-island state in the Caribbean Sea, just 11
kilometres o€ the coast of Venezuela. Trinidad itself is a landmass of about 4,828
square kilometres which supports a population of approximately 1.3 million
people. The average estimated population density is 248 people per square
kilometre; the highest densities are in the Port of Spain urban region, where
there is the greatest pressure for land reclamation (Fig. 1). The total length of
Trinidad and Tobago’s coastline is about 362 kilometres.
Petroleum formed the economic base of the country in the 1970s and 1980s,
but following the recession of the 1980s (caused by plummeting oil prices)
successful economic reforms have diversi®ed the economy, placing it on a sound
®nancial footing. Petrochemicals (including ammonia, methanol and urea), iron
and steel, natural gas, light manufacturing and tourism all play an important role
in revenue generation. The economy has slowly recovered, giving developers
more con®dence in its stability and in the investment climate.
Private developers are keen to engage in land reclamation schemes for the
construction of luxury waterfront apartments, marinas and commercial
Fig. 1 Focal areas of land reclamation on west coast of Trinidad
228 MICHELLE MYCOO

3. buildings. With the exception of marinas, housing, retail and institutional land-
uses are not dependent on the coast. However, private developers are
undertaking land reclamation and building illegally in the coastal zone, thus
compromising strategic land-use decisions (GOTT, 1992). The national
government is also encouraging port expansion and waterfront redevelopment
in the two main cities, Port of Spain and San Fernando (Fig. 1). New oil ®nds
will require additional ports, giving even more urgency to the reclamation of
land for port expansion. Interestingly, the national government is the major
landowner along the west coast, but it has been an ine€ective land manager,
leading to growing evidence of illegal land reclamation and built development
(Mycoo et al., 1998). The planned utilisation of coastal resources, including
land, is fundamental to Trinidad because of its small size.
The purpose of this paper is to examine the impediments to, and prospects for
the successful adoption of, integrated coastal planning and management
(ICPM), using the example of Trinidad. It is divided into ®ve sections: the
®rst examines illegal land reclamation practices and impacts; the second de®nes
ICPM and discusses the ideal model and best practices to solve the myriad
problems associated with illegal coastal development; the third examines
impediments to the adoption of ICPM in Trinidad; the fourth provides
insights into initiatives that have been undertaken to address ICPM issues; and
the ®fth presents conclusions about the way forward.
Research methods that were used to inform the ®ndings included site visits,
interviews with specialists, and meetings with national and local government
ocials and members of the business community. Further, a case study
approach was adopted to help validate the survey ®ndings.
Background
Land reclamation in Trinidad is not new: the early growth of Port of Spain was
attributable to several coastal reclamation projects. The ®rst major land
reclamation project was undertaken by the colonial government in 1803 to
address congestion in the town centre, which had precipitated southwards
expansion. Land reclamation continued along the coast, and by 1845 more space
was created for the southerly expansion of the town (Anthony, 1978). The street
names of Port of Spain re¯ect the history of repeated waterfront development
and seawards expansion (Hudson, 1989): Marine Square (renamed Indepen-
dence Square) and South Quay mark two stages in the progressive expansion of
the city into the Gulf of Paria, from which both are now separated by subsequent
waterfront development. Very early in the city’s developmental history, coastal
land reclamation came to be viewed as a way of ®nding `solution space’. If there
were land shortages in strategic locations, reclamation projects were undertaken
by the state to accommodate the physical growth of the town, port expansion,
trade and industrial development.
In 1962, during the post-independence era, the government embarked on the
structural transformation of the economy, placing a strong emphasis on
industrialisation. The Point Lisas Industrial Development Corporation
INTEGRATED COASTAL PLANNING AND MANAGEMENT 229

4. (PLIPDECO) was conceived by a group of businessmen from the South
Chamber of Industry and Commerce, whose vision was to establish a modern
port and industrial estate generating economic revenue and a signi®cant number
of jobs. The largest reclamation project in the country got underway following
the granting of a reclamation licence by the Lands and Surveys Division (LSD)
to PLIPDECO in 1970, allowing 1,867.62 hectares of land to be reclaimed along
the west coast. This project formed part of a broader state strategy of monetising
the country’s energy resources by accommodating the iron and steel plant, and
petrochemical plants producing methanol, ammonia and urea, on the Point Lisas
estate. The Port Authority of Trinidad and Tobago also undertook land
reclamation to expand its container port operations during the boom years of the
1970s. As in the colonial era, these reclamation projects were geared towards
port expansion, trade and industrialisation.
It was not until 1984, however, that the national government began to subject
land reclamation applications to greater scrutiny because of growing private
sector interest in such projects. Figure 2 shows changes in the coastline that
arose from land reclamation between 1970 and 1994 in the north-west peninsula.
In 1984, a cabinet-appointed Land Reclamation Committee identi®ed four
policy issues restricting its ability to address reclamation applications: the large
number of outstanding applications; the lack of a comprehensive policy for the
assessment of applications; the high incidence of illegal reclamation; and the
very low ®nancial returns to the state from reclamation (GOTT, 1992).
According to the records of the LSD, there are several illegal land reclamation
cases on the north-western peninsula. Three were chosen as case studies to
demonstrate delays that result from institutional inertia and the lack of a clear
policy and planning framework for reclamation and coastal land development.
The ®rst case study illustrates illegal land-grabbing for industrial development.
The second concerns a retail hardware store that was built on illegally reclaimed
land because of a delay in processing the application. The third case study
illustrates illegally reclaimed land that has seen various land-uses and owners.
In 1991, the LSD granted a developer permission to reclaim 1.1926 hectares
of the foreshore. A year later, the developer proceeded to construct buildings on
reclaimed land for which no lease agreement had been granted. Additionally,
more land had been reclaimed than had been approved by the permit, and the
applicant was told to cease operations. Notwithstanding the earlier illegal
operations, the same developer applied for permits in 1993 and 1994 to reclaim
additional land on two adjacent sites, and undertook illegal reclamation once
more. Correspondence followed that warned the applicant. Six years passed
between the ®rst application (®led in 1991) and the granting of a lease in 1997,
and during this time the applicant had illegally reclaimed and built industrial
buildings without a lease or planning approval. The other two applications were
granted reclamation licences two years after the applications were ®led. The
cabinet approved the grant of leases for all three applications. The delays in
determining the applications were partly due to the illegal development
undertaken by the developer on three occasions on lands in the same location,
and partly due to the national government’s failure to act swiftly and decisively.
230 MICHELLE MYCOO

5. Fig. 2 Reclaimed areas and land-uses in study area

6. Moreover, the lease agreement did not allow the Town and Country Planning
Division (TCPD) to stipulate land-use conditionalities, because built structures
with existing uses were already located on the reclaimed lands. The developer
was in breach of land reclamation and building regulations, but was given an in
situ regularisation that allowed the land to be used for various projects: the
laying of a natural gas pipeline to an air-conditioning factory; the construction of
a container loading bay; and the provision of adequate distances between the
company’s buildings and the sea to protect against coastal erosion (building
setback distances had not been observed in accordance with the TCPD’s site
development standards). The operation is not, however, coastal-dependent and
is best suited to an industrial estate, which could accommodate its growing
demand for space.
Another example concerns a developer who illegally built a hardware store on
a parcel of coastal land, having applied for permission to reclaim 465 square
metres of land in 1993. With no feedback forthcoming a further application was
submitted a year later, this time for twice the amount of land. In the interim, the
developer continued to reclaim land from the sea with debris and sand. In 1994,
the Director of Lands and Surveys warned the developer (by letter) to stop the
illegal works. This happened three times between 1994 and 1998. In 2001, the
Chief State Solicitor was informed that the developer was in breach of the
regulations of the LSD and the TCPD, having illegally reclaimed land and built
an unauthorised store. However, eight years later the reclamation of the site
continues and no enforcement action has been taken to make the developer
discontinue operations.
A third example concerns a developer who had applied in 1994 to reclaim
0.3263 hectares, but who had actually illegally reclaimed 0.5107 hectares. The
developer applied to the LSD to regularise the situation. The Director of the
LSD wrote to the developer in 1995, indicating that consideration would be
given to regularisation on the condition (stipulated by the Director of the
TCPD) that the land was used for marine-oriented and light industrial uses.
However, by this time another developer had bought the company and its assets,
including the site. A year later another developer had purchased the company
and applied for a lease for the illegally reclaimed land. The Cabinet treated this
as a new application and approved the reclamation in 2000, noting that the
decision and conditions of approval were based on a report, the `Proposed Policy
for Land Reclamation and Coastal Structures Development for the Port of Spain
to Chaguaramas Coastline’. In 2000, the TCPD did not object to a new proposal
to build a medical centre (as opposed to the marine-oriented and light industrial
uses that it had previously recommended), but raised concerns about the
developer’s use of state land to access the site. A total of six years had elapsed
between application and resolution.
Traditionally, the role of the national government is to provide policy
guidelines, appropriate legislation and a working institutional framework.
However, the Trinidad case studies show that applications for land reclamation
take an average of six to eight years to resolve. Additionally, land development
occurs without a land-use planning framework to guide urban development
232 MICHELLE MYCOO

7. along the coast. This is a real problem for an island state with a limited land
supply, because it compromises the use of land as solution space. In all the above
three cases, and in many others, reclaimed land is being used for retail and social
facilities that do not require a coastal location. No enforcement of planning
regulations by the TCPD can take place after four years have elapsed. When
illegal uses are regularised by the TCPD and the LSD, the real economic value
of coastal land is not captured. Moreover, the spatial pattern of retail uses along
the coast generates diseconomies of agglomeration, particularly trac conges-
tion because the road infrastructure was not designed to accommodate retail
trac. These examples demonstrate the failure of state agencies to respond
quickly to land reclamation applications, and the cumulative impacts and
negative externalities of illegal development on land-use and infrastructure
optimisation. Overall, the Trinidad examples are symptomatic of a deeper
malaise in state-sector land management. In most countries where land
reclamation is pursued, it is in the context of stimulating economic development,
capturing maximum land rents, promoting revenue generation, ®nding solution
spaces for new growth and badly needed social facilities, and accommodating
necessary infrastructure expansion.
The case studies demonstrate that, in Trinidad, land management tends to be
determined according to the project or the issue, rather than constituting a
broad-based approach to management within the coastal zone. This is despite
the existence of an interministerial/intersectoral committee. As Hendry (1994)
notes, individual projects in the Caribbean are driving thinking on the
management of the relevant coastal zone, and over the last four decades
haphazard coastal development has closed down other development options and
transferred the burden to taxpayers. Hendry proposes ICPM as a feasible way to
resolve such issues.
Integrated coastal planning and management (the ideal model)
ICPM is de®ned as a dynamic process in which a coordinated strategy is
developed and implemented for the allocation of environmental, socio-cultural
and institutional resources to achieve the conservation and sustainable use of the
coastal zone (Sorensen, 1993). Bower et al. (1994) see this approach as a
continuous, iterative, adaptive and consensus-building process comprised of a
set of related tasks, all of which must be carried out. Cicin-Sain and Knecht
(1998) state that integrated coastal management (ICM) acknowledges the inter-
relationships between coastal and ocean uses and the environments they
potentially a€ect, and is designed to overcome the fragmentation inherent in
the sectoral management approach. In most cases, ICM would not supplant
specialised sectoral management but would instead supplement, harmonise with
and oversee it. ICM has multiple purposes: it analyses and addresses the
implications of development, examines con¯icting uses and inter-relationships
between physical processes and human activities, and promotes linkages and
harmonisation between sectoral coastal and ocean activities. Cicin-Sain and
Knecht (1998) argue that a key part of ICM is the design of institutional
INTEGRATED COASTAL PLANNING AND MANAGEMENT 233

8. processes to accomplish this harmonisation in a politically acceptable manner.
ICPM should promote the sustainable development of coastal areas, reduce the
vulnerability of coastal zones and their populations to hazards, and maintain
essential ecological processes and life-support systems. The achievement of
these goals requires an ICPM agency to carry out ®ve main functions (Cicin-
Sain, 1993):
1. area-based planning (as opposed to a project-based approach) with a focus
on the analysis of the relationships between physical and ecological
processes and human activities in coastal areas, including resource use,
the regulation of new development and planning for future uses;
2. con¯ict resolution and the mitigation of undesirable impacts;
3. stewardship, including preserving the integrity of ecosystems and
environmental quality through pollution control and conservation;
4. protecting the general public by reducing its vulnerability to natural
hazards; and
5. achieving a balance between environmental protection, appropriate
economic development and cultural values.
Institutional arrangements to support the establishment and functioning of a
specialised ICPM agency must address certain key issues (adapted from
Sorensen, 1993).
1. There must be clear spatial de®nitions and boundary delineations to
ensure that other divisions or departments do not feel threatened by
competition for land.
2. The costs of establishing an ICPM unit are considerable and must be
weighed against the bene®ts such a unit will yield.
3. The political accountability of the agency must be ensured.
4. Legislative reform is needed to integrate the planning and management of
coastal land and sea areas.
5. Institutional capacity must be strengthened in terms of project manage-
ment and links with research.
6. The ICPM unit should enjoy ®scal autonomy and an adequate budget in
order to preserve its integrity and reduce its vulnerability to external
political in¯uence (Sorensen, 1993).
7. Public involvement should be encouraged by creating possibilities for
early stakeholder involvement and constituency building among the
public, academics, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and govern-
mental agencies. Expected outcomes should be identi®ed (Rakodi and
Treloar, 1997; Ng and Cook, 1997), as was the case with the United States
Agency for International Development (USAID)-supported programmes
in Ecuador and Thailand (Chua, 1993; Olsen, 1993; Hale and Lemay,
1994).
The scope and focus recommended by the Group of Experts on the Scienti®c
Aspects of Marine Environmental Protection (GESAMP) in Chapter 17 of
Agenda 21 (as shown in Box 1) should be adopted.
234 MICHELLE MYCOO

9. Box 1 The scope and focus of ICM programmes
. Identify existing and projected uses of coastal areas with a focus upon
their interactions and interdependencies.
. Concentrate on well-de®ned issues.
. Apply preventive and precautionary approaches in project planning and
implementation, including prior assessment and systematic observation
of the impacts of major projects.
. Promote the development and application of methods such as natural
resource and environmental accounting, which re¯ect changes in value
resulting from uses of coastal and marine areas.
. Provide access for concerned individuals, groups and organisations to
relevant information and opportunities for consultation and participation
in planning and decision making.
Source: GESAMP (1996)
Regardless of the institutional model chosen, when the responsibilities,
jurisdiction and legal status of the bodies concerned have not been clearly
de®ned, ICPM initiatives have faltered, especially at the implementation stage
(Rakodi and Treloar, 1997). However, experience in the Virgin Islands attests to
the fact that progress can be made if the institutional equation is carefully
formulated, if there is enough money, a sound legal base and political support,
and if collaborative and participatory approaches are adopted (Harrigan-
Farrelly, 1994).
Impediments to ICPM in Trinidad
A plethora of regulatory and administrative de®cienciesÐincluding unclear
policy guidelines from the relevant approval agencies, the protracted decision-
making process, weak enforcement and limited monitoring capabilitiesÐhave
encouraged private developers to undertake illegal reclamation and building
activities in Trinidad, as the previous examples clearly demonstrate. The national
and local governments have been slow and negligent in dealing with such activity.
Additionally, several coastal structures have been haphazardly erected in two
particular zones. Some structures (such as piers, jetties, moorings, sea walls,
groynes, slipways and marinas) occur at the shoreline and within the `zone of
dynamics’, while other structures (such as buildings, utility poles, paved drains,
pipelines, paved surfaces and swimming pools) fall within the `zone of risk’.2
2 In physical planning terms, the zone of dynamics is prone to physical change due to tides,
currents and waves. It is generally considered to be in¯uenced by erosion and accretion over the
short to medium term (that is, up to several years). The zone of risk is subject to physical change
wrought by natural forces over long periods (10±100 years). It may be a€ected by extreme weather
events such as large storms and strong earthquakes, as well as rising sea levels.
INTEGRATED COASTAL PLANNING AND MANAGEMENT 235

10. The national government is also falling short in the environmental monitoring
of coastal structures during the construction and post-construction phases. One
problem concerns human resource constraints and the immobility of govern-
mental agency sta€, who are required to visit sites for monitoring purposes.
Registered professionalsÐwho are hired by the developer during the design,
construction and annual inspection stagesÐcan minimise the work of these
agencies, but the overall responsibility for monitoring remains with the national
government. This responsibility requires resources that are scarce or, in some
cases, unavailable. Another problem is the lack of suitable engineering standards
for coastal structures. Approval depends on the individual inspector’s discretion
and judgement, and so there is some room for inconsistency. These two
problems can be resolved by ICPM, but there are some impediments to its
adoption.
CONFLICTS OF INTEREST
Con¯icts of interest are inevitable given present administrative practices in
Trinidad, despite the legally de®ned roles of agencies and actors. Existing
legislation gives the director of the LSD powers to decide upon land reclamation
applications and collect rents on leased land. The commissioner of state lands,
who is appointed by the president, has the power to draw up lease agreements.
In accordance with the legislation, the minister responsible for town and country
planning delegated this function to the TCPD, which has jurisdiction over land-
use and building operations below the high water mark. However, in fact
interministerial or intersectoral committees process land reclamation and
development applications and set the rent levels. A con¯ict of interest arises
because the director of the LSD has a dual statutory role as landlord/rent
collector and advisor in establishing land-use. The director can therefore gain
higher land rents if he or she permits certain kinds of development. Gatekeepers
with too many roles are ultimately a‚icted with con¯icts of interest.
FRAGMENTATION OF AUTHORITY AND UNCLEAR MANDATES
Fragmentation of authority, unclear mandates, overlapping responsibilities and
delays all arise from jurisdictional complexity and the non-harmonisation of
legislation. The existing institutional framework for land reclamation is a
combination of highly formalised and informal frameworks that singularly or
collectively contribute to overlaps and protracted decision making. For instance,
the decision-making process is highly formalised through a statutory obligation
on the LSD to determine land reclamation applications. At the same time,
informal arrangements exist based on ad hoc linkages with Cabinet-appointed
committees such as the Land Reclamation Committee, the West Coast Planning
Committee and the Interim National Physical Planning Commission.3
This
3 The Land Reclamation Committee was replaced by the West Coast Planning Committee,
which was then superseded by the Interim National Physical Planning Commission. These bodies
give advice to the minister of integrated planning and development, who has the power to make
®nal decisions about reclamation, coastal structures and land-use planning.
236 MICHELLE MYCOO

11. approach is similar to the networked model referred to by Born and Miller
(1988), which relies on existing agencies and authorities and improved policy
development and coordination. Advocates of these committees argue that they
are designed to overcome the scarcity of expertise by co-opting members from
the state, the private sector and NGOs to provide a one-stop shop for
applications, thereby fast-tracking the approval process. A degree of adminis-
trative unwieldiness ¯ows from the fact that these advisory committees are
grafted onto the existing government structure. Time-consuming and dicult
tasks are simply added to the workloads of statutory agencies, but no additional
resources are provided. This further compounds delays, as noted by Matthews-
Glenn et al. (1993). The simpli®ed decision-making arrangement envisaged by
the legislation is now a multilayered system, a bureaucratic maze with too many
parallel interventions. Rakodi and Treloar (1997) see this fragmentation of
responsibility within and between sectoral agencies, planning functions and
government levels as a recipe for confusion and con¯ict, resource waste and
duplication.
Participants at a 1990 conference on sustainable development in the
Caribbean agreed that the multi-jurisdictional nature of coastal management
and development activities gave rise to overlapping responsibilities and con¯icts,
precluding progress towards a holistic coastal zone management concept. They
also agreed that these institutional constraints were so deep that only action at
the highest levels of government to formally introduce coastal zone management
into the planning and development process would overcome the reactive,
fragmented approach currently practised in many Caribbean countries (Lewsey,
1990).
LEGISLATIVE CONSTRAINTS
A critical factor in coastal planning and management is that the legislation is not
suciently comprehensive for complex coastal issues. Land-use planning in
Trinidad is undermined by existing legislation in three fundamental ways, as
noted by Rakodi and Treloar (1997): the planning agency has no control beyond
the high water mark and in most of the near shore area; it is dicult to enforce
planning controls in areas administered by harbour and port authorities; and
development decisions do not take conservation issues fully into account.
Although the Trinidad and Tobago Town and Country Planning Act of
1960Ðlike the British planning legislation on which it was modelledÐmakes
provision for the orderly and progressive development of land-use decisions,
development in the coastal zone remains arbitrary because there is no published
policy or statutory land-use plan for the coast. The Town and Country Planning
Act imposes on the relevant authority a duty to prepare a development plan for
the whole country, as well as the power to prepare regional and local plans. It
further requires the minister for town and country planning to secure
consistency and continuity in the framing and execution of a comprehensive
policy with respect to the use and development of all land in Trinidad and
Tobago. In accordance with the legislative provisions, a National Physical
Development Plan has been prepared, as have regional plans. Since 1998 local
INTEGRATED COASTAL PLANNING AND MANAGEMENT 237

12. area plans have been reviewed using scoping studies. This is followed by the
preparation of more detailed plans, but these have only a de facto status because
they are not statutory plans approved by parliament. At the time of writing there
is just one statutory plan for a coastal area: the Chaguaramas Plan, which covers
an area in which there is not much pressure for land reclamation but plenty of
demand for coastal buildings, including marinas. Like many low- and middle-
income countries, in Trinidad the implementation of land-use planning laws is
weak and land-use legislation is reactive rather than positive and action-oriented
(Rakodi and Treloar, 1997).
SEPARATION OF PLANNING AND ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT
As Rakodi and Treloar (1997) note, urban areasÐespecially those in developing
countriesÐresult in an intensi®cation of the problems of coastal and marine
resource degradation because of rapid population growth, overcrowding,
inadequate housing, de®cient infrastructure and inadequate controls over
development. Impacts are widespread and signi®cant if they occur within
coastal areas. There are three main categories of coastal area: inland areas that
a€ect the coastal and marine environments mainly through riverine processes;
coastal lands such as mangroves, salt marshes, beaches and cli€s; and coastal
waters such as estuaries and lagoons (Cicin-Sain, 1993).
The coastal ecosystem of Trinidad experiences all the e€ects of urbanisation,
land reclamation and coastal engineering. As part of the urbanisation and
industrialisation process, ports and harbours along the coast often need to be
expanded. This is frequently accomplished by dredging and land reclamation, or
the construction of piers and breakwaters, but all such activities destroy
neighbouring wetlands by exploiting the land and increasing water runo€. In
reference to Hong Kong, Ng and Cook (1977) observe that green groups and
professional bodies have been quite concerned about the destructive e€ects of
reclamation projects on the beauty and ecology of harbours. Most of the time,
however, such activity is beyond the control of the planning authorities. This is
so in Trinidad and in the UK, where port development authorities and
development corporations guide development (Rakodi and Treloar, 1997).
Wetland ecosystems come under the most threat from land-use and land
reclamation in Trinidad. Wetlands are multipurpose: they are highly productive
in terms of biomass, as Carter (1988) notes, but they are also critical in
stabilising shorelines and protecting coastal and inland areas from storm-surges,
tsunamis and riverine ¯oods, and coastal reefs from excessive riverine sediments
and pollution. Over 2,000 species of plants, invertebrates and ®sh rely on
wetlands for their habitats. Wetlands also provide nursery grounds for
commercially important ®sh and shell®sh. The danger of wetland loss is well
known, and in 1997 the National Wetlands Committee of Trinidad and Tobago
called for the protection of publicly-owned wetlands and the development of
guidelines for wetland conversion. It also encouraged agencies to demand
environmental impact assessments (EIAs) for all projects likely to impact on
wetlands (GOTT, 1997).
Procedures for requesting EIAs have existed for the last decade. Throughout
238 MICHELLE MYCOO

13. Table 1 Administrative agencies responsible for land reclamation and coastal structures
Lands and Surveys Division Landlord of the foreshore. Approval of land
reclamation applications. Licences granted by
commissioner of state lands. Land-use inputs.
Town and Country Planning Division Approval of applications for development on reclaimed
land, including nature of land-use and engineering
operations. Considers: proposed uses and intensity of
use of reclaimed lands and adjoining lands; the extent
and location of the area to be reclaimed and of any
lands to be used in conjunction with the lands to be
reclaimed; degree to which proposals conform with
development plans and policies.
Environmental Management Authority Assesses environmental impacts of land reclamation.
Hydrographic Division Conducts marine surveys. Considers: impact of the
changing coastline on charting operations; impact of
potential changes resulting from sediment transport on
sea-bed topography (bathymetry); monitors seawards
limits of the approved reclamation.
Drainage Division Coastal protection/engineering works. Considers:
adequacy of proposed inland and outfall drainage
channels and structures; integrity of structural works
such as drains, culverts, retaining walls, sea walls and
other erosion protection works; suitability of source
and type of ®ll material to be used when reclaiming
land; suitability of ®ller material used behind retaining
walls and underneath erosion protection structures;
suitability of proposed method of de-watering
hydraulic ®ll, and type and degree of compaction and
consolidation of ®ll; e€ect of shape and extent of
reclamation on coastal processes in the local and
general area; disposal of dredged material to sites in the
coastal zone other than that approved for reclamation.
Maritime Services Division Control of shipping and related activities in waters of
Trinidad and Tobago. Concern with impacts of land
reclamation and coastal structures on shipping and
navigational safety. Determines measures to be
adopted to minimise siltation of nearby marine areas
resulting from proposed reclamation.
Valuation Division Computing values and rentals of reclaimed land to
determine licence fees or charges. Determines charges
to re¯ect government policy.
Institute of Marine A€airs Natural resource and environmental management in
marine areas. Considers e€ect of land reclamation on
coastal ecosystem (wetlands and inter-tidal areas) and
the natural drainage system of the sea. Also considers
e€ects of changes in the con®guration of the shoreline
on water circulation in the area, with reference to
siltation and erosion. Regulates adequate open coastal
space and traditional access to the area.
Source: GOTT (1992) and author’s research.
INTEGRATED COASTAL PLANNING AND MANAGEMENT 239

14. the 1990s the request for an EIA was made solely by the TCPD. The town and
country planning process in Trinidad and TobagoÐparticularly for complex
large-scale applicationsÐconsists of two stages: outline and ®nal approval
(although an application for outline approval is not mandatory). During the
1990s, the developer was asked to prepare a detailed EIA (instead of a scoping
study) at the outline stage (Toppin-Allahar, 1992). However, the high cost of a
full EIA at the preliminary stage, and the length of time it took to prepare,
frustrated developers. Some developers, many of whom perceived the regulatory
system as anti-development and inconsistent (Toppin-Allahar, 2001), eventually
undertook illegal development, including land reclamation.
Since 2000 there has been a separation of development planning from EIAs,
and the procedure for requesting EIAs has changed. The Environmental
Management Authority (EMA), which was established under the 1995
Environmental Management Act, is mandated to request EIAs from developers.
Memoranda of Understanding have been sent from the EMA to 30 government
agencies with environmental management functions, asking each to make an
input to the assessment exercise because the EMA has no in-house technical
expertise (Table 1). A `certi®cate of environmental clearance’ is given by the
EMA to developers if all the agencies agree that environmental degradation will
be minimal and mitigating measures can be applied. The division of
responsibility between the TCPD and the EMAÐthe ®rst giving development
approval and the second being responsible for environmental assessmentsÐhas
created confusion and an environment ripe for manipulation by developers. This
separation of planning and environmental management makes the progress
towards ICPM slower.
NO LEGISLATION OR POLICY ON SHORELINE ACCESS
The shoreline is important to the island’s population. Increasingly, many
shoreline areas on Trinidad’s west coast have become inaccessible both visually
and physically due to land reclamation, coastal structures and associated
industrial, commercial, residential and recreational uses. Traditional shoreline
users such as ®shermen and seabathers have been cut o€ from sections of the
west coast, and in the Port of Spain urban area the Mucurapo foreshore is the
only coastline that is accessible to the public. The traditional view is that
Trinidad is industrial, and public access to ®shing and recreational areas along
the coast is not crucial. However, the displacement of coastal users warrants
concern because it can create social alienation and growing tensions.
Trinidad has no coastal policy or legislation regarding physical access. In
some Caribbean islands there are special pieces of legislation to promote physical
access to the shoreline. Tobago, for example, is a tourism destination, and
existing policy is used to regulate access. In 2001 the alienation of ®shermen and
reef boaters operating from a beach known as Pigeon Point led the House of
Assembly in Tobago to enforce the Three Chains Act, which states that the
inland area within 60 metres of the high tide mark is reserved for the public’s
use. Restricted public access along Jamaica’s beaches in¯amed social tension,
prompting the government in 1997 to propose an amendment to the Beach
240 MICHELLE MYCOO

15. Control Act, which stated that public rights of way would be preserved in all
major bathing areas at reasonable intervals (GOJ, 1997). Further, the Jamaican
government said that, where ®shermen had enjoyed rights to engage in ®shing as
a trade and/or had used any part of the foreshore prior to June 1956, these rights
would be preserved. In Barbados, public access to beaches is preserved by the
allocation of gaps at right angles to the coast, which function as public paths. In
many countries the shoreline is publicly owned, and in some countries (such as
Barbados) the private ownership of land by the shore poses problems for public
access (hence the policy of providing gaps).
Views of coastal scenery along the western section of Trinidad’s coast have
been obliterated by obtrusive structures such as buildings, port containers and
port-related equipment. Although building height restrictions apply and no
building is in excess of 12 storeys, planning standards to regulate the destruction
of visual access are not currently imposed, and there are no policy guidelines or
incentives that encourage the use of building designs (such as point blocks or
trident-shaped blocks) that would conserve the views.
Public access in both senses is a concern of integrated ICPM. The rights of
the public in general, and traditional users in particular, must be preserved.
LIMITED PUBLIC PARTICIPATION
As noted, land reclamation and the construction of coastal structures can have
many negative impacts. It is therefore imperative for the public to play an
integral part in the decision-making process. The Trinidad and Tobago
legislation allows any application that requires an EIA to be submitted for
public comment, and public hearings may also be held if there is sucient public
interest in the proposed development. Despite this provision, the tradition of
public participation in TrinidadÐas in many developing countriesÐis
embryonic and has more to do with information dissemination than genuine
consultation and public participation. Decisions on land reclamation and the
construction of coastal structures have been made without the public’s input;
even when EIAs have been carried out they have not always been subject to
public involvement. The public was excluded from the decision-making process
for the Crown Point airport runway extension and the Scarborough deepwater
harbour expansion, both of which were started in 1988. Ng and Cook (1997)
refer to the way in which the Hong Kong government simply informed the
public about reclamation plans in the late 1990s, a practice which has been
frequently adopted in land reclamation schemes along Trinidad’s west coast.
The public is not without intelligent ideas; the real problem for decision makers
is to decide how to encourage a fundamentally democratic process of public
involvement in coastal governance.
Steps towards ICPM: the Trinidad experience
The progress towards an integrated coastal planning and management agency
has not been swift. However, steps can be taken towards the ICPM approach.
Rakodi and Treloar (1997) say that, in the absence of ICPM, the broad patterns
INTEGRATED COASTAL PLANNING AND MANAGEMENT 241

16. of urban development should be planned, minimum development and planning
standards should be established, and there should be a strategic retreat from the
coastline. Despite the impediments to ICPM, in the last decade several
initiatives have been undertaken in Trinidad that were in keeping with this
approach, re¯ecting an appreciation of the need for ICPM at the governmental
level.
DEVELOPMENT STANDARDS, COASTAL DEVELOPMENT POLICY AND LAND-
USE PLANS
The TCPD prepared a guide to planning permission for developers and
applicants in 1988, giving minimum development and planning standards. The
planning agency requires any development within the coastal zone that is not a
designated harbour to conform with the standards governing the setback from
the high water mark, and adequate public access must be provided. Setback
distances along the coast are determined with advice from the Drainage Division
and the Institute of Marine A€airs. Moreover, approval is required for all
coastal reclamation projects prior to commencement.
The planning agency prepared a land-use plan for Port of Spain in 1988, and
prepared several plans covering coastal areas for Chaguaramas between 1974 and
1988. Consultants also prepared a development plan for Chaguaramas in 1999.4
A carrying capacity study for the north and north-east coasts was completed in
1999. However, important sections of the western coastlineÐwhere most land
reclamation is taking placeÐhave no plans.
ADMINISTRATIVE REFORM
The cabinet-appointed West Coast Planning Committee commissioned the
Urban Development Corporation of Trinidad and Tobago in 1999 to have
consultants prepare a report on a proposed policy for land reclamation and
coastal structures along a speci®c part of the western coastline, where there was
demand for land reclamation and coastal building was taking place. One of the
main conclusions of the report was that key institutional reforms would be
required to address the development of coordinating mechanisms to promote
and strengthen inter-agency collaboration, so as to reduce rivalry and con¯ict,
minimise duplication, provide a forum for con¯ict resolution, promote policy
integration, and ensure monitoring and evaluation. Neale et al. (1999)
recommended that, in the interim, Trinidad should use a committee created
by an appropriate amendment to the State Lands Act to ful®l the need for
coordination. This committee should include the Commissioner of State Lands,
the Director of Lands and Surveys or his/her nominee, the Director of the
TCPD or his/her nominee, a nominee from the Environmental Management
Authority, and the Director of Maritime Services or his/her nominee. It was
4 The National Physical Development Plan of 1984 is used if there are no plans that cover a
particular area. The only other plans to have statutory approval are the Port of Spain Central
Business District Plan, approved in 1972, and the Chaguaramas Development Plan, approved in
1974.
242 MICHELLE MYCOO

17. recommended that the committee should receive and deliberate upon applica-
tions for land reclamation licences; recommend the granting of such licences
within three months of their receipt; and review land reclamation and coastal
structure policy, guidelines and performance standards every ®ve years. This
institutional arrangement was seen as short term; an ICPM agency was
recommended for the long term.
AREA-WIDE EIA AND MONITORING STRUCTURES
Planning processes and procedures must be well understood to advance e€ective
ICPM (Olsen, 1993). Among the processes and procedures considered
fundamental to ICPM is the area-wide EIA. A programmatic area-wide EIA
has been carried out for south-west Tobago, where coastal tourism is threatened.
Administratively, the current practice of requesting single EIAs from each land
reclamation applicant is both time-consuming and costly, and the cumulative
impacts are dicult to determine. Greater administrative and environmental
bene®ts are likely to be secured by conducting an area-wide EIA, the results of
which can meaningfully inform the land-use plan preparation process. Although
area-wide EIAs are known to be expensive, their costs need not be borne
exclusively by the state; they could be recovered through the reclamation licence
fee, land leases and fees charged for coastal structure permits.
DATABASE SYSTEM
Historically, the quality of decision making in matters relating to land
reclamation and coastal structures has been undermined by a lack of
information. The total amount of reclaimed land is not documented, and its
spatial distribution has not been mapped. E€ective ICPM calls for an
understanding of physical and ecological systems, their carrying capacity and
ecological productivity, the interconnectivity between economic activity and the
environment, and the socio-political and economic milieu in a coastal area.
Before comprehensive knowledge is acquired, an initial database must be
established. Although baseline studies in Trinidad are becoming more extensive,
there is still a lack of databases. However, as argued by Rakodi and Treloar
(1997), this should not interrupt policy formulation because information
gathering will take place throughout the ICPM process. Guerrero (1989)
identi®es the need for baseline information in plan formulation. This
information should be relevant to policy formulation and implementation, and
to public education.
In the long term, a comprehensive database system should be established and
maintained for decision-making support and for the preparation of statutory
comprehensive land-use plans, EIAs and the development of an ICPM agency.
As Pogue and Lee (1999) argue, data should be collected in a consistent manner
at regular intervals, and should include project type, areas and resources
a€ected, the length of shoreline a€ected, permit restrictions and conditions,
permit processing performance, and any other relevant data that could easily be
summarised annually. Geographic information systems (GISs) and satellite
imagery would also enhance the decision-making capabilities of relevant
INTEGRATED COASTAL PLANNING AND MANAGEMENT 243

18. agencies once information is collated in a computerised system. In showing land
reclamation patterns, the GIS is particularly e€ective when used with remotely-
sensed data and global positioning systems for ®eld veri®cation and accuracy
assessment (Klemas and Weatherbee, 1995).
POLICY ON PUBLIC ACCESS AND PUBLIC PARTICIPATION
The public remains the most important stakeholder in the process of planning
and decision making. Public access is imperative in small-island developing
Caribbean states, where locals already feel threatened by tourists vacationing in
luxury hotels that limit access to the beach, yachts using marinas along the
waterfront, or wealthy locals residing in luxury waterfront dwellings. At least
three policy responses to ensure access are available to the state: the state
acquisition of private lands, either compulsorily or by purchase on the open
market; enabling regulation to preserve public access, including zoning
regulations and building height restrictions; and securing access ways to
shoreline areas and facilities as a condition of granting certain development
permits or tax incentives. Pogue and Lee (1999) argue that the ownership of
waterfront land by a public entity is the most e€ective way to secure public
access along the coast.
In 1999 the idea of large-scale land reclamation along the coast from Port of
Spain to Chaguaramas was aired at a stakeholders’ workshop comprising
mainly representatives of national and local government and quasi-state
agencies, with a handful of private sector developers. Key stakeholders were
consulted, but the wider public was unaware of the proposals and learned of
the government’s intentions only through media reports and the protests of an
NGO. The public is the client in this case, and when policy maker±client
interaction is circumvented it raises questions about the transparency of
governmental decision making. It could well be that public participation would
involve more paperwork, and would be more costly and time consuming. By
the same token, stakeholder exclusion lends itself to unfocused objectives, the
waste of time, e€ort and expenditure, andÐultimatelyÐresistance to the
implementation of policies and plans. As Potter (1985) argues, if a more
ponderous and costly decision results in a more workable long-term plan, then
this is obviously more ecient than a quickly derived, cheap solution that is
found wanting in the end.
Conclusion
Trinidad faces various challenges: a limited land supply threatened by global
warming and mean sea-level rise, a growing population, urbanisation along the
coast, pressures for rapid economic development, and a fragile ecosystem. A
holistic vision of coastal development is needed, but ad hoc and protracted
decision making is exacerbating diseconomies of agglomeration and environ-
mental externalities. Kenchington and Crawford (1993) have proposed several
explanations for the ine€ectiveness of present planning and management
strategies, and these are of relevance to Trinidad.
244 MICHELLE MYCOO

19. 1. Inadequate intersectoral and intergovernmental coordination.
2. Limited public agency resources in terms of ®nance and personnel.
3. Limited opportunities for public participation in decision making.
4. The frequent lack of comprehensive strategies for environmental protec-
tion and clear goals.
5. Insucient planning and regulatory authority because of complex,
confusing and con¯icting laws, which are not easy to enforce.
6. Projects and programmes react to issues, rather than set frameworks within
which decisions can be made.
7. Con¯icting uses of resources are resolved in an inconsistent and ad hoc
manner, and cumulative environmental e€ects are rarely taken into account.
8. Political and administrative boundaries very rarely re¯ect environmental
boundaries in the decision-making process.
9. Resources are allocated on economic grounds; ecological considerations are
often neglected.
The policy and decision-making framework must be responsive rather than
reactive, or taxpayers will continue to bear the burdens of institutional inertia
and uncoordinated, unapproved development. The rush to achieve visible
results and approve proposals for land reclamation and building along the coast
is harmful, especially when it is at the expense of appropriate public policy
reform or holistic plans for coastal development. The way forward is to identify
key policy issues, alleviate tensions and design an institutional and legal
framework for policy formation, resource allocation, infrastructure design and
stakeholder participation.
An ICPM agency should be developed to encourage e€ective administration,
and a multidisciplinary approach to development should be formally adopted.
This would minimise con¯icts of interest between short-term economic bene®ts
and long-term environmental assets. The agency should have access to ®nancial
and human resources, a strong legal base, a system of autonomous decision
making, political support and a belief in participatory approaches. An ICPMÐ
as Clark (1992) arguesÐshould be initiated in response to a planning mandate
and not because of a crisis, a use con¯ict, a severe decline in a resource or a
devastating experience. Trinidad needs an ICPM agency with all the necessary
resources to protect its coastal areas from unplanned development.
Among the possible institutional arrangements is a specialised agency in the
form of an ICPM unit. This interagency body would oversee ICPM. It should
include existing line agencies that are ultimately responsible to a senior
environmental agency such as the Environmental Commission. An existing
organisation can provide the lead on ICPM if it is well established and can
secure political and ®nancial capital. This is only feasible if the organisation in
question is stronger than other government bodies, or implementation may be
adversely a€ected. One danger of using an existing lead agency is that the
parochial interests of its particular sector will give rise to bias. This has
happened in Indonesia, where ®shing interests have taken precedence over
integrated, cross-sectoral programmes (Chua, 1993).
INTEGRATED COASTAL PLANNING AND MANAGEMENT 245

20. Human and institutional capacity is identi®ed in Agenda 21 as being essential
for integrated coastal management and sustainable development. The establish-
ment of an integrated coastal zone management agency takes a long time, and
requires a core sta€ of coastal management practitioners with expertise in
planning and processes. It also requires tremendous commitment from the
national government. Crawford et al. (1993) found that short-term intensive
training e€orts and long-term institutional strengthening address the issues and
needs of ICPM.
The prospects for ICPM in Trinidad are good. Administrative and legislative
reform initiatives have addressed several issues raised in this article, including
the establishment of the Institute of Marine A€airs in 1976, the Environmental
Management Authority in 1995, and intersectoral/interministerial committees to
coordinate the agencies involved in decision making for coastal development.
There have also been several planning initiatives, such as the proposed revision
to the legislation governing planning and development, the development
standards and guidelines for developers, the preparation of several physical
development plans by the TCPD, their subsequent revision in the 1990s, and
public consultations regarding these plans. Initiatives such as the West Coast
Strategic Investment Plan in 1998, and the proposed policy for land reclamation
and the development of coastal structures between Port of Spain and
Chaguaramas in 1999, demonstrate the government’s recognition of the
importance of plans and policies to guide coastal development. The use of
EIAs also re¯ects the government’s cognisance of the need to mitigate
environmental impacts.
The national government is committed to reform: there are approximately 120
laws in Trinidad and Tobago that deal directly or indirectly with the
environment. The government is a signatory to several international treaties
and accords that relate to environmental management. Those most applicable to
the coastal zone are the Convention on Biological Diversity, the Montreal
Protocol and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change,
the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and the Cartegena
Convention. Trinidad is also a signatory to the RAMSAR Convention on
Wetlands of International Importance. This signals that there is a level of
awareness among the politicians. Climate change and mean sea-level rise are
causing growing concern in Trinidad, and the government has agreed to
participate in the Caribbean Planning for Adaptation to Climate Change Project.
These issues call for close attention to ICPM at the highest levels.
ICPM has gained widespread international recognition. There are more than
142 programmes in 57 countries, with the greatest growth being in developing
countries (Sorensen, 1993). The experience in both developed and developing
countries is that building an integrated coastal zone management unit takes time,
and the learning curve is very steep. In Barbados it has taken 15 years to put
together an integrated coastal management ®le. This mirrors the experiences of
about 75 countries: integrating the databases alone took 20 di€erent steps
(Hendry, 1994). In each country, the success of ICPM is ultimately dictated by
homegrown solutions.
246 MICHELLE MYCOO

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