This report details the findings of a two-day workshop convened by the United Nations' Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict in July 2013. The conference brought together human rights defenders, medical practitioners and service providers, researchers and academics, civil society representatives, and male survivors of conflict-related sexual violence to discuss gaps in research, legal frameworks, and medical services and support among other things and suggest ways in which to address these gaps.
The document defines terrorism as involving planned acts of extraordinary violence intended to create fear and bring about political change. It discusses major types of terrorism, common causes like psychological factors, unemployment, and religion, and typical attack methods such as bombings and hijackings. The document also examines trends like terrorists' increasing capabilities and adaptability, and effects such as relying on violence to attract attention and create conflict. It provides terrorism statistics for India in 2007-2008 and notes recent attacks. Suggested solutions include political and police support, awareness campaigns, international cooperation, and prosecuting terrorists. The conclusion expresses hope for a future without terrorism.
Nature, Scope and Sub-fields of Political Science Saira Randhawa
Political science is the study of the state and politics. It examines how states are formed and how they function, as well as theories of political behavior. The scope of political science includes four areas: political theory, political institutions, political dynamics, and international relations. It also draws from other social sciences like sociology, economics, anthropology, psychology, and history. Political science aims to understand both historical and ideal forms of the state.
Niccolo Machiavelli was an Italian diplomat, philosopher, and writer during the Renaissance period. He held several government positions in Florence, where he gained experience in politics and diplomacy. Machiavelli is considered the founder of modern political science due to works like The Prince, where he analyzed power and politics in a pragmatic way, separate from religious and moral considerations. He viewed human nature as selfish and focused on how rulers could maintain their power through both fear and popularity. While controversial, Machiavelli's realist approach to politics has remained influential to the present day.
This document discusses various human rights violations that have occurred throughout history, including during World War 2 under the Nazi regime and more recently in conflicts like Darfur. It outlines how the UN was formed after WWII to establish international agreements like the UDHR to protect human rights following the atrocities of that war. However, it notes that many violations still occur regularly in areas like torture, slavery, right to life and security of person. Specific examples of recent violations are provided for several articles of the UDHR.
Summary of Social Contract Theory by Hobbes, Locke and RousseauA K DAS's | Law
The document summarizes social contract theories by Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau. It discusses that according to social contract theory, people lived in a state of nature without government or law and entered agreements to form societies and governments. It then summarizes the key aspects of each philosopher's social contract theory, including their views of the state of nature and the rights and powers transferred to the sovereign or government through the social contract.
This document defines and discusses various concepts related to nationalism. It begins by defining a nation as a cultural, political, and psychological community bound together by common language, religion, history and traditions. Nationalism is then defined as the political belief that nations should govern themselves independently.
It goes on to discuss different types of nationalism like liberal nationalism, which supports national self-determination, versus expansionist nationalism, which is more exclusive and chauvinistic. Civic nationalism is defined as being inclusive and based on citizenship, while ethno-cultural nationalism is exclusive and based on descent. Conservative nationalism promotes social cohesion over liberal principles. Anticolonial nationalism emerged in opposition to Western imperialism.
Its about Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman presenting the famous six point demand on behalf of neglected people of then East Pakistan [now Bangladesh] . The background , the six points & its outcome has been given here.
The document defines terrorism as involving planned acts of extraordinary violence intended to create fear and bring about political change. It discusses major types of terrorism, common causes like psychological factors, unemployment, and religion, and typical attack methods such as bombings and hijackings. The document also examines trends like terrorists' increasing capabilities and adaptability, and effects such as relying on violence to attract attention and create conflict. It provides terrorism statistics for India in 2007-2008 and notes recent attacks. Suggested solutions include political and police support, awareness campaigns, international cooperation, and prosecuting terrorists. The conclusion expresses hope for a future without terrorism.
Nature, Scope and Sub-fields of Political Science Saira Randhawa
Political science is the study of the state and politics. It examines how states are formed and how they function, as well as theories of political behavior. The scope of political science includes four areas: political theory, political institutions, political dynamics, and international relations. It also draws from other social sciences like sociology, economics, anthropology, psychology, and history. Political science aims to understand both historical and ideal forms of the state.
Niccolo Machiavelli was an Italian diplomat, philosopher, and writer during the Renaissance period. He held several government positions in Florence, where he gained experience in politics and diplomacy. Machiavelli is considered the founder of modern political science due to works like The Prince, where he analyzed power and politics in a pragmatic way, separate from religious and moral considerations. He viewed human nature as selfish and focused on how rulers could maintain their power through both fear and popularity. While controversial, Machiavelli's realist approach to politics has remained influential to the present day.
This document discusses various human rights violations that have occurred throughout history, including during World War 2 under the Nazi regime and more recently in conflicts like Darfur. It outlines how the UN was formed after WWII to establish international agreements like the UDHR to protect human rights following the atrocities of that war. However, it notes that many violations still occur regularly in areas like torture, slavery, right to life and security of person. Specific examples of recent violations are provided for several articles of the UDHR.
Summary of Social Contract Theory by Hobbes, Locke and RousseauA K DAS's | Law
The document summarizes social contract theories by Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau. It discusses that according to social contract theory, people lived in a state of nature without government or law and entered agreements to form societies and governments. It then summarizes the key aspects of each philosopher's social contract theory, including their views of the state of nature and the rights and powers transferred to the sovereign or government through the social contract.
This document defines and discusses various concepts related to nationalism. It begins by defining a nation as a cultural, political, and psychological community bound together by common language, religion, history and traditions. Nationalism is then defined as the political belief that nations should govern themselves independently.
It goes on to discuss different types of nationalism like liberal nationalism, which supports national self-determination, versus expansionist nationalism, which is more exclusive and chauvinistic. Civic nationalism is defined as being inclusive and based on citizenship, while ethno-cultural nationalism is exclusive and based on descent. Conservative nationalism promotes social cohesion over liberal principles. Anticolonial nationalism emerged in opposition to Western imperialism.
Its about Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman presenting the famous six point demand on behalf of neglected people of then East Pakistan [now Bangladesh] . The background , the six points & its outcome has been given here.
The document outlines the law making process in Bangladesh. It begins with an overview of the country and branches of government which include the executive, legislature, and judiciary. It then discusses the forms of laws in Bangladesh including Acts passed by parliament and rules/regulations created under authority granted in Acts. The process of creating Acts involves drafting, validation, approval by relevant ministries and cabinet. Rules and regulations follow a similar process initiated within line ministries and approved by the sector ministry and cabinet. Challenges to effective implementation of laws include weak rule of law, lack of public awareness, and political and resource limitations.
Niccolò Machiavelli was an Italian Renaissance historian, politician, diplomat, philosopher and writer. He is considered the founder of modern political science. Machiavelli served as a Florentine official and wrote two of his most famous works, The Prince and Discourses on Livy, to advise rulers on how to maintain power. He took a pragmatic approach, arguing rulers should prioritize strengthening the state over traditional Christian ethics and morality. Machiavelli believed a strong, centralized state led by a powerful prince was needed to unite Italy's divided regions and overcome corruption. His writings had a profound impact on modern political thought by separating politics from religion and ethics.
Human rights are rights that belong to all people. The main function of law is to protect human rights by establishing rules and penalties. While the idea of human rights can be traced back to early civilizations, the modern concept developed in the 20th century. The League of Nations and United Nations both aimed to promote and uphold human rights, and many declarations and agreements have aimed to further define human rights. However, debates still continue around what constitutes human rights, and violations still occur.
This document discusses various definitions and conceptions of politics from several perspectives. It notes that politics involves making common decisions for a group and determining how resources are allocated. It also discusses politics arising from the need to make decisions amid diversity and complexity. Several political scientists' definitions are mentioned, including politics determining policies and goals or being about competing for resources. The role of money in politics is also addressed.
Understanding International Law in International RelationHAFIZUDIN YAHAYA
International law refers to the customs, norms, principles and rules that establish binding obligations among states and other international actors. The main sources of international law are conventions, treaties, customs, and judicial decisions. However, international law has weaknesses as well, such as vague obligations from treaties, lack of an effective legal enforcement system, and powerful states' ability to ignore laws that conflict with their interests. Nonetheless, international law still has enduring value in that states usually comply due to identity, self-interest, or fear of reprisals, and it can shape norms and identities over time.
This document provides an overview of the fundamentals of political science. It begins by defining politics as the activity through which people make, preserve and amend the general rules under which they live. It discusses different approaches to defining politics, including politics as the art of government, public affairs, compromise and consensus, and power. Key concepts of politics like power, order and justice are also explained. The document then discusses studying politics, including different methods and purposes as well as challenges in defining the subject. It outlines major subfields in political science like political theory, government and politics, comparative politics, and international relations.
This document provides an overview of key concepts related to human rights including definitions, characteristics, and classifications. It defines human rights as universal natural rights or status that people have regardless of other factors. The four main characteristics of human rights are that they are inherent, universal, indivisible, and inalienable. Human rights can be classified into civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights. The document also discusses specific human rights such as the right to education, environment, peace, and addresses issues like violence against women and small arms proliferation.
The document summarizes the Universal Declaration of Human Rights which was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 1948. It outlines 30 articles that establish fundamental human rights that all people should universally enjoy including the rights to life, liberty, security, privacy, ownership of property, freedom of speech and religion, equal treatment, fair trial, social security, and more. The declaration was drafted over two years and structured like a Greek temple with a preamble, foundational principles, and columns of rights grouped into categories.
The document provides an overview of the field of international relations. It discusses the following key points:
- International relations emerged as a formal academic discipline in 1919, drawing on fields like political science, economics, and law.
- Major theories studied in international relations include realism, liberalism, Marxism, and constructivism. Realism focuses on state security and power, while liberalism emphasizes cooperation.
- The modern international system developed out of European colonial expansion and the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648, which established principles of state sovereignty.
- Major events like the French Revolution and decolonization shaped the current global order of independent nation-states. However, some states operate outside this
The document discusses political conflict and violence. It defines political violence as the use of force for political ends. While states claim a monopoly on the use of force, violence is also used by groups seeking political change. The document examines justifications for and historical examples of violence used by states, groups challenging states, and in civil conflicts. It also reviews the development of international law seeking to regulate weapons and define crimes against humanity.
Machiavelli lived during the Renaissance and witnessed the transition from medieval to modern politics. He believed that stable government requires recognizing human nature, which is inherently selfish. Politics should be separated from ethics and focus on what works based on human behavior, not ideals. To stay in power, a leader may need to act with virtue through both force and deception. Machiavelli analyzed different forms of government and argued the most stable are republics, while tyrannies require the ruler to do whatever is necessary to remain in power and ensure stability.
The document discusses the recent rise of populism in advanced economies. It provides various definitions of populism from political scientists and economists. Populism is defined as considering society divided into two groups - the "pure people" and the "corrupt elite", with the people as the only legitimate source of political power. The document summarizes data showing a substantial rise in support for populist parties in Europe and other Western societies over the past two decades. It explores possible drivers for this rise, including economic factors like globalization, technological change and the global financial crisis, as well as potential non-economic drivers like cultural backlashes.
The document discusses the political culture of Bangladesh. It defines political culture and outlines some key characteristics such as beliefs about government, traditions of political practice, and a framework for political change. It then discusses the historical roots and evolution of political culture in Bangladesh, highlighting several regimes from 1971 to the present. These include the Awami League and BNP periods as well as military regimes under Zia and Ershad. The political cultures and policies of influential leaders like Mujibur Rahman and Ziaur Rahman are also summarized.
Removing foreign ownership restrictions in the Philippines' constitution would strengthen national security in three key ways:
1) It would increase foreign direct investment, which would increase other countries' willingness to help the Philippines defend its territory against China.
2) It would allow modernization of strategic infrastructure like telecoms and ports through well-capitalized foreign investment, improving response capabilities.
3) It would enable the Philippines to join the Trans-Pacific Partnership and strengthen its relationship with the US, an important ally against Chinese territorial threats.
International Humanitarian Law Lecture 6 - Core Principles of IHLNilendra Kumar
This lecture lays down the application and the practice of International Humanitarian Law also known as Law of Armed Conflicts (LOAC). It gives a detailed explanation of the core principles of IHL.
Neorealism, also called structural realism, argues that the international system influences state behavior based primarily on the distribution of power. It views states as acting to maximize their security in an anarchic system, which leads them to engage in a self-help balance of power. The theory was first established by Kenneth Waltz in his 1979 book Theory of International Politics, departing from classical realism by arguing that the structure of the international system, not human nature, determines state actions.
The document summarizes key concepts of social contract theory according to Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Hobbes viewed the state of nature as dangerous and advocated for absolute monarchy to maintain order. Locke believed the state of nature allowed for rational self-governance and advocated for representational democracy and protection of property rights. Rousseau viewed the state of nature positively and humans as inherently good, advocating for direct democracy and for individuals to submit to the general will of the people.
The Political philosophy of Thomas HobbesNoel Jopson
Thomas Hobbes was an English philosopher who argued that people were naturally self-interested and could not be trusted to govern themselves. In his most famous work, Leviathan, he proposed that the absolute monarchy was the best form of government because it concentrated all power in the hands of a sovereign, like a king, who could enforce order and security. Hobbes believed that without a powerful central authority, humanity would revert to a "state of nature" characterized by insecurity, conflict, and a "war of all against all."
During a UN-sponsored seminar on sexual violence against men and boys in conflict Dr. Chris Dolan and Alastair Hilton highlight the challenges of determining the scope of male-directed sexual violence in conflict. Chris Dolan is the director of the Refugee Law Project in Uganda. Alastair Hilton is a founder of First Step Cambodia, an NGO dedicated to providing services to male survivors of sexual violence and their supporters.
At a UN-sponsored seminar on sexual violence in conflict against men and boys Dr. David Ndawula of Uganda spoke of the consequences of this male-irected sexual violence. Dr. Ndawula is a medical doctor with extensive knowledge of the physical, psychological and socio-economic impacts and interventions related to survivors of sexual violence.
The document outlines the law making process in Bangladesh. It begins with an overview of the country and branches of government which include the executive, legislature, and judiciary. It then discusses the forms of laws in Bangladesh including Acts passed by parliament and rules/regulations created under authority granted in Acts. The process of creating Acts involves drafting, validation, approval by relevant ministries and cabinet. Rules and regulations follow a similar process initiated within line ministries and approved by the sector ministry and cabinet. Challenges to effective implementation of laws include weak rule of law, lack of public awareness, and political and resource limitations.
Niccolò Machiavelli was an Italian Renaissance historian, politician, diplomat, philosopher and writer. He is considered the founder of modern political science. Machiavelli served as a Florentine official and wrote two of his most famous works, The Prince and Discourses on Livy, to advise rulers on how to maintain power. He took a pragmatic approach, arguing rulers should prioritize strengthening the state over traditional Christian ethics and morality. Machiavelli believed a strong, centralized state led by a powerful prince was needed to unite Italy's divided regions and overcome corruption. His writings had a profound impact on modern political thought by separating politics from religion and ethics.
Human rights are rights that belong to all people. The main function of law is to protect human rights by establishing rules and penalties. While the idea of human rights can be traced back to early civilizations, the modern concept developed in the 20th century. The League of Nations and United Nations both aimed to promote and uphold human rights, and many declarations and agreements have aimed to further define human rights. However, debates still continue around what constitutes human rights, and violations still occur.
This document discusses various definitions and conceptions of politics from several perspectives. It notes that politics involves making common decisions for a group and determining how resources are allocated. It also discusses politics arising from the need to make decisions amid diversity and complexity. Several political scientists' definitions are mentioned, including politics determining policies and goals or being about competing for resources. The role of money in politics is also addressed.
Understanding International Law in International RelationHAFIZUDIN YAHAYA
International law refers to the customs, norms, principles and rules that establish binding obligations among states and other international actors. The main sources of international law are conventions, treaties, customs, and judicial decisions. However, international law has weaknesses as well, such as vague obligations from treaties, lack of an effective legal enforcement system, and powerful states' ability to ignore laws that conflict with their interests. Nonetheless, international law still has enduring value in that states usually comply due to identity, self-interest, or fear of reprisals, and it can shape norms and identities over time.
This document provides an overview of the fundamentals of political science. It begins by defining politics as the activity through which people make, preserve and amend the general rules under which they live. It discusses different approaches to defining politics, including politics as the art of government, public affairs, compromise and consensus, and power. Key concepts of politics like power, order and justice are also explained. The document then discusses studying politics, including different methods and purposes as well as challenges in defining the subject. It outlines major subfields in political science like political theory, government and politics, comparative politics, and international relations.
This document provides an overview of key concepts related to human rights including definitions, characteristics, and classifications. It defines human rights as universal natural rights or status that people have regardless of other factors. The four main characteristics of human rights are that they are inherent, universal, indivisible, and inalienable. Human rights can be classified into civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights. The document also discusses specific human rights such as the right to education, environment, peace, and addresses issues like violence against women and small arms proliferation.
The document summarizes the Universal Declaration of Human Rights which was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 1948. It outlines 30 articles that establish fundamental human rights that all people should universally enjoy including the rights to life, liberty, security, privacy, ownership of property, freedom of speech and religion, equal treatment, fair trial, social security, and more. The declaration was drafted over two years and structured like a Greek temple with a preamble, foundational principles, and columns of rights grouped into categories.
The document provides an overview of the field of international relations. It discusses the following key points:
- International relations emerged as a formal academic discipline in 1919, drawing on fields like political science, economics, and law.
- Major theories studied in international relations include realism, liberalism, Marxism, and constructivism. Realism focuses on state security and power, while liberalism emphasizes cooperation.
- The modern international system developed out of European colonial expansion and the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648, which established principles of state sovereignty.
- Major events like the French Revolution and decolonization shaped the current global order of independent nation-states. However, some states operate outside this
The document discusses political conflict and violence. It defines political violence as the use of force for political ends. While states claim a monopoly on the use of force, violence is also used by groups seeking political change. The document examines justifications for and historical examples of violence used by states, groups challenging states, and in civil conflicts. It also reviews the development of international law seeking to regulate weapons and define crimes against humanity.
Machiavelli lived during the Renaissance and witnessed the transition from medieval to modern politics. He believed that stable government requires recognizing human nature, which is inherently selfish. Politics should be separated from ethics and focus on what works based on human behavior, not ideals. To stay in power, a leader may need to act with virtue through both force and deception. Machiavelli analyzed different forms of government and argued the most stable are republics, while tyrannies require the ruler to do whatever is necessary to remain in power and ensure stability.
The document discusses the recent rise of populism in advanced economies. It provides various definitions of populism from political scientists and economists. Populism is defined as considering society divided into two groups - the "pure people" and the "corrupt elite", with the people as the only legitimate source of political power. The document summarizes data showing a substantial rise in support for populist parties in Europe and other Western societies over the past two decades. It explores possible drivers for this rise, including economic factors like globalization, technological change and the global financial crisis, as well as potential non-economic drivers like cultural backlashes.
The document discusses the political culture of Bangladesh. It defines political culture and outlines some key characteristics such as beliefs about government, traditions of political practice, and a framework for political change. It then discusses the historical roots and evolution of political culture in Bangladesh, highlighting several regimes from 1971 to the present. These include the Awami League and BNP periods as well as military regimes under Zia and Ershad. The political cultures and policies of influential leaders like Mujibur Rahman and Ziaur Rahman are also summarized.
Removing foreign ownership restrictions in the Philippines' constitution would strengthen national security in three key ways:
1) It would increase foreign direct investment, which would increase other countries' willingness to help the Philippines defend its territory against China.
2) It would allow modernization of strategic infrastructure like telecoms and ports through well-capitalized foreign investment, improving response capabilities.
3) It would enable the Philippines to join the Trans-Pacific Partnership and strengthen its relationship with the US, an important ally against Chinese territorial threats.
International Humanitarian Law Lecture 6 - Core Principles of IHLNilendra Kumar
This lecture lays down the application and the practice of International Humanitarian Law also known as Law of Armed Conflicts (LOAC). It gives a detailed explanation of the core principles of IHL.
Neorealism, also called structural realism, argues that the international system influences state behavior based primarily on the distribution of power. It views states as acting to maximize their security in an anarchic system, which leads them to engage in a self-help balance of power. The theory was first established by Kenneth Waltz in his 1979 book Theory of International Politics, departing from classical realism by arguing that the structure of the international system, not human nature, determines state actions.
The document summarizes key concepts of social contract theory according to Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Hobbes viewed the state of nature as dangerous and advocated for absolute monarchy to maintain order. Locke believed the state of nature allowed for rational self-governance and advocated for representational democracy and protection of property rights. Rousseau viewed the state of nature positively and humans as inherently good, advocating for direct democracy and for individuals to submit to the general will of the people.
The Political philosophy of Thomas HobbesNoel Jopson
Thomas Hobbes was an English philosopher who argued that people were naturally self-interested and could not be trusted to govern themselves. In his most famous work, Leviathan, he proposed that the absolute monarchy was the best form of government because it concentrated all power in the hands of a sovereign, like a king, who could enforce order and security. Hobbes believed that without a powerful central authority, humanity would revert to a "state of nature" characterized by insecurity, conflict, and a "war of all against all."
During a UN-sponsored seminar on sexual violence against men and boys in conflict Dr. Chris Dolan and Alastair Hilton highlight the challenges of determining the scope of male-directed sexual violence in conflict. Chris Dolan is the director of the Refugee Law Project in Uganda. Alastair Hilton is a founder of First Step Cambodia, an NGO dedicated to providing services to male survivors of sexual violence and their supporters.
At a UN-sponsored seminar on sexual violence in conflict against men and boys Dr. David Ndawula of Uganda spoke of the consequences of this male-irected sexual violence. Dr. Ndawula is a medical doctor with extensive knowledge of the physical, psychological and socio-economic impacts and interventions related to survivors of sexual violence.
This document identifies gaps in research on sexual violence against males in conflict settings. It begins by defining research and outlining common research questions. It then discusses what is known about sexual violence against males, including barriers to identification and reporting of victims. However, more data is still needed on prevalence, experiences of different groups affected, and impacts. There is also little documentation of response programs and their effectiveness. Overall research gaps remain in preventing sexual violence against males and effectively protecting, assisting, and seeking justice for victims through the UN's 3P paradigm of prevention, protection, and prosecution.
This document discusses gender equity and gender-based violence. It defines key terms like gender, sex, and gender-based violence. Gender-based violence refers to violence against women that is derived from unequal power relationships between men and women. It can take many forms, from domestic violence to rape to harmful traditional practices. The document notes that gender-based violence is a universal problem that affects women's physical, psychological, and social well-being. It occurs in both private and public spheres and is rooted in societal attitudes about gender roles and the subordinate status of women. Combating gender-based violence requires changing these underlying attitudes.
It is well know that women are often the victims of domestic violence. However, men and children can also be affected by it. Learn the facts in this presentation.
Liberia is a small country in West Africa about the size of Ohio. It has experienced civil war and currently faces challenges such as domestic abuse, rape, lack of legal protections for women, and limited access to healthcare and education for women and children. However, progress is being made under the leadership of President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, Africa's first female democratically elected head of state, with support from international organizations working to rebuild Liberia.
This document summarizes international and Colombian constitutional standards regarding sexual violence against women. It discusses how international treaties ratified by Colombia, including conventions by the UN and Inter-American systems, establish that states have obligations to prevent, investigate, and punish sexual violence as a form of discrimination and human rights violation. The document also outlines how the Colombian Constitutional Court issued an order (Auto 092) in 2008 identifying 183 cases of alleged sexual crimes during the armed conflict and requiring investigations to make progress, but that impunity and barriers to justice persist.
This study analyzed data from over 1650 individuals across India who reported experiencing domestic violence as men. The reported types of domestic violence experienced included verbal and physical abuse (25.21%), emotional abuse (22.18%), economic abuse such as denying funds (32.79%), sexual abuse (17.82%), and other forms of abuse (2%). The majority of individuals were between the ages of 26-35 (66.97%) and worked as engineers, doctors, or in marketing and media (14.55%). The study was conducted by the Save Family Foundation and MyNation organizations over 10 months to understand domestic violence against men in India.
Sexual Violence Against Women and Girls in Warcarla
This document discusses the widespread issue of sexual violence against women and girls during armed conflicts and in post-conflict settings. It provides statistics showing tens of thousands of cases of war-related rape in Bosnia, Kosovo, Liberia, and Sierra Leone. Women and children make up the majority of victims in modern conflicts. Sexual violence is used systematically to destabilize communities, quell resistance, and advance ethnic cleansing through forced impregnation and HIV transmission. After conflicts, risks of violence continue during flight, in refugee camps, and women may turn to exploitation like prostitution due to rejection and lack of prospects. Sexual violence has immense short and long-term health impacts for survivors.
Domestic violence against men is a serious issue. The document discusses several cases in Britain where men have been physically abused by their wives through actions like being scratched, kicked, bitten, or attacked with bottles and knives. A refuge organization reported that some abused fathers had moved into their safe house with their children to escape abuse that for many men had lasted an average of six years, and included being beaten with iron bars or threatened with knives. While the actual number of abused men is unknown due to underreporting, studies estimate that in the U.S. roughly 300,000 to 400,000 men are treated violently by their partners each year.
Sexual Violence Against Women and Girls in Warcarla
This document discusses the widespread issue of sexual violence against women and girls during armed conflicts and in post-conflict settings. It provides statistics showing tens of thousands of cases of war-related rape in Bosnia, Kosovo, Liberia, and Sierra Leone. Women and children make up the majority of victims in modern conflicts. Sexual violence is used systematically to destabilize communities, quell resistance, and advance ethnic cleansing through forced impregnation and HIV transmission. After conflicts, risks of violence continue during flight, in refugee camps, and women face exploitation and trafficking in reconstruction when their needs are not addressed. Survivors suffer immense short and long-term health consequences physically and psychologically.
Domestic violence against men is more prevalent than reported, but often goes unreported due to societal biases that view men as perpetrators rather than victims. Research shows that men face threats of violence, emotional distress, and lack of support services when abused. While women make up a minority of domestic violence arrests, studies show that women commit violence against men for reasons like anger and control, not just self-defense. The lack of resources and tendency not to believe male victims means domestic violence against men remains under-recognized and addressed.
The shame of war. Sexual violence against women and girls in conflictDaniel Dufourt
This chapter discusses the widespread issue of sexual violence against women and girls during armed conflicts. It notes that while this type of violence has occurred throughout history, data from conflicts in the last decade show it may have become more prevalent. Recent reports indicate over 200 women were sexually assaulted in just five weeks in a Darfur camp. During violence in the Republic of Congo in 1998, around 2,000 women sought medical care for sexual violence and 10% reported rape-related pregnancies, though the actual number of rapes was estimated to be closer to 5,000. The chapter examines how the nature of war has changed and how sexual violence is now being more openly discussed and reported on.
State crimes refer to illegal or harmful activities perpetrated by state agencies and governments. Some examples of state crimes discussed in the document include genocide, war crimes, torture, and imprisonment without trial. State crimes are especially serious because they are committed by powerful state actors and can involve harm against large numbers of victims. The document discusses how states can violate human rights through various criminal acts and provides examples such as torture in Iraq and ethnic cleansing in Darfur.
This document provides a brief definition of violence as the use of force to kill, injure or abuse others. It then discusses types of interpersonal and intergroup violence. The document notes that globally, much violence is perpetrated against women. It discusses the positive impacts of the Violence Against Women Act in the US in reducing domestic violence rates. The document also notes declines in violent crime rates in the US between 2010-2011 based on FBI data. It discusses examples of politically and religiously motivated violence. The document suggests high rates of violence in the US may be influenced by media, gun access, and structural strains like poverty and inequality. It questions whether current violence levels are inevitable and discusses concepts like relative deprivation that can contribute to
How to Become a Thought Leader in Your NicheLeslie Samuel
Are bloggers thought leaders? Here are some tips on how you can become one. Provide great value, put awesome content out there on a regular basis, and help others.
This document provides an introductory overview of conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence for non-specialists. It examines dominant patterns of such violence, including widespread violence against women and girls as well as male victims. It explores a range of causes beyond strategic warfare, like gender inequality. It also identifies gaps in preventing and responding to violence, such as lack of support services and data. The overview aims to improve understanding and support for preventing and addressing this complex issue.
This document discusses strategies for engaging men and boys in promoting gender equality. It begins by establishing the rationale, noting that men have much to gain from a more equitable society, as do societies overall. While challenging due to social norms, men are well positioned to influence change given their positions of power.
The document then outlines some key strategies. It advocates framing the issue in terms of human rights and presenting a vision of complementary gender roles. It also recommends a life cycle approach that socializes both sexes from an early age. Multi-sectoral partnerships are important to create opportunities for sustained involvement. Incremental change is emphasized over rapid transformation, starting by addressing common concerns. Specific strategies involve education, institutions, communication and basic
29
I.
II.
Youth exclusion, violence, conflict and fragile
states
Report prepared for DFID‟s Equity and Rights
Team
Final report: 30th April 2009
Lyndsay McLean Hilker
Erika Fraser
Social Development Direct Youth exclusion, violence, conflict and fragile states Pg 1
Youth exclusion, violence, conflict and fragile states: 30/04/09
Contents
Executive summary …………………………………………………………………………. 3
1.0 Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………… 8
1.1 Background …………………………………………………………………………. 8
1.2 Objectives and scope ………………………………………………………………. 8
1.3 Methodology …………………………………………………………………………. 8
2.0 Key concepts ……………………………………………………………………………. 9
2.1 Understanding the complexity of ―Youth‖ ………………………………………… 9
2.2 The multiple dimensions of exclusion …………………………………………….. 9
2.3 Conflict, fragility and different forms of violence ………………………………... 10
3.0 Youth exclusion and violence: The issues and evidence ………………………. 12
3.1 Overview ……………………………………………………………………………... 12
3.2 Theories of youth engagement in violence ………………………………………. 13
3.3 Structural factors underlying youth exclusion and violence ……………………. 19
3.3.1 Demography: the significance of the ―youth bulge‖ ……………………. 19
3.3.2 Un- and underemployment: lack of livelihood opportunities …………... 22
3.3.3 Education and skills: insufficient, unequal and inappropriate? ………. 23
3.3.4 Voice and accountability: poor governance and weak political
participation …………………………………………………………………
24
3.3.5 Gender inequalities and socialisation ……………………………………. 26
3.3.6 A legacy of past violence …………………………………………………. 28
3.4 Proximate factors and mobilisation into violence ………………………………... 29
3.4.1 Recruitment, coercion and indoctrination ……………………………….. 30
3.4.2 Identity politics and ideology ……………………………………………… 31
3.4.3 Leadership and organisational dynamics ……………………………….. 32
3.4.4 Trigger events ……………………………………………………………… 32
3.5 Resilience: Why some youth don‘t get involved in violence …………………… 33
3.5.1 Migration as a safety valve? ……………………………………………… 33
3.5.2 Social capital ……………………………………………………………….. 34
Social Development Direct Youth exclusion, violence, conflict and fragile states Pg 2
4.0 Policies and programmes to address youth exclusion and violence ………... 37
4.1 Policies and approaches to youth and conflict ………………………………….. 37
4.2 Programmes to address youth exclusion and violence ………………………… 40
4.2.1 Key programming options ………………………………………………… 41
4.2.2 Lessons learned …………………………………………………………… 43
4.3 Implications for DFID ……………………………………………………………….. 44
4.3.1 Opportunities and entry points …………………………………………… 45
4.3.2 Challenges …………………………………………………………………. 46
5.0 Conclusions and recommendations ……………………………………………….. 47
Annexes (separate document)
Annex A: Terms of Reference
Annex B: Bibliography
Annex C: List of key informants
Annex D: Table: Countries with/.
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escaped scrutiny; to suggest possible strategies for dealing with contemporary men‘s violence against other men
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and misunderstandings during beer drink. This type of violence has escaped scrutiny because many incidents
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perpetrators of violence in human societies. Human rights groups, victim friendly practitioners and law
enforcement agencies are expected to benefit from the study‘s findings.
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While this weeks topic highlighted the uncertainty of Big Data, th.docxharold7fisher61282
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· The scalability and efficacy of existing analytics techniques being applied to big data must be empirically examined.
· New techniques and algorithms must be developed in ML and NLP to handle the real-time needs for decisions made based on enormous amounts of data.
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Your paper should meet the following requirements:
• Be approximately 3-5 pages in length, not including the required cover page and reference page.
• Follow APA guidelines. Your paper should include an introduction, a body with fully developed content, and a conclusion.
• Support your response with the readings from the course and at least five peer-reviewed articles or scholarly journals to support your positions, claims, and observations. The UC Library is a great place to find resources.
• Be clear with well-written, concise, using excellent grammar and style techniques. You are being graded in part on the quality of your writing.
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Meanings of Bodily and Sexual Expression in Youth Sexting Culture:
Young Women’s Negotiation of Gendered Risks and Harms
Emily Setty1
Published online: 31 August 2018
# Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, part of Springer Nature 2018
Abstract
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practices, whereas young women were disempowered, denied legitimacy, and tasked with managing gendered risks of harm in
youth sexting culture. I discuss how young women negotiated and navigated risk and shame and, in some instances, made space
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experiences sexting and social shaming, are presented to show some of the ways young women make sense of social meani.
This document provides a toolkit for raising awareness about and addressing reproductive coercion. It was produced through a partnership between The Feminist Women's Health Center, The National Coalition Against Domestic Violence, and The National Organization for Men Against Sexism. The toolkit contains definitions, quick facts sheets, self-assessment tools, and clinical assessment and intervention tools to help empower women, recognize signs of reproductive coercion, and facilitate interventions. It aims to bridge the gap between reproductive health and domestic violence communities.
The dissertation analyzes recurring civil conflicts in Africa between 1989-2014 to evaluate the impact of state characteristics, peace operations, and foreign aid on conflict patterns. Econometric analysis and dynamic systems modeling are combined with a case study of Somalia. Key findings are that observed conflict patterns scale from micro to macro levels and are strongly correlated with state characteristics proxying for conflict-balancing mechanisms, but weakly correlated with UN/regional peace operations and humanitarian aid. Policy implications suggest interventions need to simultaneously increase transparency, promote inclusivity, and empower local involvement at multiple levels to reduce conflict persistence.
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Similar to Report of the Workshop on Sexual Violence against Men and Boys (20)
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Jennifer Schaus and Associates hosts a complimentary webinar series on The FAR in 2024. Join the webinars on Wednesdays and Fridays at noon, eastern.
Recordings are on YouTube and the company website.
https://www.youtube.com/@jenniferschaus/videos
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2024: The FAR - Federal Acquisition Regulations, Part 42
Report of the Workshop on Sexual Violence against Men and Boys
1. Office of the United Nations
Special Representative of the Secretary-
General on Sexual Violence in Conflict
Report of
Workshop on
Sexual Violence against Men and Boys in Conflict
Situations
New York
25-26 July 2013
2. UN Workshop on Conflict-Related Sexual Violence against Men & Boys, 25-26 July 2013: Report & Recommendations
2
Acknowledgements
This report draws on the presentations given and the discussions held during the workshop, copies of which
can be found at: http://www.slideshare.net/osrsgsvc/presentations.
The workshop was made possible by the concerted action of the Office of the Special Representative of the
Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict, and the US State Department. It also drew on the invaluable
enthusiasm and wealth of knowledge of the experts and survivors who attended the event from various parts
of the world, sharing experiences on their work covering seven continents.
Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict
5 December 2013
3. CONTENTS
Executive Summary ................................................................................................................................................5
1. Overview of Sexual Violence in Conflict as a Women, Peace & Security Issue ..................................................7
Conceptual, Political and Statistical Challenges to Introducing Men & Boys into the SGBV domain.................8
Understandings & Assumptions about Gender..............................................................................................8
Blurring of ‘Gender’, ‘Women’ and SGBV.......................................................................................................8
Under-reporting, Under-documenting, and Under-Acknowledging ..............................................................9
Institutional Gaps in Applying the SGBV Agenda to Include Men & Boys ......................................................9
Why this Workshop? ........................................................................................................................................10
2. The Scope of Sexual Violence against Men & Boys in Conflict .........................................................................11
Men and Boys as Victims..................................................................................................................................11
Forms of Conflict-Related Sexual Violence...................................................................................................11
Spaces where Conflict-Related Sexual Violence Occurs ...............................................................................12
Recognising the Post-Conflict Dimension.....................................................................................................12
The Logics of Sexual Violence against Men & Boys ......................................................................................12
The Perpetrators of Sexual Violence against Men & Boys ...........................................................................13
3. Impacts and Consequences of Conflict-Related Sexual Violence – the Five ‘P’s ..........................................13
Comparing Conflict-Related Sexual Violence against Men & Boys with Sexual Violence against Women &
Girls...............................................................................................................................................................14
Comparing Conflict-Related Sexual Violence against Men & Boys with Sexual abuse in Peace-Time .........14
4. Operational Challenges In Responding to CRSV against Men & Boys ..............................................................15
Exploring How Gender-Based Violence relates to and Diverges from Sexuality Debates............................16
A chicken and Egg situation..........................................................................................................................16
5. Justice Frameworks for Responding to Conflict-Related Sexual Violence against Men & Boys ...................16
International Criminal Law & Mechanisms.......................................................................................................17
Human Rights Law & Mechanisms ...................................................................................................................17
Domestic Law....................................................................................................................................................18
Traditional and Transitional Justice..................................................................................................................19
6. Recommendations............................................................................................................................................19
A. Determine the Scope of Sexual Violence Against Men & Boys, and promote their Protection through; 19
B. Develop Survivor-Centred Responses to Men & Boy Survivors of Conflict-Related Sexual Violence by;.20
D. Build International Momentum through;.................................................................................................21
E. Enable Survivors to Access Justice, and Strengthen Domestic & International Capacity to Hold
Perpetrators to Account by; .............................................................................................................................21
7. Key Resources...............................................................................................................................................22
7.1 UN and other International Documents .....................................................................................................22
4. UN Workshop on Conflict-Related Sexual Violence against Men & Boys, 25-26 July 2013: Report & Recommendations
4
7.2 Academic Texts & Books.............................................................................................................................22
7.3 NGO Reports...............................................................................................................................................23
7.4 Media Reports ............................................................................................................................................24
7.5 Films/Documentaries/Newsclips................................................................................................................24
7.6 Other Essential Reading..............................................................................................................................25
5. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The Women, Peace and Security agenda has had considerable success in drawing attention to the issue of
sexual violence against women and girls in conflict situations, but has been silent on the related question of
conflict related sexual violence against men and boys. Despite mounting evidence that this is a major issue in a
number of conflict situations around the globe, such violence continues to be under-reported, under-
documented and under-acknowledged, thereby preventing victims from being availed much needed assistance
and from accessing justice. Cognizant of the need for policies and practices that offer appropriate responses to
men and boy survivors, and that challenge deeply entrenched cultural assumptions about male invulnerability
to such violence, the Special Representative of the Secretary General on Sexual Violence in Conflict convened a
workshop of experts to discuss the major dimensions to be brought into consideration, as well as to map out
recommendations for ways forward.
In considering the scope of the problem, the workshop highlighted examples of sexual violence against men
and boys in at least 25 countries since the turn of the century, and the fact that members of armed groups and
forces are themselves also vulnerable. A multiplicity of forms of such violence were highlighted, ranging from
anal rape through being coerced into committing various sexual acts, to also include forms of genital
mutilation. The multiplicity of possible spaces in which such violence occurs was highlighted, as was the need
to be aware of the ways in which conflict-related sexual violence continues in situations of exile, as well as in
what are officially post-conflict contexts. While the majority of perpetrators are believed to be men, it was also
acknowledged that women can also be actively involved. It was also seen that sexual violence against men and
boys builds on the same gender constructs as are evident in sexual violence against women and girls, and that
the ‘feminization’ of men through sexual violence is an extension of the larger gender logic that informs the
subordination of women. Such sexual violence is frequently used as a weapon of war with the intent of
fracturing communities and reducing their capacity to resist, and gender humiliation is frequently linked to
ethnic humiliation.
In exploring the impacts and consequences of conflict-related sexual violence against men and boys, the
discussion focused on the five ‘Ps’: physical, psychological, psycho-sexual, psycho-social, and political. It thus
made clear how the consequences spread beyond the individual to create domestic and social dysfunction.
The discussion thus emphasized the need to consider responses that work not only with the individual victim
or survivor, but also his partner, family, and community.
In considering these impacts and the distinctive needs they create, the workshop considered key similarities
and differences between conflict related sexual violence against men and boys, and that against women. Most
striking in this regard was the manner in which male victims are frequently coerced into active involvement in
sexual violence against other men and women, as well as being coerced to harm themselves genitally through
particular sexual acts with objects. When comparing how such violence relates to and differs from the better
documented and understood sexual abuse against boys, the public nature of much conflict-related sexual
violence was contrasted to the secretive nature of most sexual abuse, and the very distinct nature of the
relationship between perpetrator and victim (as compared to trusted family member or friend in situations of
child abuse) was also discussed.
While the above discussions highlighted some particular gaps in responses to conflict-related sexual violence,
participants also considered the broad challenges of addressing the issue; many of the existing documents
related to Gender-Based Violence focus exclusively on women and girls, leaving practitioners in field settings
with virtually no guidance on how to work with men and boys. This is aggravated by wide-spread discomfort
working on issues that are perceived to relate in one way or another to sexuality and sexual orientation.
6. UN Workshop on Conflict-Related Sexual Violence against Men & Boys, 25-26 July 2013: Report & Recommendations
6
Moving from direct service provision to the longer-term agenda of legal responses and the fight against
impunity, the failure of many domestic legal frameworks to recognize men as potential victims of sexual
violence was noted alongside the chilling effect on reporting of penal codes that fail to distinguish between
consensual and non-consensual homosexual activity. International criminal law, as developed through the
major international criminal tribunals for Yugoslavia and Rwanda in particular, and as synthesized in the Rome
statute of the International Criminal Court, provides the most comprehensive framework for addressing this
issue, supported by a range of human rights treaties and mechanisms, particularly those in defense of the
rights to life, personal security, physical integrity, freedom from torture, inhuman and degrading treatment,
access to health and equal protection. Importantly, the ICC also recognizes the importance of coercion. To
ensure that domestic jurisdictions are able to address conflict-related sexual violence against men and boys it
is thus essential to harmonise domestic frameworks in line with international best practice.
The prospects of traditional or customary justice systems being able to address the issue of sexual violence
against men was given consideration, but, given its tendency to be patriarchal in structure and outlook, the
mechanisms of truth-telling, reparations and institutional reform offered by transitional justice appeared to
offer stronger prospects of redress to male victims.
The report makes 29 specific recommendations, grouped under five main headings:
a) Determining the scope of sexual violence against men and boys, notably through increased screening
and documentation of three key populations (refugees, combatants, detainees)
b) Developing survivor-centered responses to men and boy survivors that begin with the individual, but
when appropriate also work with families, households and communities, and encourage survivors in
the establishment of self-help associations
c) Mainstreaming male-inclusive understandings of and approaches to GBV within the humanitarian
community, with immediate attention to revising key guidelines and training instruments
d) Building on international momentum in the form of new resource allocations, strengthened
communities of practice, and stronger statements of international commitment to addressing the
issue
e) Enabling survivors to access justice, and strengthening domestic and international capacity to hold
perpetrators to account, principally through aligning domestic and regional frameworks with
international best-practice, as established in the Rome Statute
7. UN Workshop on Conflict-Related Sexual Violence against Men & Boys, 25-26 July 2013: Report & Recommendations
7
1. OVERVIEW OF SEXUAL VIOLENCE IN CONFLICT AS A WOMEN, PEACE &
SECURITY ISSUE
The issue of conflict-related sexual violence has gained increasing prominence in international policy making
since the 1990s, partly as a result of shifts in the nature and visibility of a range of conflict and forms of war-
fare, and partly as a result of much advocacy work by feminists and women’s rights activists. Sexual and
Gender Based Violence (SGBV) is often used as the short-hand to reference the broader patterns of human
rights abuses of which sexualised violence constitutes a part; in the last two decades donors, multi-lateral
organisations and non-governmental organisations, both ‘local’ and ‘international’, have developed a focus on
such forms of violence, and some considerable expertise.
Key policy moments in the development of this momentum include UN Security Council Resolutions 1325
(2000), 1820 (2008), 1888 (2009), 1889 (2009), 1960 (2010), 2106 (2013) and 2122 (2013) on Women, Peace &
Security. UNSCR 1820 states that sexual violence, when commissioned as a tactic of war, can significantly
exacerbate situations of armed conflict, and may pose a threat to international peace and security.
UNSCR 1888 called for the establishment of the position of Special Representative of the Secretary General on
Sexual Violence in Conflict, with a coordinating function for the UN Action on Sexual Violence in Conflict. This
position, based out of UN Headquarters in New York, was established in 2010, with the first SRSG, Ms Margot
Wallström, handing over to the current incumbent, Ms Zainab Hawa Bangura, in 2012. Resolution 1960 (2010)
provided for accountability mechanisms with which to address conflict-related sexual violence, including
monitoring, analysis and reporting arrangements, naming and shaming, as well as sanctions for perpetrators.
Resolution 2106 (2013) provides a comprehensive operational framework that seeks to strengthen national
capacities to prosecute perpetrators of sexual violence, thereby increasing accountability and ultimately
enhancing prevention. The establishment of the Prevention of Sexual Violence Initiative (PSVI) to prevent
sexual violence in conflict by the British Government during its presidency of the G8 has added further impetus
to the overall international momentum on preventing such violence in conflict situations.
Even though the existing policy infrastructure mentioned above was developed to address all victims of sexual
violence, including women, men and children, there remains little acknowledgement of the issue of men as
victims of conflict-related sexual violence. There has also been limited understanding of the phenomenon
itself, or of the different needs of male victims of sexual violence compared to female victims, needs which call
for specific programmatic and strategic adjustments. The Security Council Resolutions from 1325-2122 focus
on female victims; male victims are mentioned only once, in UNSCR 2106, some thirteen years after the UNSCR
1325 was passed. As such, the Women, Peace and Security lens may have inadvertently led to adverse and
exclusionary programming practices in the field.
Other important policy documents such as the Inter Agency Standing Committee (IASC) Guidelines on
Responding to GBV in Emergencies, which serve as the core reference point for practitioners in the United
Nations and major International NGOS, contain no discussion of the specifics of sexual violence against men
and boys. The exception to this trend is the 2012 publication of the Need to Know Guidance Note on working
with Men and Boy Survivors of Sexual and Gender Based Violence in Forced Displacement, spear-headed by
UNHCR, which provides guidance to practitioners on how to work with men and boy survivors of sexual and
gender based violence.
8. UN Workshop on Conflict-Related Sexual Violence against Men & Boys, 25-26 July 2013: Report & Recommendations
8
In recent years both the international media and some academics and civil society activists have begun to
break the silence about male victims (see resource list). These efforts have been given considerable additional
impetus in international policy circles by the accounts of conflict-related violations committed in the Libyan
and Syrian situations, as mentioned in reports of the UN’s various Commissions of Enquiry from 2011 onwards.
This gradual shift in understanding is reflected in recent donor funding for the development of a screening tool
for the identification of men and boy victims in humanitarian emergencies. At the international policy level the
G8’s Declaration on Ending Sexual Violence in Conflict, adopted in London in April 2013, recognises that:
‘…future action at the international level is imperative to end sexual violence in armed conflict, to
tackle the lack of accountability that exists for these crimes and to provide comprehensive support
services to victims, be they women, girls, men or boys’ [emphasis added]
UNSCR 2106, which was passed just two months later, in June 2013, was the first such resolution to explicitly
mention men and boys, noting with concern that;
“sexual violence in armed conflict and post-conflict situations disproportionately affects women and
girls, as well as groups that are particularly vulnerable or may be specifically targeted, while also
affecting men and boys and those secondarily traumatized as forced witnesses of sexual violence
against family members” [emphasis added].
CONCEPTUAL, POLITICAL AND STATISTICAL CHALLENGES TO INTRODUCING MEN & BOYS
INTO THE SGBV DOMAIN
UNDERSTANDINGS & ASSUMPTIONS ABOUT GENDER
Notwithstanding these recent policy developments, the practical obstacles to rapid development of
interventions in support of men and boy victims are numerous. They begin with widespread understandings
and assumptions about ‘normal’ gendered behaviour within a simple male-female binary, in particular the
assumption that men are naturally aggressive, sexually demanding and invulnerable, while women are
naturally peaceful, sexually passive, and weak.
Applied to the issue of sexual violence in conflict this translates into the widespread view that men are always
the perpetrators and women always the victims. The possibility of men being victims of sexual violence, or of
women being perpetrators, is thus generally discounted. Evidence is not looked for, and the phenomenon
therefore remains under-documented.
Furthermore, the field of conflict-related sexual violence couples an implicit assumption that the direction of
sexual violence will be heterosexual. Discomfort with issues of sexuality in general, and homosexual behaviour
in particular, further disables any contemplation of the perpetration of sexual violence against men, whether
by fellow men, or by women.
In many communities, as well as in many institutions and legal systems, no distinction is drawn between
consensual and non-consensual same-sex behaviour. In Uganda, for example, the definition of rape excludes
men as victims, while the Penal Code a male victim of rape by another man could be penalized for engaging in
acts ‘against the order of nature’. As a result, even the victims of non-consensual same-sex rape may be
labelled as homosexuals, and this has a serious chilling effect on reporting of such incidents.
BLURRING OF ‘GENDER’, ‘WOMEN’ AND SGBV
Much important academic work has been done both to deconstruct gender stereotypes and biological
essentialisms, and to theorize women’s rights. In the fields of international activism, policy and practice on
conflict-related sexual violence, however, the discussion about gender has been blurred with and frequently
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subsumed into a necessary struggle for women’s rights in the face of historical indifference to the widespread
subordination of women. Notwithstanding the importance of this struggle, the resultant discursive and policy
focus on sexual and gender based violence as a women’s rights issue has become, from a policy and
humanitarian perspective, a serious obstacle to prevention of and response to conflict related sexual and
gender-based violence against men and boys, as practitioners lack both awareness of the issues, and the
appropriate experience and skills with which to respond to male survivors.
The predominance of this paradigm is evident in the fact that in most people’s minds, whether in rural villages
in eastern DRC or in the corridors of power in key donor states, the field of ‘gender’, and the sub-field within
that of SGBV, is understood to be about women. SGBV scenarios are populated by male perpetrators and
female victims.
UNDER-REPORTING, UNDER-DOCUMENTING, AND UNDER-ACKNOWLEDGING
While data on sexual violence against women and girls in conflicts remains inadequate, the view that, in terms
of victims at least, SGBV is a women’s issue, is enabled by an even more resounding lack of data on conflict-
related sexual violence against men and boys. This statistical silence is itself a product of several intersecting
dynamics; first, the serious under-reporting of sexual violence by male victims, most of whom fear to be
labelled as homosexuals with all the stigma, discrimination and sometimes criminalisation which that entails,
and many of whom encounter disbelief and/or ridicule from service providers they attempt to report to;
second, the failure by organisations and authorities to document those cases that are reported; third, an
under-acknowledgement of those cases that are reported; in some international criminal tribunals, for
instance, the sexual nature of violence has been disguised by it being described as ‘torture’. At a state level,
gender stereotypes of men as aggressive and invulnerable are frequently integral to nationalism and the
mobilisation of men into military forces in defence of the nation. While violence against women is seen as
deplorable yet explicable within prevalent gender and sexuality norms, violence against men is not. The
notions of men as victims of sexual violence, or men as perpetrators of sexual violence against fellow males,
do not fit into the military ideologies and nationalist doctrines. For states parties, in particular, this may act as
further disincentive to reporting or documenting violations of men and boys.
In the few situations where serious investigations into actual levels of sexual violence have been done, the
disparity between levels of conflict-related sexual violence against women and levels against men is rarely as
dramatic as one might expect, and raises questions about the usefulness of claims that women and girls are
‘disproportionately affected’ by sexual violence. While UNSCR 2106 is an important step in the right direction,
its language nonetheless continues to exemplify empirically unsubstantiated assumptions about the actual
dynamics and gender-specific prevalence of sexual violence in conflict situations.
INSTITUTIONAL GAPS IN APPLYING THE SGBV AGENDA TO INCLUDE MEN & BOYS
The combination of gender norms and their resultant silencing of particular forms of violence and victimhood,
with the struggle for women’s rights to be recognised and their needs adequately responded to, has resulted
in widespread institutional gaps in responding to sexual and gender based violence against men and boys.
Medical students, counsellors, social and humanitarian workers are neither trained nor funded to respond to
such cases. Service providers frequently express difficulty in responding to the help-seeking behaviours of men
and boys, difficulties engaging with and feeling empathy for male victims, confusion about what the violence
says about the client’s sexual orientation, and a lack of safe spaces within which to work with clients, or
appropriate services to which to refer them for further assistance. Lawyers are not trained to challenge legal
frameworks which make it impossible for male victims to seek redress through the courts. Donors create funds
to address sexual and gender-based violence, but specify that the intervention must work with women and
girls, or, at best, women and children. Women are generally recruited for positions requiring gender expertise
to address sexual and gender based violence. Social scientists are not funded to adequately research and
document the prevalence of sexual violence from a gender–inclusive perspective. As a result, the cycle of
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under-reporting, under-documenting and under-acknowledging sexual violence against men and boys has
been perpetuated.
WHY THIS WORKSHOP?
With the G8 declaration and subsequent UN resolution signalling a move towards more inclusive and
comprehensive understandings of the extent and scope of sexual violence in conflict, the need to bring policy
and practical interventions, in particular support services for men and boy survivors of conflict related sexual
violence up to speed, and to relate them to the Women, Peace and Security policy agenda, as well as to
existing interventions on behalf of women and girls in a manner which strengthens the prevention and
response outcomes for all, is ever more apparent and urgent.
It is against this backdrop that the Special Representative of the Secretary General on Sexual Violence in
Conflict, with the sponsorship of the US State Department, convened its first expert workshop on the topic of
Sexual Violence against Men & Boys in Conflict Situations on 25-26 July 2013. Considered as a first step on the
part of the Office of the SRSG and the wider UN Action Against Sexual Violence that she chairs, to broaden the
scope of the discussion, policy and practice related to sexual violence in conflict to include men and boys, the
workshop brought together practitioners, academics, policy makers and donors in the field of conflict-related
sexual violence, as well as representatives of survivor groups and organisations. The programme, after an
opening address by Stephen J. Rapp, US Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes Issues, began with an overview
of the state of the field, followed by more specific presentations on the consequences of sexual violence to the
survivors themselves, and the opportunities and challenges to seeking legal redress. Presentations on
programming and research gaps were followed by in-depth group discussions on the same.
As in all discussions about the importance of seeking interventions for the prevention of and response to
sexual violence, participants’ contributions reflected diverse but often complementary thinking about the
issue. While some prioritise recognition of the rights of victims to access assistance and seek redress, others
focus more on the harms to society of failing to address these violations and their impacts, or of leaving the
impunity of the perpetrators unchallenged. All these perspectives were evident in the expert presentations, as
well as the group discussions.
This report seeks to summarise and draw together the key points made in presentations and group-work.. As
such it aims to provide an overview of the issues for consideration, as well as an initial set of recommendations
for actions which can strengthen the response by a wide range of stakeholders to men and boy survivors of
conflict-related sexual violence. It does not seek to provide detailed guidance about the practicalities of
working with men and boy survivors.
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2. THE SCOPE OF SEXUAL VIOLENCE AGAINST MEN & BOYS IN CONFLICT
MEN AND BOYS AS VICTIMS
Situations in which it is known that men and boys have been subjected to conflict-related sexual violence have
been documented around the globe. Since 2000, cases have been documented in at least 25 countries from
Latin and Central America, through Africa, the Middle East and Asia. North America is not excluded, with
notorious examples of sexual abuse by US military of male captives in Iraq.
One study in Liberia found that while 42.3% of women combatants and 9.2% of civilian women had
experienced sexual violence during the conflict, the same was true for 32.6% of male combatants and 7.4% of
male civilians (Johnson K, Asher J, Rosborough S, et al, Association of Combatant Violence and Sexual Violence,
With Health and Mental Health Outcomes in Post-Conflict Liberia, JAMA, 2008; 300-6). Another in DRC
provided more qualitative data on the nature of sexual violence against men (Mervyn C, Safari O, Ramzani P,
Burnham G, Glass N (2011) Sexual and gender based violence against men in the Democratic Republic of
Congo: effects on survivors, their families and the community, Medicine, Conflict & Survival 27:4, 227-246). A
Human Rights Watch report in Sri Lanka has demonstrated that repatriated former refugees can also be
targets. Although it is often assumed that civilians are the primary victims of sexual violence, and that military
structures are populated by perpetrators only, the Liberian case suggests high levels of victims of male-
directed sexual violence within military settings. This is echoed in US military reports that in 2012, 53% of
reported cases of sexual abuse within the US military were against men.
FORMS OF CONFLICT-RELATED SEXUAL VIOLENCE
It is commonly assumed that sexual violence against men and boys takes the form of penetration of the anus
using the penis. This is often described using the term ‘sodomy’, a term which fails to differentiate between
consensual and non-consensual acts, rather than rape. While anal rape of men – including gang-rape - is a
common form of sexual violence, it is only one of the many forms that sexual violence against men can take.
Others include:
- oral rape, as well as rape using objects (e.g. screw-drivers, bottles)
- having ropes tied to the genitalia and being pulled around by this rope
- having electric wires attached to the genitalia, through which electric shocks are administered
- linking two men using ropes tied to their genitalia and making them walk in opposite directions
- being made to dig holes in the ground, or in trees, and then to rub themselves in that hole to the
point of ejaculation
- being forced to have vaginal sex with women who are also under detention
- being forced to have anal or oral sex with fellow detainees, or with brothers, or fathers
- being forced into sexual acts with the victim’s spouse, while being watched by children, parents etc.
- being used as a mattress while soldiers rape their family members on top of them
- being held for lengthy periods of time as sexual slaves
- forced circumcision, castration, and other forms of genital mutilation
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SPACES WHERE CONFLICT-RELATED SEXUAL VIOLENCE OCCURS
Accounts indicate that sexual violence occurs in a wide range of settings, including but not limited to: people’s
own homes; their neighbourhood or village; military camps and training centres; police, prison and torture
cells and other places of detention. In many accounts, conflict-related sexual violence against men and boys is
deliberately done with an audience, with the result that the violation is an open secret, known about by a
number of individuals beyond the immediate perpetrator(s) and victim. In many situations the victim is forced
to actively participate in sexual acts against fellow detainees.
It is important to note that even a very short time in any of the above settings may result in sexual
victimisation. It is not uncommon, for example, for refugees to be detained without charge for a number of
days. By the time they are released, they have frequently been victimised in a way which may take years to
recover from.
RECOGNISING THE POST-CONFLICT DIMENSION
It is important to recognise that while much conflict-related sexual violence against men and boys occurs
within the conflict setting, many victims subsequently flee into exile. Male refugee populations are likely to
contain a higher proportion of male victims than the population in the place of origin. Additionally, the
specificities of life in exile render refugee men and boys vulnerable to sexual violence and exploitation, which
should thus be considered an extension of conflict-related sexual violence. Refugee camps can become sites of
forcible recruitment and accompanying patterns of sexual violence, and host country citizens at times exercise
extreme sexual violence against male refugees to signal their xenophobia; since refugee victims have little or
no recourse in law, perpetrators rarely need to fear repercussions. As the rape of male returnees to Sri Lanka
demonstrates, an official determination that a particular context is ‘post-conflict’ does not guarantee an end
to conflict-related sexual violence.
THE LOGICS OF SEXUAL VIOLENCE AGAINST MEN & BOYS
Testimony from a range of survivors indicates that conflict-related sexual violence against men and boys is
frequently premeditated, planned, and systematic, all of which resonates with the interpretation of sexual
violence as a weapon of war. In the documentary film ‘They Slept With Me’, for example, survivors of sexual
violence in northern Uganda describe how soldiers rounded up civilians into a warehouse, and then
systematically distributed them to specific soldiers to be raped. In many accounts by male survivors the gender
humiliation caused by sexual violence is tightly connected to ethnic agendas and the attempt to discredit an
entire ethnic group.
While reading back from the impact of sexual violence on victims to the intentions of the perpetrators behind
it carries the risk of a wrong interpretation, it is evident from many victims’ accounts at least, that sexual
violence against men and boys shares the same gender-based logic as sexual violence against women and girls;
it is effective as an instrument of humiliation and debilitation to the extent that both perpetrator and victim
share a set of patriarchal gender norms in which men are regarded as superior and women as inferior.
Demonstrating to the victim and any audience to the violence that the victim is unable to defend himself,
sends a clear message to all that, in terms of received gender norms about male invulnerability and men’s
capacity to defend themselves, the victim is a ‘feminized’ failure – in the words of some survivors, “They
turned me into a woman”.
The physical damage to victims, and the fact that many victims subsequently flee, reduces the capacity of
communities to resist their attackers. At a more strategic level, the violence and the destabilisation of gender
certainties that such violence entails, undoubtedly weakens social cohesion, both at family and community
levels. The capacity to resist is also diminished by reducing the pool from which leaders are drawn; known
victims, for example, are less likely to access leadership or military positions.
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In short, sexual violence against men and boys is as effective a weapon of war as that perpetrated against
women and girls, and in many instances the two are deliberately brought together by the perpetrators.
THE PERPETRATORS OF SEXUAL VIOLENCE AGAINST MEN & BOYS
The perpetrators of conflict-related sexual violence against men and boys are generally other men, though
cases of abuse by women are also not uncommon; where perpetrators are working in groups, such groups
often contain women as well as men. While the largest percentage of perpetrators belong to armed groups
and forces (including peacekeepers, police and prisons staff), some evidence suggests that the largest
percentage of victims is to be found within these groups.
3. IMPACTS AND CONSEQUENCES OF CONFLICT-RELATED SEXUAL VIOLENCE –
THE FIVE ‘P’S
The impacts of conflict related sexual violence are multiple and extensive, and can usefully be summarised
under five ‘P’s: Physical, Psychological, Psycho-sexual, Psycho-social, and Political. It is important to note that
many of these impacts are happening in contexts where health services are struggling to respond adequately
to more general health issues, and are not equipped to respond to these impacts.
The physical impacts include bruising, lacerations, abrasions and tearing of the anal and genital areas, broken
bones and teeth. Tying of the genitalia which has obstructed blood-flow can cause tissue damage and atrophy
of the genitalia. Rectal damage can include fissures, prolapse and resultant incontinence. Failure to treat rectal
damage in good time can result in permanent scarring which makes subsequent medical interventions more
difficult. In some instances of rectal damage, victims avoid eating to minimise further damage, and as a result
evidence malnutrition. In addition to immediate physical damage, there is also exposure to a range of Sexually
Transmitted Infections such as Urinary Tract Infections, gonorrhoea, chlamydia, hepatitis, syphilis, HIV, genital
warts, etc., as well as infections resulting from a lack of treatment of open wounds. In many cases victims
experience prolonged sleep disorders, chronic pain in the back, head, abdomen and rectum, chronic fatigue
and gastro-intestinal difficulties.
The psychological effects tend to be serious and enduring, including acute stress disorders (particularly in the
first three months after the incident) and Post-Traumatic Stress Disorders, which are found in up to 30% of
survivors and more than a decade after the event. Depression, low self-esteem, emotional numbing, anxiety
disorders such as hyper-vigilance, hyper-arousal, panic attacks, phobias and suicidal ideation are all frequent,
with correspondingly higher than average levels of substance abuse. Evidence from the sexual abuse of
children suggests that compulsive behaviours in adults, such as overspending, gambling, sexual obsessions, can
be responses to abuse.
The concept of psycho-sexual impacts describes the reality that the vast majority of male victims of sexual
violence report a severe impact on their capacity for intimate sexual relations. Shame at the ways in which
their masculinity has been challenged by the perpetrators is coupled with confusion as to what the sexual act
they have been forced into means in terms of their own sexual orientation, as well as, in many instances,
physical damage to the genitalia which renders sexual activity more difficult, or painful, or simply impossible.
Many victims report serious problems of impotence as a result, with younger unmarried men also expressing
severe doubts about their capacity and/or wish to establish a family in the future.
The psycho-social impacts for male victims of sexual violence are often related to the psycho-sexual impacts.
Many report difficulties sustaining their pre-existing or new relationships, and in many instances are
abandoned by wives and girlfriends. Even where the couple stay together, many men report dysfunctional
behaviours, ranging from spouses regularly belittling them verbally or physically, to their own withdrawal from
their own children.
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The physical damage resulting from sexual violence frequently prevents men from engaging in any form of
physical labour, thereby seriously jeopardising their capacity to earn an income and support their families, thus
undermining another key component of the patriarchal norm of the man as provider for women and children.
Where the sexual violence is known about in the wider community, the stigmatisation of the victim is often
experienced by his family as well. Singly or in combination, these stresses can result in domestic violence
and/or the disintegration of the family unit, unless appropriate counselling for the individual and the family
can be provided. Where the issue is stigmatisation by the wider community, this may often oblige a victim and
his family to seek to relocate.
The political impacts of sexual violence against men are closely related to the identity of the perpetrator(s).
Civilian victims of violence perpetrated by government soldiers frequently report that they subsequently took
a conscious decision to withdraw all active or passive support of government and government processes such
as elections. Equally, some victims of violence perpetrated by armed groups at times report joining
government forces to seek an opportunity for retaliation. Given that such attitudes are likely to be transmitted
trans-generationally, these political impacts on the prospects of sustainable peace, and the need to address
them through transitional justice processes, also need to be considered.
COMPARING CONFLICT-RELATED SEXUAL VIOLENCE AGAINST MEN & BOYS WITH SEXUAL VIOLENCE
AGAINST WOMEN & GIRLS
Conflict-related sexual violence against men and boys shares many characteristics with that committed against
women and girls; an essential starting point is that the gender norms and logic which make sexual violence
effective are essentially similar whether the victim is female or male, namely that women – and men feminized
by sexual violence – are regarded as subordinate and inferior.
Many of the physical and psychological and psychosocial sequelae outlined above are similar; it seems likely,
for example, that there are many parallels between the psychological impact of being labelled a ‘whore’ and
being labelled ‘gay’, given that both attract such high levels of social stigma and exclusion. Both men and
women experience a challenge to their gender identity, with many women victims being denoted as ‘useless’
or ‘whores’, and many men losing not just their social identity, but also their physical capacity to fulfil basic
expectations of providing protection and income to their households. The dysfunctionality that experiences of
sexual violence provoke in domestic relationships is shared by both women and men victims.
Some differences surface in terms of the psycho-sexual impact; while both women and men report a loss of
interest in sexual activity, men are far more likely to report confusion about sexual identity. While further
research is required, there are certain patterns in terms of location of sexual violence (e.g. places of detention
for men, wood and water collection points for women), that are have particular significance for the respective
genders. It also appears that the experience of being coerced into ‘active’ sexual acts against others (e.g
penetrating the anus of a fellow captive) is specific to male victims, as is being coerced into inflicting sexual
harm against oneself (e.g. through being coerced to penetrate an object such as a block of wood, or a hole in
the ground, to the point of ejaculation).
COMPARING CONFLICT-RELATED SEXUAL VIOLENCE AGAINST MEN & BOYS WITH SEXUAL ABUSE IN PEACE-
TIME
Conflict-related sexual violence against men and boys diverges from what is known about childhood sexual
abuse of boys in three key areas.
4. First, CRSV frequently happens in spaces with an audience, whereas childhood sexual abuse is generally
characterised by extreme secrecy. Rather than working towards breaking the silence about what
happened to them, survivors tend to work to silence what is already public knowledge.
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5. Second, CRSV tends to target adolescent and adult men, rather than pre-adolescent boys; as such, the
violence is done to a person who is physically, psychologically, psycho-sexually and socially more mature.
6. Third, the perpetrator in the majority of child abuse cases is known to the victim, and is often in a position
of trust and responsibility vis-à-vis the victim. This is very different to CRSV where the perpetrator is
generally seen as the enemy. The difference in the nature of the relationship between victim and
perpetrator is fundamentally different, and this is likely to impact on the psychological responses of the
victim to the violence, and their overall ability to cope with the situation.
4. OPERATIONAL CHALLENGES IN RESPONDING TO CRSV AGAINST MEN &
BOYS
As the international community moves to recognise the need for comprehensive responses to all survivors of
sexual violence in conflict, it is confronted with substantial challenges. Many working on GBV against women
and girls believe that funding for their work is inadequate to the need, and that extending work to include men
and boys will further dilute these already inadequate resources. For these and other reasons, there are
currently huge gaps in survivor-centred SGBV response and prevention activities when it comes to working
with men and boys. While three key populations stand out as requiring sexual violence related work from
humanitarian, human rights and peace-building stakeholders (namely refugees, ex-combatants, and
detainees/former detainees), in 2002, only 3% of NGOs working in the area of “war rape and other forms of
sexual violence” mentioned male victims.
More than a decade later, little has changed. Although some organizations have begun to develop gender-
inclusive responses and case management, these are currently the exception rather than the rule. While the
working tools of the GBV Information Management System of the UN are gender neutral, the materials
provided by the UN’s own Global Protection Cluster under the heading Gender Based Violence reflect a
gender-exclusive approach to Sexual and Gender Based Violence. The IASC’s 2005 Guidelines on Responding to
GBV in Emergency Settings reference no materials on sexual violence against men and boys, and UNFPA’s e-
learning course on GBV in emergency situations which is largely based on the IASC guidelines, uses exclusively
female case studies and has no images of male survivors. UN Women’s Overview and How-to Guide on
‘Gender-Responsive Early Warning’ (October 2012) has virtually no indicators of gender-harms related to men
and boys.
In most contexts, medical, social and humanitarian workers have no training in working with male survivors,
and are thus ill-equipped to identify or respond to the specificities of such cases. Clinics, particularly within
emergency settings, have neither the protocols, medication, supplies, nor the trained staff needed for
adequate clinical management of the kind advocated by the IASC. The spaces within which they work are often
not safe or conducive for male survivors; in some situations male survivors are referred to gynaecological
units, to their own discomfort and that of the women for whom these units are intended. IEC materials such as
posters and pamphlets giving information to male survivors are almost non-existent. Dominant notions of
masculinity often narrow the coping strategies available to men, as well as delaying health-seeking behavior.
When they do seek to access help, male survivors will therefore often present other issues rather than the
core concern, and may come across as angry and threatening rather than help-seeking and therefore be
barred from accessing services. Equally, staff may not know how to respond to a man who is crying, or they
may assume that the victim is a homosexual, and in some countries, staff may feel they are putting themselves
at risk by supporting someone they assume is homosexual. In short, the attitudes, knowledge and skills which
would allow the staff to adopt a survivor centered approach characterized by safety, confidentiality, respect
and non-discrimination, are not in place.
For those responding in the first instance, in addition to the particular skills required to elicit the real problems
from male victims, there are also challenges in identifying the appropriate services to refer male survivors to,
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particularly for medical interventions. Medical staff – including police surgeons who are required to document
injuries for future legal cases - have often received no training in how to respond to the particular injuries
confronting male survivors, nor are they trained to document cases in a way that will facilitate subsequent
legal action. Lawyers themselves are often working with legal frameworks that are a hindrance rather than a
help to male survivors seeking access to justice. A further obstacle to emergency staff is that many community
groups will have attitudes that need to be addressed if they are not to further stigmatize men and boy
survivors within their own community. Although it is recognized in work with women survivors that livelihoods
are an important component of recovery and protection from further violence, livelihood programs for male
survivors which recognize that they may have particular physical limitations during their recovery process,
have yet to be established.
In some contexts, such as refugees from the Great Lakes region, survivors can be encouraged to establish
support groups that provide safe spaces for sharing of experiences, as well as establishing solidarity networks
and activities, and helping survivors to break down their sense of isolation and exclusion.
EXPLORING HOW GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE RELATES TO AND DIVERGES FROM SEXUALITY DEBATES
There is a long-standing tendency in Gender Based Violence work to de-sexualise sexual violence. This includes
the argument that rape is about power, not about sex, and the expectation that the direction of sexual
violence will be heterosexual, namely, committed by man/men against woman/women. At a practical
intervention level, many service providers and their beneficiaries are uncomfortable discussing issues of sex or
sexuality, or sexual orientation, whether for religious, cultural or legal reasons. This poses particular problems
for male survivors who are experiencing psycho-sexual impacts of the violence done to them, and who require
reassurance about sex, sexuality, and sexual orientation. In terms of legal responses, legislative framings of
sexual behaviour and sexual violence can make it difficult if not impossible for male survivors to come forward.
A CHICKEN AND EGG SITUATION
One of the challenges in developing adequate responses for men and boy survivors is that there must first be a
visible demand before the supply and quality of services will begin to adapt fully. Until more demands are
made on suppliers of GBV prevention and response services, the supply of such will remain inadequate, yet
while there is no adequate response, survivors are unlikely to come forward. One method of breaking out of
this vicious circle is to implement screening of both women and men for early identification of survivors of
sexual violence. Normalising the screening for everybody can prompt a change in patterns of reporting. The
resultant increase in numbers requiring services will help create the pressure required for service providers to
seek new resources for this area of work, and for donors to allocate new resources to it.
5. JUSTICE FRAMEWORKS FOR RESPONDING TO CONFLICT-RELATED SEXUAL
VIOLENCE AGAINST MEN & BOYS
The obstacles to legal redress for men and boy victims of sexual violence in conflict situations are multiple.
Even if the legal regime caters for this crime, the individual can find it very difficult to present himself to the
relevant authorities, for fear of further stigmatisation and humiliation. In many countries, two fundamental
challenges exist; firstly, the definition of rape is frequently gender-exclusive, in short it defines rape as
something that happens to women and girls, not men and boys; second, same-sex sexual acts are criminalised
per se, regardless of whether the behaviour was consensual or not. This is particularly the case in countries
where the penal code originated from the British colonial period.
To understand the options for legal action, it is necessary to explore at least three legal regimes and their
associated mechanisms, and the extent to which they are harmonised in any given context: international
criminal law;, human rights law, and domestic law. It is important to recognise that none of these legal regimes
is static, and that there have been significant developments in legal understandings and responses to conflict-
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related sexual violence in recent times, most significantly, perhaps, the recognition of sexual violence as a
constituent of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. It is also important to note that transitional
justice can provide significant processes, whether to complement the formal legal system, or offer an
alternative to it where prosecutions are not possible.
INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL LAW & MECHANISMS
The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the International Criminal Tribunal for the former
Yugoslavia have been the principal spaces in which significant developments of contemporary jurisprudence
on rape and other forms of sexual violence have taken place. They clarified international norms prohibiting
rape and sexual violence, and established them as constituent elements of genocide, crimes against humanity,
and war crimes. They also developed gender-neutral language to describe the victims of sexual violence. In the
ICTY, in the case known as Prosecutor v. Milosevic, the prosecutor charged acts of forced fellatio, forced incest,
and gang rape of men as persecution as a crime against humanity. In Prosecutor v. Tadic, the defendant was
charged with persecution and inhumane acts as crimes against humanity, as well as torture or inhuman
treatment as a war crime, but not with rape as a crime against humanity. In a third case, Prosecutor v. Cesic,
the defendant, who had forced two brothers to perform oral sex on one another, was convicted of rape as a
crime against humanity, as well as humiliating and degrading treatment as a war crime. In the Special Court for
Sierra Leone, in Prosecutor v. Sesay, Kallon and Gbao, the three former RUF commanders were charged with
outrages upon personal dignity as war crimes for two separate incidents that involved offenses against men
and women, and the Court explicitly recognized that “both men and women can be victims of rape.”
The Rome Statute expanded the expressly enumerated sexual violence crimes in international criminal law, by
adding sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, forced pregnancy, enforced sterilization and other forms of
Sexual Violence of equivalent gravity to the list of war crimes and crimes against humanity. It acknowledged
that sexual violence can be committed against men and women, and also included coercion as an element in
the crime. Coercion can be established by evidence of some degree of force, threat or oppression. In
Prosecutor v. Kenyatta, the Office of the Prosecutor found that there were reasonable grounds to believe that
the defendants were responsible for murder, 39 reported cases of rape, and at least six cases of forcible
circumcision. While the Chief Prosecutor moved to charge the incidents of forced circumcision and sexual
mutilation as ‘other forms of sexual violence’ under Article 7 (1)(g) of the Rome Statute, the ICC judges
disagreed, and minimised the sexual nature of the violence against male victims by categorizing it under ‘other
inhumane acts’ instead.
HUMAN RIGHTS LAW & MECHANISMS
Acts of sexual violence may constitute violations of the rights to life, personal security, physical integrity, the
freedom from torture, inhuman and degrading treatment, the right to health, the right to equal protection
under the law, amongst others.
Key treaties in which these rights are codified include:
• International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
• International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
• Convention on the Rights of the Child
• Convention Against Torture
• Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination
• African Charter of Human and Peoples’ Rights
Some of those treaties have monitoring bodies that allow for individual petitions. Where a country has ratified
the ICCPR and its Optional Protocol, for example, the Human Rights Committee has competence to examine
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individual complaints with regard to violations to ICCPR. In at least one petition dealing with sexual torture
against men, the Human Rights Committee found that Libya violated its obligations under the ICCPR when it
illegally detained, tortured and raped a man.
The African Commission on Human and People’s Rights, in its 2003 ruling in Democratic Republic of Congo /
Burundi, Rwanda, Uganda, held that rape of women and girls is a violation of the right to non-discrimination
(Article 2) and right to life (Article 4), thereby establishing a strong precedent for male victims of sexual
violence.
National Action Plans for the implementation of UNSCR 1325 and 1820, both of which focus on women and
children but contain some gender inclusive language, offer a further opportunity from a human rights
perspective. Uganda’s NAP, for example, calls for “all victims of sexual violence, particularly women and girls,
to have equal protection under the law and equal access to justice,” and sets as a goal the collection of “sex
disaggregated data in connection to GBV”, indicating a recognition that men too suffer sexual violence.
DOMESTIC LAW
The definition of sexual violence in most penal codes and in special sexual and domestic violence laws, often
excludes men as victims of these crimes. In Colombia for instance, despite long years of conflict-related sexual
violence (including against men), it was only in 2012 that, with input from the UN Team of Experts on the Rule
of Law and Sexual Violence in Conflict, men were formally included as victims in the draft law on “Access to
justice for victims of sexual violence”.
Domestic law is therefore often at odds with international criminal law. In the case of Uganda, for example,
the definition of rape used in the Ugandan Penal Code (UPC Article 123) is as follows:
‘Any person who has unlawful carnal knowledge of a woman or girl, without her consent, or with her
consent if the consent is obtained by force or by means of threats or intimidation… or by fear of
bodily harm… commits the felony termed rape’.
Men and boys are excluded from this definition. Their difficulties are further compounded by the Penal Code’s
definition of ‘Unnatural offences’ (UPC Article 145):
‘Any person who –
(a) has carnal knowledge of any person against the order of nature;
(b) has carnal knowledge of an animal; or
(c) permits a male person to have carnal knowledge of him or her against the order of nature,
commits an offence and is liable to imprisonment for life’
This definition, which is exclusively about the sexual act, and pays no heed to the consensual or non-
consensual nature of the act, effectively criminalizes the male victims of particular forms of sexual violence
(specifically oral and anal rape), and therefore has a chilling effect on reporting of such violations.
In addition, due to limited understanding of the phenomenon, the skills-sets for investigating sexual violence
crimes against men and boys are under-developed. Most investigations of sexual violence conducted in
conflict and post-conflict situations have focused on documenting sexual violence against women and girls. In
addition, most existing tools and guidelines for documentation and investigation are designed with a male
perpetrator and a female victim in mind; they contemplate a female interviewer, and spaces that are women
and girl friendly.
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Even when the definition of sexual violence is comprehensive and inclusive, it is met with challenges.
Investigators, prosecutors, and judges have a limited understanding of the phenomenon. In DRC, for instance,
even though there have been reports of sexual violence against men, and a very inclusive legislation (the 2006
law), most sexual violence crimes documented and all sexual violence crimes prosecuted have been for
offences against women and girls.
The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court offers considerable hope for domestic prosecutions in
the future, but for this potential to be realized requires the domestication of the statute, and the
establishment of appropriate mechanisms, such as an International Crimes Division, within the state’s legal
infrastructure. At present, only 65 countries world-wide have taken these steps.
TRADITIONAL AND TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE
Given the relative lack of access to justice through formal domestic procedures, coupled with the emphasis of
international criminal tribunals on prosecuting those with command responsibility, survivors may seek justice
through alternative mechanisms.
In principle, customary or traditional justice mechanisms, which continue to play an important role in many
conflict-affected countries, could provide an option. However, many such systems tend to be patriarchal in
nature. Headed by male chiefs, many stigmatize female sexual violence victims and rarely consider sexual
violence against men. Without considerable sensitization, these systems therefore may provide little
opportunity for male victims to seek redress. Just as it is recognised that access to justice for women and girls
may be improved by working with traditional justice systems to incorporate their particular needs, so this
should be considered for men and boys also.
Transitional justice mechanisms, on the other hand, potentially provide an important avenue for men and boy
survivors. Truth-telling and reparations programmes, for example, could constitute important elements in
their personal and community recovery processes, while institutional reform of armed forces that have
perpetrated such violence could reduce the risks of re-occurrence. To date, however, male victims of sexual
violence have been excluded from reparations. In Sierra Leone, for example, where a reparations programme
for victims of sexual violence is being led by the National Commission for Social Action (NaCSA), all recipients
to date are women, despite the fact that men and boys were also victims of sexual violence during the conflict.
It must always be recognised that the concerns that apply to women and girls, such as witness protection, risks
of re-traumatising the victim, and risks of further stigmatisation in the home community, will also apply to men
and boy survivors, and that there is corresponding need for gender-sensitive arrangements to be made, such
as in-camera hearings.
6. RECOMMENDATIONS
A. DETERMINE THE SCOPE OF SEXUAL VIOLENCE AGAINST MEN & BOYS, AND PROMOTE
THEIR PROTECTION THROUGH;
• Normalising the screening of key populations for experiences of sexual violence is essential to
developing a more comprehensive understanding of the reality of conflict-related sexual violence. Key
populations include:
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o Refugees fleeing conflict situations upon arrival in country of first asylum, as well as long-
standing refugee populations
o Ex-combattants in Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration Programmes
o Detainees and ex-detainees
• Documentation of the results of such screening processes
• Further strengthening the evidence base through gender inclusive Quantitative and Qualitative
Research programmes, particularly in post-conflict recovery settings
• Systematic analysis of data contained in the UN’s GBVIMS
• Including experts on GBV against Men & Boys in Sexual Violence Investigation Teams (e.g. Justice
Rapid Response, UK PSVI Team of Experts) , GBV teams
• Developing and institutionalising gender-inclusive conflict early warning indicators
B. DEVELOP SURVIVOR-CENTRED RESPONSES TO MEN & BOY SURVIVORS OF CONFLICT-
RELATED SEXUAL VIOLENCE BY;
• Funding civil society actors to develop and mainstream clinical and case management protocols for
men and boy survivors
• Developing and implementing training curricula for medical, psycho-social, humanitarian and legal
workers, including sexual violence investigators. These must address gaps in knowledge about,
attitudes towards male survivors, and the technical skills needed to work with them for physical,
psychological and social recovery and reintegration.
• Working with national medical schools to ensure that modules on treating male survivors are included
in medical students’ genito-urinary and gastro-intestinal curricula
• Working with schools of counselling and social work to ensure that conflict related violence, and
dealing with psycho-sexual impacts, are integrated into the curriculum
• Ensuring that budgets for GBV service providers can cater for medical expenses, as well as the basic
needs of survivors (nutrition, medication, housing, education of children) while they undergo
treatment and recuperation
• Working from a psycho-social perspective with partners, households, families and communities to
reduce discrimination, stigmatisation and domestic problems
• Creating IEC materials which signal to male survivors that help is available, that they are not alone,
and that breaking the silence is a key step to recovery
• Mainstreaming questions of sexual violence through incorporating them into routine data-gathering
processes such as screening tools and client assessment procedures
• Encouraging survivors to establish self-help and support groups
C. MAINSTREAM MALE-INCLUSIVE UNDERSTANDINGS AND APPROACHES TO GBV WITHIN
THE HUMANITARIAN COMMUNITY THROUGH;
• Creating working groups within the global and national protection clusters to ensure that men and
boy survivor centred programming is developed
• Updating guidelines and other training materials available through the Global Protection Cluster to
include illustrations, case studies and testimonies from male survivors. Key materials in need of
revision include:
o IASC Guidelines on responding to GBV in emergency settings
o UNFPA e-learning on responding to GBV in emergency settings
o UN Women How to Guide on ‘Gender-Responsive Early Warning’
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• Reviewing and expanding the materials available on the UN Action website to include those relevant
to working with men and boys, including illustrations, case studies, testimonies, stakeholders
D. BUILD INTERNATIONAL MOMENTUM THROUGH;
7. Enlarging and developing the existing community of documentation and practice, with explicit
commitment to creating bridges between UN, International NGOs, National civil society, NGOs and CBOs,
and academia, e.g. through a website
8. Establishing a standing committee of experts to inform both the work of the OSRSG-SVC and that of the
Preventing Sexual Violence Initiative
9. Working with states parties, on the drafting of a new UN Security Council Resolution on Men & Boy’s
vulnerability to GBV in conflict settings
10. Expanding the funding available to GBV prevention and response initiatives to enable them to include men
and boys
E. ENABLE SURVIVORS TO ACCESS JUSTICE, AND STRENGTHEN DOMESTIC &
INTERNATIONAL CAPACITY TO HOLD PERPETRATORS TO ACCOUNT BY;
11. Commissioning country by country analysis of the ways in which a) domestic legislation creates obstacles
for male survivors and b) domestic and international law are at odds with one another and require
harmonisation
12. Supporting Governments and Civil Society to harmonise frameworks through legal reform processes (cf.
IASC 2005: 37)
13. Assisting governments to domesticate relevant international and regional instruments, including the Rome
Statute, the African Charter on the rights and welfare of the child.
14. Supporting constitutional challenges on grounds of discrimination in jurisdictions in which definitions of
rape are gender-exclusive
15. Updating and expanding definitions in line with international best standards, in particular to recognise
rape using objects, in jurisdictions in which definitions of rape are currently focused on carnal knowledge
of one person by another
16. Supporting civil society to bring petitions to regional mechanisms (e.g. African Commission on Human and
People’s Rights) to ensure that male victims benefit from the precedents set by rulings on the rights of
women and children
17. Working with civil society and survivor groups to document survivor testimonies and to explore preferred
gender-aware options for transitional justice processes
18. Working with customary justice systems to enable them to adequately respond to male victims of sexual
violence
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7. KEY RESOURCES
7.1 UN AND OTHER INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS
UK Foreign & Commonwealth Office Declaration on Prevention of Sexual Violence in Conflict, 11 April 2013
https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/g8-declaration-on-preventing-sexual-violence-in-conflict
UN Report of the UN Secretary General 2013: Sexual Violence in Conflict.
http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/2013/149
UNHCR & The Refugee Law Project, Working with men and boy survivors of sexual and gender-based violence
in forced displacement (2012)
http://www.globalprotectioncluster.org/_assets/files/tools_and_guidance/age_gender_diversity/NTG_Workin
g_with_Men_Boys_GBV_2011_En.pdf
UN Security Council Resolution 2106 (24 June 2013)
http://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/RES/2106(2013)
http://www.stoprapeinconflict.org/resolution_on_sexual_violence_in_conflict_a_step_forward
OHCHR, Briefing to the General Assembly by Navi Pillay, High Commissioner for Human Rights [Syria], 13
February 2012, New York
http://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=11820&LangID=e
UN OCHA Meeting Report: Use of Sexual Violence in Conflict: Identifying Research Priorities to Inform More
Effective Interventions: Topic 2 – Sexual Violence against Men & Boys in Armed Conflict (pages 4-6) (26 June
2008)
Analytical and Conceptual Framing of Conflict-Related Sexual Violence, UN Action, 01 June 2011, New
Yorkhttp://www.stoprapenow.org/uploads/advocacyresources/1321456915.pdf
WHO Ethical and Safety Recommendations for Researching, Documenting and Monitoring Sexual Violence in
EMERGENCIES, WHO, Jan 2007. http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2007/9789241595681_eng.pdf
7.2 ACADEMIC TEXTS & BOOKS
Maria Eriksson Baaz & Maria Stern: Sexual Violence as a Weapon of War? Perceptions, Problems in the Congo
and Beyond, Zed Books 2013
Lara Stemple, Human Rights, Sex, and Gender: Limits in Theory and Practice
http://digitalcommons.pace.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1788&context=plr
Lara Stemple, Male Rape and Human Rights, 60 Hastings Law Review, 605-625 (2009)
Dubravka Zarkov, The Body of the Other Man: Sexual Violence and the Construction of Masculinity, Sexuality
and Ethnicity in Croatian Media, in Victims, Perpetrators or Actors? Gender, Armed Conflict and Political
Violence 72 (Moser & Clark eds., 2001)
Augusta Del Zotto & Adam Jones, Male-on-Male Sexual Violence in Wartime: Human Rights’ Last Taboo? Paper
presented at Annual Convention of the International Studies Association (March 2002)
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Charli Carpenter, Recognizing Gender-Based Violence Against Civilian Men and Boys in Conflict Situations, 37
Security Dialogue 83 (2006)
Lynn Lawry et al, Association of Combatant Status and Sexual Violence with Health and Mental Health
Outcomes in Post-Conflict Liberia, JAMA (2008) at http://jama.ama-assn.org/cgi/content/full/300/6/676
Sandesh Sivakumaran, Sexual Violence against Men in Armed Conflict, 18(2) European Journal of International
Law, 253 (2007)
Wynne Russell, Sexual Violence Against Men and Boys, 27 Forced Migration Review, 22, 22-23 (2007) at
http://www.fmreview.org/FMRpdfs/FMR27/12.pdf
Eric Carlson, The Hidden Prevalence of Male Sexual Assault During War: Observations on Blunt Trauma to the
Male Genitals, British Journal of Criminology, no 46, 16-18 (2006)
Torbjorn Andersen, Speaking About the Unspeakable: Sexually Abused Men Striving Toward Language, 2
American Journal of Men’s Health 25 (2008)
G. Mezey and M. B King (eds.) Male Victims of Sexual Assault (2000)
Jonathan Gottshall, Explaining Wartime Rape, Journal of Sex Research, Vol 41: 2, 129-136 (May 2004)
Jane Freedman, Engaging Men in the Fight against Gender Violence, Case studies from Africa, Palgrave
McMillan 2012
7.3 NGO REPORTS
Chris Dolan, War Is Not yet Over: Community Perceptions of Sexual Violence in eastern DRC
http://www.international-alert.org/sites/default/files/publications/1011WarIsNotYetOverEng.pdf
Sandesh Sivakumaran, Lost in Translation: UN Responses to sexual violence against Men and Boys in situations
of armed conflict. http://www.icrc.org/eng/assets/files/other/irrc-877-sivakumaran.pdf
The Good Men Project, Men of Peace, Hope and Courage. http://goodmenproject.com/featured-
content/social-justice-sexual-violence-against-boys-men-in-conflict-settings-the-men-of-peace-hope-and-
courage/
Refugee Law Project, Promoting Accountability for Conflict-Related Sexual Violence Against Men: A
Comparative Legal Analaysis of International and Domestic Laws Relating to IDP and Refugee Men in Uganda,
Refugee Law Project Working Paper 24 http://www.refugeelawproject.org/working_papers/RLP.WP24.pdf
War Child, An Unwanted Truth http://cdn.warchild.org.uk/sites/default/files/An-Unwanted-Truth-April-
2013.pdf
War Child, Lost Boys http://www.warchild.org.uk/about/publications/second-thoughts-lost-boys
Human Rights Watch, We Will Teach You a Lesson:
http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/srilanka0213webwcover_0.p
Human Rights Watch (2009): Soldiers Who Rape, Commanders Who Condone
http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/drc0709web.pdf
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Save The Children, Mapping of Psychosocial Support for Girls and Boys Affected by Child Sexual Abuse
http://sca.savethechildren.se/upload/scs/SCA/Publications/Mapping%20of%20psychosocial%20support%20fo
r%20girls%20and%20boys%20affect%20by%20CSA.pdf
Save The Children, No One to Turn To: The under- reporting of sexual exploitation and abuse of children by aid
workers and peace keepers
http://www.savethechildren.org.uk/sites/default/files/docs/No_One_to_Turn_To_1.pdf
Save The Children, and Handicap International, Out of The Shadows: Sexual Violence Against Children With
Disabilities. http://resourcecentre.savethechildren.se/library/out-shadows-sexual-violence-against-children-
disabilities
Alastair Hilton, ‘I thought it could never happen to boys”. The Sexual Abuse of Boys in Cambodia, An
Exploratory Study: http://www.first-step-
cambodia.org/fileadmin/user_upload/SPEAKING_TRUTH_edited_final_20-3-08.pdf
Sexual Violence Research Initiative, Care and Support of Male Survivors
http://www.svri.org/CareSupportofMaleSurviv.pdf
http://www.consultancyafrica.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=808:male-sexual-
violence-part-i-the-need-to-speak-out&catid=59:gender-issues-discussion-papers&Itemid=267
http://mirovna-akademija.org/rma/en/essays/english/47-gender/257-masculinities
http://www.savethechildren.org.uk/sites/default/files/docs/Hidden_Survivors_1.pdf
7.4 MEDIA REPORTS
The Rape of Men, Will Storr. http://www.guardian.co.uk/society/2011/jul/17/the-rape-of-men?INTCMP=SRCH
http://www.guardian.co.uk/global-development/2013/jul/05/libya-rape-war-crime
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/gallery/2013/apr/11/congo-rape-galley-pictures
http://www.guardian.co.uk/society/2013/apr/23/rape-weapon-war-gang-conflict
http://www.guardian.co.uk/global-development-professionals-network/2013/jun/25/dealing-with-male-rape
Susan Sontag: Regarding the Torture of Others http://southerncrossreview.org/35/sontag.htm
Matt Chorley & Leon Watson in The Daily Mail, 5 June 2013: Mau Mau fighters raped, castrated and beaten in
Kenya's uprising against Britain get £14million compensation but no apology
http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2336418/Mau-Mau-fighters-raped-castrated-beaten-Kenyas-
uprising-Britain-14million-compensation-apology.html
David Usborne in The Independent, 28 June 2013: Soldiers, Sexual Abuse – and the Serial Killer: The US
military’s secret sexual assaults http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/soldiers-sexual-abuse--
and-the-serial-killer-the-us-militarys-secret-sexual-assaults-8679271.html?printService=print
7.5 FILMS/DOCUMENTARIES/NEWSCLIPS
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Aljazeera Inside Story: The Silent Victims of Rape (2011): http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/07/29/male-
rape-victims-sexual-violence-towards-men-_n_913223.html
Aljazeera English: Male Rape Victims Meet in Uganda (8 April 2013):
http://www.aljazeera.com/video/africa/2013/04/20134883149282189.html
Will Storr, An Unspeakable Act, Episode Two. BBC World Service.
http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p00fvhsf/broadcasts/2012/07
Refugee Law Project, Uganda: Gender Against Men (2009): http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mJSl99HQYXc
Refugee Law Project, Uganda: They Slept With Me (2012): http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6dxaFqezrXg
Boys and Men Healing, Big Voice Pictures. www.bigvoicepictures.com
7.6 OTHER ESSENTIAL READING
Adrienne Crowder, ‘Opening The Door’ (1995) Brunner/Mazel
Mike Lew, ‘Victims No Longer’ (2004, Second Edition), Quill.
Mathew Parynik Mendel, ‘The Male Survivor’, (1995) Sage Publications.
Josef Spiegel, ‘The Sexual Abuse of Males’, The SAM Model of Theory and Practice (2003) Brunner- Routledge
Mezey, G. and King, M. ‘Male Victims of Sexual Assault’, (2000, Second Edition) Oxford University Press