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Is There a Deterrence Gap in
Employment Standards
Enforcement?
Eric Tucker, Osgoode Hall Law School, York University
Leah F. Vosko, York University
John Grundy, Wilfrid Laurier University
Mark Thomas, York University
Alan Hall, Memorial University
Elliot Siemiatycki, York University
Global Labour
Speakers Series
York University
19 March 2014
Outline
1. Conceptualizing the Deterrence Gap
2. Ontario’s Deterrence Gap in Historical Context,
1970s – 1990s
3. The Current Practice of Enforcement in Ontario
4. Preliminary Conclusions
Conceptualizing the
Deterrence Gap
Deterrence Compliance
Subjects of
Regulation
Rational Calculator Ignorant or
Incompetent Citizen
Nature of Harm
Caused
Serious Harms Remediable Harms
Incidental to
Beneficial Activity
Goal Alter Cost-Benefit
Analysis
Promote Better
Performance
Means Raise Risk of Being
Caught/Increase
Penalty
Provide Information
and Compliance
Assistance
Effects Specific and
General Deterrence
Promote Culture of
Going Beyond
Compliance
The Enforcement Pyramid
 In reality, enforcement systems typically combine
compliance and deterrence strategies in some
way
 Popular model of how to combine them is the
enforcement pyramid
Deterrence
Compliance
Problems with the Pyramid
 Change in assumptions about
 The character of violators and
 The social harm caused by violations
Could produce a differently shaped model
Problems with the Pyramid
How high?
How steep?
Problems with the Pyramid
How effective is the system at
detection?
Ontario’s Deterrence Gap,
1970s-90s
 Ontario’s Employment Standards Act was enacted in 1968 to promote
“socially acceptable” conditions of employment for those without
strong bargaining power
 Reflected a ‘compliance’ approach, with enforcement primarily
complaints-driven and ‘self-reliance’ promoted through educative
strategies
 “…when statues such as the E.S.A. and its predecessor statutes have
been passed and wide publicity given to their provisions, it is
incumbent upon the public and organizations to comply with them
without an individual visit from the staff to advise them of public
responsibility” [Dalton Bales, Minister of Labour, 1969]
Reactive complaints are the primary
enforcement mechanism and employers
are rarely prosecuted
Year Claims from
Intake
Investigations % in
violation
Prosecutions
1981-82 15629 14754 75 11
1982-83 15740 15517 72 4
1983-84 17541 17425 73 0
1984-85 18903 18091 73 4
1985-86 18125 17177 72 39
1986-87 18524 18301 71 28
1987-88 18377 18301 70 9
1988-89 19492 18312 71 32
1989-90 23004 19027 70 27
1990-91 21008 18593 68 31
Proactive inspections are an effective
means to uncover violations but these
declined through the 1980s and 1990s
Current Enforcement
Practices in Ontario
Prosecution
NOC or Ticket
Order to Pay
Proactive Inspection
Complaint to Ministry
Self-Enforcement
Promotional Activities
Current Practices –
Proactive Inspections
Current Practices –
Orders to Pay
Current Practices –
N.O.C., Tickets, and Prosecutions
Activity June 2005-
May 2006
Jan 2007-
Dec 2007
Aug 2009-
July 2010
Jul 2010-
Jun 2011
Jun 2012-
May 2013
N.O.C. 4 57 (07-08) 39 66 N.A.
P.I Tickets 267 395 239 266 332
• Total Fines $93,182.50 $148,930 $85,385 $94,745 $122,425
P.III
Prosecutions
12 26 17 6 19
• Total Fines $326,250 $343,393 $91,864 $22,375 $515,225
Preliminary Conclusions
 Use of deterrence tools is extremely infrequent
 Unclear whether the recent decline of complaints
reported to the ESB (27,637 in 2010-11 to 12,344 in
2012-13) is due to employees having workplace
problems resolved directly by their employers or
due to their reluctance to file formal complaints
 MOL policy embraces a compliance model that
downplays deterrence tools
 Use of deterrence tools is based on contingent
assumptions about employer motivations (is non-
compliance intentional) and seriousness of the
violation (is non-compliance intolerable)

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Is there a deterrence gap? -GLRC seminar, March 19, 2014

  • 1. Is There a Deterrence Gap in Employment Standards Enforcement? Eric Tucker, Osgoode Hall Law School, York University Leah F. Vosko, York University John Grundy, Wilfrid Laurier University Mark Thomas, York University Alan Hall, Memorial University Elliot Siemiatycki, York University Global Labour Speakers Series York University 19 March 2014
  • 2. Outline 1. Conceptualizing the Deterrence Gap 2. Ontario’s Deterrence Gap in Historical Context, 1970s – 1990s 3. The Current Practice of Enforcement in Ontario 4. Preliminary Conclusions
  • 3. Conceptualizing the Deterrence Gap Deterrence Compliance Subjects of Regulation Rational Calculator Ignorant or Incompetent Citizen Nature of Harm Caused Serious Harms Remediable Harms Incidental to Beneficial Activity Goal Alter Cost-Benefit Analysis Promote Better Performance Means Raise Risk of Being Caught/Increase Penalty Provide Information and Compliance Assistance Effects Specific and General Deterrence Promote Culture of Going Beyond Compliance
  • 4. The Enforcement Pyramid  In reality, enforcement systems typically combine compliance and deterrence strategies in some way  Popular model of how to combine them is the enforcement pyramid Deterrence Compliance
  • 5. Problems with the Pyramid  Change in assumptions about  The character of violators and  The social harm caused by violations Could produce a differently shaped model
  • 6. Problems with the Pyramid How high? How steep?
  • 7. Problems with the Pyramid How effective is the system at detection?
  • 8. Ontario’s Deterrence Gap, 1970s-90s  Ontario’s Employment Standards Act was enacted in 1968 to promote “socially acceptable” conditions of employment for those without strong bargaining power  Reflected a ‘compliance’ approach, with enforcement primarily complaints-driven and ‘self-reliance’ promoted through educative strategies  “…when statues such as the E.S.A. and its predecessor statutes have been passed and wide publicity given to their provisions, it is incumbent upon the public and organizations to comply with them without an individual visit from the staff to advise them of public responsibility” [Dalton Bales, Minister of Labour, 1969]
  • 9. Reactive complaints are the primary enforcement mechanism and employers are rarely prosecuted Year Claims from Intake Investigations % in violation Prosecutions 1981-82 15629 14754 75 11 1982-83 15740 15517 72 4 1983-84 17541 17425 73 0 1984-85 18903 18091 73 4 1985-86 18125 17177 72 39 1986-87 18524 18301 71 28 1987-88 18377 18301 70 9 1988-89 19492 18312 71 32 1989-90 23004 19027 70 27 1990-91 21008 18593 68 31
  • 10. Proactive inspections are an effective means to uncover violations but these declined through the 1980s and 1990s
  • 11. Current Enforcement Practices in Ontario Prosecution NOC or Ticket Order to Pay Proactive Inspection Complaint to Ministry Self-Enforcement Promotional Activities
  • 14. Current Practices – N.O.C., Tickets, and Prosecutions Activity June 2005- May 2006 Jan 2007- Dec 2007 Aug 2009- July 2010 Jul 2010- Jun 2011 Jun 2012- May 2013 N.O.C. 4 57 (07-08) 39 66 N.A. P.I Tickets 267 395 239 266 332 • Total Fines $93,182.50 $148,930 $85,385 $94,745 $122,425 P.III Prosecutions 12 26 17 6 19 • Total Fines $326,250 $343,393 $91,864 $22,375 $515,225
  • 15. Preliminary Conclusions  Use of deterrence tools is extremely infrequent  Unclear whether the recent decline of complaints reported to the ESB (27,637 in 2010-11 to 12,344 in 2012-13) is due to employees having workplace problems resolved directly by their employers or due to their reluctance to file formal complaints  MOL policy embraces a compliance model that downplays deterrence tools  Use of deterrence tools is based on contingent assumptions about employer motivations (is non- compliance intentional) and seriousness of the violation (is non-compliance intolerable)