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1. Ashokan
Edicts
as Propaganda
Dennis Cheatham
May 8, 2012

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A review of ancient India is incomplete without mentioning the Ashokan edicts carved into tow-
ering pillars and massive, earth-bound rocks stippled across the region, etched between c.358–
343 BCE (Sugandhi, 2003, 224) and ordered by the Mauryan emperor Ashoka. As an assemblage
of sociological assertions, moral guidelines and historic documentation, these edicts carry with
them a potency of language and an emphasis that transcends mere reportage, but mimics pur-
pose-driven language common in the propaganda of the 20th century. For this reason I assert
that, while these edicts may seem the decrees of a long-past emperor, their textual, formal and
contextual makeup and contexts align them more closely with the persuasive language of rheto-
ric. In this paper I will examine these connections in an efort to highlight the persuasive power
behind the Ashokan edicts and the substrates that carry them and in doing so will give credence
to the idea that Ashoka was an astute rhetorician, the likes of which deined global politics in the
20th century.
Due to its dubious connection with subversive usage and totalitarian ideals, the concept of pro-
paganda carries a negative connotation. However at its core, propaganda is merely a technique
used to publicize particular political points of view and the dissemination of those views as part
of a political strategy. Equally cast in a negative light, rhetorical argumentation, more clearly pre-
sented as simply “rhetoric” also has a more benign deinition and purpose which, when simply
deined, stands as a method for persuasion whether in writing or in speech (Corbett and Con-
nors, 1999, 1). When combined, these methods for strategic, applied information with a speciic
goal and the technique of persuasion form a critical mass of argumentation for the promotion
of a political campaign. While rhetorical devices have been in existence formally since Greek
philosophers introduced them and, in turn they became known as “classical rhetoric,” the use of
propaganda is most closely related to the 20th century.
Examining the edict-adorned pillars and rocks across India starts with gaining an understanding
of their instigator, Emperor Ashoka himself. Reigning as the third and inal emperor of the line
of Mauryan Emperors, Ashoka lived between 269 and 232 BCE (Asher, 2003, 29). Ashoka’s his-

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tory is that of near legend and at the core of this legend status is his seeming conversion from his
ways as a ruthless, power-hungry ruler who killed several of his brothers to earn the throne to
that of a leader who, through civic projects, a reorganization of government and the implemen-
tation of moral codes inspired by Buddhist philosophy, displayed his care for the people living
is his domain and beyond. While Ashoka embraced Buddhism’s precepts as an ideal moral code
and wove them into his dhamma which was later carved into the pillars and rocks around his
kingdom, his edicts also indicate that he embraced other religions and belief systems and even
noted how the tolerance of these other religions was encouraged in the interest of peace and to-
ward the work of greater enlightenment that came from valuing these belief systems.
In an efort to make his beliefs known to all of the people of his kingdom, including foreigners
traveling through it, a series of 14 edicts were carved into stone pillars and earth-bound rocks.
hese edicts which were repeated across the region through being carved in various stones and
pillars, created a circle network of dhamma-professing artifacts to carry Ashoka’s message. Ac-
cording to John Irwin in his article ‘Aśokan’ Pillars: A Reassessment of the Evidence - IV: Symbolism,
“Ashoka wanted his dharma to be seen as the summation of all good in all religions, of which
Buddhism was for him the highest expression, yet without exclusion of others” (Irwin, 1976, 753).
In fact, in Ashoka’s 12th rock edict, his stance on what could be considered freedom of religion
appears:
he growth of Dhamma is by the restraint of speech which means no praise of
one’s own faith or disparagement of another
his embracing of other religions suggests that Ashoka made an efort to persuade or encourage
readers and viewers, regardless of their beliefs, in a broad appeal that suggests political savvy
and in turn, persuasive power. Knowing this about Ashoka, the comparison of modern day pro-
paganda to his edicts that still stand today may shed some light on his reign, his priorities, and
his motives or at least his mastery of rhetorical language and propagandistic messages.

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For my exploration of Ashoka’s edicts and the concepts they encompass, I will group Ashoka’s
edicts into three major areas. hese groupings are thematically based on the concepts inherent in
the edicts themselves and will allow parallels to be made between the ancient artifacts and texts
and their modern counterparts.
AnnounCing grEAt works
...(and roots and fruits wherever there are none, such have been everywhere con-
veyed and planted; and on the roads) wells have been caused to be dug, (and trees
have been planted) for the respective enjoyment of animals and men.
Found in rock edict 11, this excerpt reports Ashoka’s work for the beneit of the people in his
kingdom. he claim endears Ashoka to his people through the application of public works which
beneit all, even those who travel through the kingdom. In several instances across the Ashokan
edicts stories of the Emperor’s “good works” to beneit his people are proselytized and in turn,
the name of Ashoka became more associated with those good works. he propagandistic quali-
ties of the tree planting story are especially potent when the edict is compared to the Chinese
propaganda poster, Mao Plants which depicts
Chairman Mao Zedong smiling and planting
trees (FigurE 1) and through the poster the im-
age of Chairman Mao is becomes more aligned
with that of a leader who is concerned with the
work of caring for his people. his poster, much
like the Ashokan pillar and rock edicts, would
have been placed in a position of public promi-
nence where it could engage and entice passers-by and regulars in solidiying Ashoka’s image as
an emperor who cares for his people.
FigurE 1: Mao Plants, early 1950s

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ProsPErity ComEs From Following thE lEAdEr
In pillar edict 8, the text elevates Ashoka’s position as a leader but more importantly gloriies his
moral stature in an efort to build his a following:
...Whatever soever benevolent acts have been done by me, the same shall be pre-
scribed as duties to the people who follow ater me: and in this (manner) shall
their inluence and increase be manifest,-by doing service to father and mother;
by doing service... to the orphan and destitute, to servants and the minstrel tribe.
Mirroring Ashoka’s edict in the way it elevates the stature of a leader is the 1938 postcard of Adolf
Hitler with a little girl found in Figure 2. Postcards like these were
produced in the 1930s with the intent of promoting the “soter side”
of the Fuhrer. Here, the sunny, idyllic scene surrounding Hitler
and the little girl creates a image with positive connotations. Just
as Ashoka’s statement suggests that following him and adopting
his dhamma will end with prosperiy and increased inluence, the
Hitler Postcard literally paints the leader depicted as an ideal, im-
plying he is worthy to be followed. hrough comparing Ashoka’s
edict with this modern, rhetorically-driven artifact it is possible to
more clearly see the qualities of Ashoka’s edict as a statement with
the intent of persuading the reader to trust and him and to follow him as a leader who can be
trusted and admired.
tirElEss CArE For thE PEoPlE And thE world
he distribution of wealth which is to be made is designed by me for the beneit
of all the world; for the distribution of wealth is the root of virtues to the good of
the world, for which I am always labouring.
FigurE 2: Hitler Postcard, 1938

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his excerpt from Rock Edict 6 is just one example of many which where Ashoka professes his
tireless care for his people. In doing so, Ashoka elevates
his position as a servant to the people and presents him-
self as a protector for their cares. By endearing himself to
his people he is set apart not as a leader of might but as a
leader who is driven by duy and depicts Ashoka as a
man with high ideals. In much the same way, the banner
of the North Korean leader Kim Il Sung (FigurE 3) visu-
ally represents his image as a revered individual and trusted leader. In the banner, the smiling
North Korean citizens’ implied prosperiy and loyaly, represented by their upward, hopeful gaz-
es, and the patriotic, waving lags, aligns the image of Kim Il Sung with positive concepts like
hope, advancement and prosperiy. hrough this comparison, Ashoka’s words which profess his
concern for the world are not too unlike the banner which seemingly deiies the North Korean
leader. In both instances, the tactics used to persuading the reader or viewer are very much the
same.
While the text of the Ashokan edicts literally deine Ashoka’s ideals through his professed
dhamma, the pillars and rocks on whom they are etched also profess the Ashokan ideals through
their physical forms. As writer and social commentator Marshall McCluhan is known for stating,
the medium, also known as delivery method for a message, actually becomes the message itself
(McLuhan, 1951). his could not be any more clear than the fact that the Ashokan pillars and
columns feature edicts which are carved in their stone surfaces. For comparison, would these
edicts have been only written in sand, the permanence of the material would have played as
much a part of the message as the words themselves. When considering the forms of the pillars
and rocks upon which the edicts were carved, then comparing the use of materials in modern
propaganda, another case is raised for the argument that Ashoka’s edicts were designed to sup-
port his agenda and to bring others closer to it.
FigurE 3: Kim Il-Sung Banner, c.1960

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FigurE 4: Lauriya-Nandangarh Pillar FigurE 5: Worker and Collective Farm
Woman, Vera Mukhina, 1937
FigurE 6: Il Duce Statue, Outside Rome,
1934
Examining the pillars themselves in historical context, it is important to note that some of the
pillars are still standing today. his suggests that, while the Mauryan empire ended with Ashoka,
the pillars which took on his edicts were still preserved by subsequent monarchs and that these
leaders understood the symbolism of tons of stone sculpted into a tall cylinder deying graviy as
the Ashokan pillars do. his suggests that the forms themselves brought with them powerful,
universally understood meaning and that these monolithic forms by their very shape, profess a
message of timelessness and power over nature. Indeed, even in modern propaganda the shape
of constructed items were recognized to have potency. A comparison of the Lauriya-Nandan-
garh Pillar (FigurE 4) with the propaganda-driven Soviet (FigurE 5) and Italian (FigurE 6)
monolithic sculptures raises more similarities than diferences. he Soviet Worker and Collec-
tive Farm Woman is made of steel, seemingly impenetrable by its material makeup alone. he
Italian statue resembling Mussolini is a near-facsimilie of the Ashokan pillar design, supporting
the notion that the towering height and slender form of the pillars communicates a clear image
of permanence and of strength. In all three of these examples, their forms are their messages,

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each of them making a statement that because of the diiculy that went into their creation, the
ones who built them are worthy of being followed.
While the physical forms of the Ashokan pillars and rock edicts are powerful rhetorical devices,
the contexts in which many of these artifacts were placed are also important in the way they act
as propaganda. As with the Ashokan pillar at Vaishali (FigurE 7), most of the pillars were lo-
cated near signiicant Buddhist sites (in the case of Vaishali, it was the site of the Buddha’s inal
teaching). As Gregory Schopen addressed in his article on the concept of presence in Buddhist
practice (Schopen, 1987, 114–47), the fact that the Buddha had at one point physically been at
Vaishli means that he is still there now. To this end, the placement of pillars with Ashokan edicts
carved into them at this and other Buddhist sites aligns the Ashokan message with the Buddha
himself, giving credibiliy to the edicts and the leader who had them written.
Pillars and rocks which featured edicts were also strategically placed near well-traveled routes,
many of these circling the pa-
rameter of the Muryan em-
pire. In this way, the message
was spread so foreigners
would engage with it, but
also at the same time, the
spread of the edicts acted as
an extension of Ashoka’s
power. As seen in FigurE 8,
Mussolini’s eigy placed so
dominantly in such a public place as the Palazzo Brachi in Rome brings the presence of the
leader into the space and by doing so, Mussolini exerts his power in the space without the need
for his physical presence. By comparing the public display of the Ashokan pillars with the Mus-
solini propaganda, similarities outweigh diferences and the deinition of propaganda begins to
FigurE 7: Pillar at Vaishali FigurE 8: Si Si Si Si (yes); Palazzo Brachi
Rome, 1934

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apply to the modern as well as to the ancient works.
Centuries may separate the politically and morally infused communication artifacts of the 20th
century from those which were produced in the time of Ashoka, but the textual, formal and
contextual devices used to persuade the receivers of those messages are still very much the same.
While this examination of these parallels has revealed a signiicant lineage which ties the two
periods together and in some ways has begun to shed light on Ashoka as a master rhetorician,
there is much let to explore to strengthen the validiy of these connections. While the con-
tent of the rock edicts and the pillar edicts do not coincide with their physical locations in any
way, a deeper study into where themes arise in these texts, mapped geographically, could reveal
new insight into why they were placed where they were, extending the rhetorical connections I
have explored. Also, a deeper examination of the texts and how they relate to their coinciding
Buddhist landmarks or geopolitical boundaries could also reveal new themes and trends which
would support my assertions. Regardless of these indings and future research, from the connec-
tions that have emerged from the work I have done this semester, emperor Ashoka remains a
unique statesman and politician whose edicts and the motives behind them have captivated my
imagination and have persuaded me of their lasting power.

10. BiBliogrAPhy
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dia: Prehistory to the Present, edited by Frederick Asher, 29-33. Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica,
2003.
Corbett, Edward P
.J., and Robert J. Connors. Classical Rhetoric for the Modern Student. 4th
ed. New York: Oxford Universiy Press, 1999.
Cunningham, Alexander. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum: Inscriptions of Asoka.Vol. 1,
Vol. I. Calcutta: Oice of the Superintendent of Government Printing. Calcutta: Varanasi: Indologi-
cal Book House, 1961.
Heller, Steven. Iron Fists: Branding the 20th Century Totalitarian State. London: Phaidon
Press, 2001.
Irwin, John. “’Aśokan’ Pillars: A Reassessment of the Evidence - Iv: Symbolism.” he
Burlington Magazine 118, no. 884 (1976): 734+736-51+753.
McLuhan, Marshall. “he Medium is the Message.” In Understainding Media, 1951.
Olivelle, Patrick. “Ashoka’s Inscriptions as Text and Ideology.” In Reimagining Asoka:
Memory and History, Oxford: Oxford Universiy Press, 2012.
“Edicts of the Indian Mauryan Emperor Ashoka.” In Asian Art, edited by R. Brown and
D. Hutton, 13-20. Malden, MA: Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2006.
Schopen, Gregory. “Burial Ad Sanctos and the Physical Presence of the Buddha in Early
Indian Buddhism: A Study in the Archaeology of Religions.” In Gregory Schopen, Bones, Stones,
and Buddhist Monks: Collected Papers on the Archaeology, Epigraphy, and Texts of Monastic Bud-
dhism in India, 114-47. Honolulu: Universiy of Hawai’i Press, 1987.
Sugandhi, Namita. “Context, Content and Composition: Questions of Intended Mean-
ing and the Asokan Edicts.” Asian Perspectives 42, no. 2 (2003): 224–41.