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INTRODUCTION
How do you know when an apology is sincere? We are socialized in Canada to say âIâm
sorryâ whenever we believe a cultural norm has been violated. âIâm sorryâ when we invade
someoneâs personal space by accidently bumping them in a crowded store; âIâm sorryâ when
we think weâve hurt someoneâs feelings by not introducing them immediately in a group
gathering. Couples apologize to each other constantly throughout their relationship for any
situation where the individualâs feelings were not acknowledged, despite âLove Storyâs
famous line, âlove means never having to say Iâm sorry.â The word, âsorryâ is used as often
as âexcuse meâ and has become trivial euphemism to distort all offensive acts ranging from
bumping someone accidently to domestic rape or even assault.
The Canadian Resource Center for Victims of Crime (n.d.) report that diligent advocates
fought to improve the treatment of victims in the justice system and the movement succeeded
in the creation of the Victimâs Impact Statement. Section 722 of the Criminal Code of
Canada (1985) specifically pertains to the victimâs written account or, as of 1999, a verbal
statement to the court, regarding the physical, emotional or mental harm suffered from the
crime by the perpetrator. The purpose and intent of the Victimâs Impact Statement is to give
the victim a voice in the criminal justice process and is considered by the court when
determining the sentence of the convicted person. This process often becomes a venue for
the victim to hear âIâm sorryâ from the perpetrator of the crime and an opportunity to help
the victim move towards emotional closure and healing from the trauma.
Cultural norms in Canadian mainstream society are vastly different from cultural norms
in an Indigenous community within an urban, rural or on-reserve society. Cultural norms are
defined as the agreed upon rules or expectations that a culture uses to guide the behavior of
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its members in any given situation. According to CliffNotes, (2010) cultural norms vary
between cultures and have been classified into four categories: folkways, mores, taboos and
laws. The definition is expanded to clarify the significance of cultural norms in society with
the following:
Members of a culture must conform to its norms for the culture to exist and function. Hence, members must
want to conform and obey rules. They first must internalize the social norms and values that dictate what is
ânormalâ for the culture; then they must socialize, or teach norms and values to, their children. If
internalization and socialization fail to produce conformity, some form of âsocial controlâ is eventually
needed. Social control may take the form of ostracism, fines, punishments, and even imprisonment.
The Canadian government is historically created on the fundamental principles from
cultural norms of British colonial policies and practices that were sanctioned through
legislation and laws. The Aboriginal Justice of Implementation Commission (AJIC) (1999)
acknowledges in the Manitoba Inquiry Final report that, âIt is not merely that the justice
system has failed Aboriginal people; justice also has been denied to them. For more than a
century the rights of Aboriginal people have been ignored and eroded. The result of this
denial has been injustice of the most profound kind. Poverty and powerlessness have been
the Canadian legacy to a people who once governed their own affairs in full self-sufficiencyâ
(p. 1). The AJIC provides the following quote by Olvide Mercredi regarding Canadian law
and Aboriginal peoples in Canada:
In law, with law, and through law, Canada has imposed a colonial system of government and
justice upon our people without due regard to our treaty and Aboriginal rights. We respect law
that is fair and just, but we cannot be faulted for denouncing those laws that degrade our
humanity and rights as distinct peoples
Language and Policies of Internment for Aboriginal Children
Richardson and Nelson (2007) refer to the colonial residential school system as
âinternmentâ sanctioned through policy by the Canadian government and state, âUnder a
policy known as âaggressive civilizationâ (Wade, 1995, p. 171) Campbell Scott was first
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noted using the words âthe final solutionâ when deciding to remain inactive to the high levels
of deathsâŚAnnett (2002) estimates that 50% of the interned children died as a result of the
various forms of abuse and diseaseâ (p.77). Richardson and Nelson provoke thought by
providing uncomfortable examples of policy and practices in the existing child welfare
system that emulate the policy and practices implemented through the internment of
Aboriginal children into residential schools. Child welfare systems across Canada utilize the
phrase âin the best interest of the childâ when enforcing their policies to justify the rationale
behind removal of children from homes, negating alternative placements with extended
family or the attenuation of children for purposes of adoption into Christian homes. The
question becomes, âDid anything really change in Canada regarding societyâs and the
governmentâs attitude towards Aboriginal peoples?â Did the government and society just
simply update the method of internment through the child welfare system?
According to Coates and Wade (2007), âThe strategic use of language is indispensable to
the acquisition and exercise of power, even power that is acquired democraticallyâŚThe
ability of any group to advance its interests hinges in part on the groupâs ability to publicize
its perspectives as more truthful or reasonable than othersâ (p. 2). Richardson, (2008) quotes,
âWords, said the colonialist writer Rudyard Kipling (1923), are âthe most powerful drug used
by mankindââ (p. 1).
PRIME MINISTER HARPERâS STATEMENT OF APOLOGY
The general population of the Canadian public didnât realize the significance of Harperâs
public âapologyâ in the House of Commons to Aboriginal peoples in 2008. The Prime
Minister apologized for the internment of their Aboriginal children through the colonial
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policy of the Canadian residential school system. Harperâs official statement contained
seven varying forms of apologies for historic colonial policies designed to remove Aboriginal
children from their homes and the long-term detrimental impacts to the Aboriginal
communities across Canada. Was it enough for the Aboriginal peoples in Canada to hear
âIâm sorryâ and why not?
POPE BENEDICT XVIâS EXPRESSION OF âSORROWâ TO FIRST NATIONS
Pope Benedict XVI expressed his âsorrowâ for abuse at residential schools to an
Assembly of First Nations delegation at the Vatican in April 2009. The Catholic Church
administered approximately 80% of the 132 residential schools across Canada and was
responsible for the care of over 150,000 Aboriginal children who were removed from their
homes and communities. The Catholic Church represents power through their historic
influence, beginning with the papacyâs claim to political supremacy over the Roman Empire,
to medieval times with the popes struggling with monarchy for power over church and state
control. Today, the Pope is the Head of State of Vatican City in Rome with no secular power
and only addresses spiritual matters (Wikipedia, 2010).
FOUR DISCURSIVE OPERATIONS IN LANGUAGE AND VIOLENCE
Coates and Wade (2007) identify four significant patterns that demonstrate âhow
language is used to (a) conceal violence, (b) mitigate perpetratorsâ responsibility, (c) conceal
victimsâ resistance, and (d) blame or pathologize victimsâ (p. 3). The authors contend that
the professionals, academics and journalists present information claiming authenticity under
a flag of objectivity that cannot be neutral or impartial since writers âuse the constructive
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power of language strategically to promote particular versions of persons and events over
other versions in order to influence key decisionsâ (p. 3). Former Premier of Alberta, Ralph
Klein was well known for his effective communications skills and use of media to promote
controversial policies. Klein, who had a background in broadcasting and was a reporter
during the 1970âs, was often criticized by lobbyists, for utilizing the media to manipulate
public opinion. Armanath (2006) concludes, âBesides his interpersonal skills, there are three
areas where no politician in Canadian history can compete with Klein: his ability to spin
local media in his favor, rebound from potential crises, and generate results for his party
(Gazette). Politicians justify their actions with flair of creative license in the English
language to project a positive impression through the use of media on events that could
potentially create a negative image on the Canadian government. Politicians and
government representatives have often utilized the media as a tool to construct linguistic
devices strategically to execute the four discursive operations of violence towards Aboriginal
peoples.
The four discursive operations of violence; concealing of violence, obfuscating
perpetratorsâ responsibility, concealing of victimsâ resistance, and blaming or pathologizing
of victims can be applied to Harperâs Statement of Apology and the Popeâs expressed
âsorrowâ. Both Harper and the Pope used the media to promote their apologies in order to
project the image of remorse and sorrow towards Aboriginal peoples to the general public.
Several linguistic devices were utilized by the Canadian government and the Catholic
Church to misrepresent the actual violent acts committed in every aspect, (spiritually,
emotionally, physically and mentally) towards Aboriginal peoples in Canada. There were
similar patterns of misrepresentation from both, the Catholic Church and the Canadian
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government, whenever the topics of Indian Residential Schools and Aboriginal peoples were
present.
Coates and Wade (2007) explain, âthe more strident the abuse of power the more effectively
it must be justified or concealed by perpetrators and their supportersâ (p. 2).
The constant reference to âstudentsâ and the institutional name given to âIndian Residential
Schoolsâ implies Aboriginal children attended a boarding school for education, similar to the
societal norm for British children during the 1800âs who were sent to âclassic Britishâ boarding
schools. The key difference between Indian Residential Schools and the classic British boarding
schools was in the administration of the children. British boarding schools provided an academic
environment focused on education with residential advisors who were responsible for a certain
number of students, a housekeeper and tutors for each sex. Historic records from residential
school survivors contain individual statements of the atrocities committed against them; rape,
molestation, buried bodies of newborn children, hidden graves, physical abuse, denial of their
language and culture, starvation, malnourishment, untreated illnesses, forcible removal from
homes, child labor, and deceptive lies about the deaths of family members to stop them from
missing home.
Harper (2008) states, âMost schools were operated as âjoint venturesâ with Anglican,
Catholic, Presbyterian or United churches. The government of Canada built an educational
system in which very young children were often forcibly removed from their homes, often taken
far from their communitiesâ (CBC, para. 8). This statement misrepresents the governmentâs
intent of the schools which was âto kill the Indian in the childâ rather than to provide an
education to the children. The statement implies that the Canadian government had good
intentions with the schools but âsomething or someoneâ forcibly removed the children from
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homes. Harper starts with a disclaimer to remove government responsibility by stating they were
in âjoint venturesâ to present the impression of a business transaction between the government
and various religious organizations in the administration of the residential schools and not
responsible for the actions of the contractors. Harperâs statement obfuscates the governmentâs
responsibility of the maltreatment of Aboriginal children when he implicates the Churches by
specifically naming all denominations.
Many survivors report they received Christian indoctrination and little education. The Pope
(2009), ââoffered his sympathy and prayerful solidarityâ to those whose anguish was caused by
some church membersâ (CBC, para. 2). The word, âsomeâ implies only a few clerical members
actually committed atrocities rather than using research data that confirms the depth and extent
of abuse by Catholic priests and nuns. The Pope doesnât use the word, âpriestsâ or ânunsâ but
rather chooses the phrase âchurch membersâ to remove direct responsibility of the Pope from the
actions of Churchesâ priests and nuns. âChurch membersâ implies that the perpetrators could
have come from local communities. âPrayerful solidarityâ creates a sense of mutuality between
the church and residential school survivors in their desire to pray together for healing.
The common denomination between the Canadian government and the Catholic Church is
the justification of violence that education was necessary to âcivilize the savageâ based from the
premise that colonization policies was the most effective strategy to inform Aboriginal people of
how superior Europeans were over them. The statements above are examples of how atrocities
were concealed with ambiguous linguistic devices in order to maintain power and control by
political governments. Church and government effectively concealed the violence, obfuscated
their responsibility and pathologized the victims until they were forced by political pressure from
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pending class action suits and exposure through Kevin Annettâs (2006) documentary on the
planned genocide of Aboriginal peoples in Canada through residential schools.
The Popeâs private discussion with the First Nations delegates and directive that no
cameras or recordings were allowed during the conversation, alludes to the secretive nature and
concealment of sexual molestation and violence in the schools. The fact that the Pope did not
provide an official apology still projects the obfuscation of the Churchesâ responsibility for the
violent actions of the priests and nuns towards the Aboriginal children. CBC (2009) interviewed
Archbishop Weisgerber, who attended the private meeting and shared his thoughts on the Popeâs
private meeting. He reports that the Pope was âvery attentiveâ, âspoke from the heartâ, and
âclear this was very important to himâ (para 15-17). These comments leave us questioning what
was important to him and why was he so attentive since he did not offer an official apology. We
are enlightened when the clue is provided by Weisgerberâs next statement âThe Catholic Church
has got to be involved in working to help the Aboriginal people be recognized, and to end a lot of
the injusticeâ (para. 18) clarifies to the reader that the Catholic Church will not accept their
responsibility as perpetrators, wish to still conceal the violence and still pathologize Aboriginal
people as victims who have to be helped by the Church to fight for social justice, reflecting
blame onto the Canadian government. Weisgerber adds âhe hoped the historic meeting would
âjoltâ people into recognizing the importance of the legacy of residential schools and draw
attention to the poverty and racism some Aboriginal Canadians face to this dayâ (para. 17)
effectively obfuscating the Churchâs involvement in the violence with linguistic devices through
the words âjolt peopleâ to distance the Church from the violence and divert attention to other
issues i.e. poverty and racism. Weisgerberâs statements are spoken in the third person in an
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attempt to project objectivity as a by-stander in the Catholic system and shocked by the actions
of the Canadian government.
Coates and Wade (2004) explain that violence is an interpersonal interaction between at least
two people and âis most accurately understood when it is examined in context, that is, when we
consider both the offenderâs actions and the victimâs responses to those actionsâ (p. 501). The
interaction between Aboriginal peoples and the Canadian society has been directly impacted by
governmental colonial policies designed to maintain dominance over Indigenous peoples through
oppression. Political and legal discourse have been designed to project Aboriginal peoples as
victims and the violence experienced was sanctioned through the reformulation of atrocities with
linguistic devices in the six tenets described by Coates and Wade (2004): 1) violence as social
and unilateral; 2) violence as deliberate action; 3) ubiquity of resistance; 4) misrepresentation;
5) fitting words to deeds; and 6) four-discursive-operations.
Harperâs and the Popeâs apologies are clear examples of political discourse to cloak or mask
the sanctioned violence towards Aboriginal peoples. Harper and the Popeâs actions attempt to
distance their heads of stateâs responsibilities from the deeds, thus removing the impression that
there was any deliberate violence towards Aboriginal children or their families. The government
and the Church contain statements to reflect mutuality in their relationships because Aboriginal
people desired more education and religion. Such statements are a misrepresentation of the
relationship since the colonial policy was created to oppress and assimilate Aboriginal peoples.
The contextual analysis of violence experienced by Aboriginal peoples in the Canadian
residential school systems and the gravity of insincere apologies becomes more significant if we
juxtapose Coates and Wadeâs (2004) third tenet, ubiquity of resistance, and combine ubiquity of
oppression into the equation of factors. The extent of oppression is embedded and reflected
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through historical documentation containing statements by politicians to âkill the Indian in the
childâ through assimilation and imperialistic legislative acts designating Aboriginal people
forever as wards of the state. The âchurchâ hid under the cloak of secrecy based on their
religious dogma and still exists as demonstrated with the Popeâs directive that no media or
reporters are allowed with his Aboriginal audience in Rome.
The government and church employed aggressive tactics with a ferocity of violence towards
Aboriginal peoples that was sanctioned through oppressive policies that affected their children,
families and communities. Aboriginal people demonstrated simple acts of resistance, whether it
was through individual behaviors or through collective acts of resistance from families or
communities even with the onslaught of oppressive tactics by the government, society and the
churches. Individuals recalled their experiences in the residential schools and tell how they
would refuse to cry when they were struck or how they shared their food with each other when
they were hungry, giving more to the younger children because they didnât understand what was
going on in the schools.
Survivorâs of residential schools demonstrated their resistance through their testimonies in
the Aboriginal Royal Commission Report (1996). There are accounts of how the children were
violently punished if they were caught by the nuns or priests, speaking their language or
practicing their culture. Adults recount their experiences of trauma from molestation or
survivorâs guilt at conferences, sharing circles, workshops and sweat lodges. Aboriginal
survivorâs boastfully share stories of how they kept their language by talking at night under the
blankets or grouping together far away from the school building to talk about families when new
children arrived from their communities. Testimonies include stories of how parents went further
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into the bush to hide their children from the bounty hunters collecting children or fatherâs who
chose to be put into jail instead of relinquishing custody of their children to the government.
They attribute their Aboriginal sense of humor to the resiliency they had as children and the
reason some of them are able to confront their emotional demons demonstrates their resistance
to the violence. The childrenâs ability to laugh could have been inaccurately interpreted as
âadjustmentâ by the perpetrators instead of the actual hidden transcript as a form of resistance
used by the children. Scott (1990) explains hidden transcripts as âdiscourse that takes place
âoffstage,â beyond direct observation by power holders⌠through speeches, gestures, and
practices that confirm, contradict, or inflect what appears in the public [transcript]â (p.4). The
acts of resistance could have been either behavioral or cognitive since the children would have
created various forms resist the violence they were witnessing and experiencing in the residential
schools.
The enormity of oppression in political and religious systems surrounded and overwhelmed
Aboriginal peoples and yet, Aboriginal peoples demonstrated various acts of resistance despite
threats of continued violence. There are two perspectives that could apply to Harperâs public
apology and the Popeâs private audience with Aboriginal delegates in Rome when he âexpressed
his sorrowâ. The first perspective would be from a cynicâs point of view that the government
and church only apologized for appearances sake because of public pressure from Annettâs
documentary and from media releases regarding the financial compensation awards to
Aboriginal survivors of residential schools. The other perspective would be from an optimistic
outlook that perhaps there has been a societal shift towards acknowledgement of the devastation
to Aboriginal peoples from colonial policies. We can only hope that the shift is reflected through
changes in policies affecting our Aboriginal children in foster care systems.
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References
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of Manitoba. Winnipeg: Statutory Publications.
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