This document discusses African feminism and provides perspectives from scholars on what makes African feminism unique. It examines arguments that Western feminism fails to adequately address the experiences and challenges faced by African women due to cultural and historical differences. Some scholars argue Western feminism is based on racist foundations and ignores issues of racism faced by black women. They argue African feminism needs a uniquely African perspective to truly reflect the reality of African women. However, the document also questions fully separate approaches and argues challenges faced by African women are not solely gender-based but products of the overall African experience, especially in the post-colonial era. It calls for integrated and synergistic approaches that recognize unique situations while avoiding separatism.

1. AFRICAN FEMINISM: SOME CRITICAL CONSIDERATIONS 1
AFRICAN FEMINISM: SOME
CRITICAL CONSIDERATIONS
Adeolu Oluwseyi Oyekan
Lagos State University, Nigeria
Feminismhascontinuedtoadvanceandopennewfrontiers,maintaininga
dominant status in the genre of issues in the political and academic arena
over the last few decades. This growth in status has opened an array of
perspectives from which the feminine condition can be more aptly appraised
and improved. One such perspective is African feminism. In examining the
idea of African feminism, this paper analyses the reasons advanced for its
uniqueness. While it concedes that there are peculiar conditions in Africa
which raise unique challenges for the feminine gender, it questions the basis
for anchoring the idea of African feminism on them. The paper submits that if
thepeculiarityofexperiencesisthebasisfordemarcation,theheterogeneous
nature of the continent renders such an idea a non-starter. It further tries to
show that the challenges that differentiate the African female from her
counterparts elsewhere are not gender-engendered, but are rather products
ofthetotalityofthepeculiarAfricanexperience,especiallyinthepostcolonial
era.
INTRODUCTION
Theorizingfeminismmayappear,atfirstglance,aneasytasktoundertake,sinceitis
familiarknowledgethattheissuesinvolvedrevolvearoundtheliberationandempowerment
of women. But a critical examination of trends and perspectives in feminist discourses
reveals the multidimensional nature of the subject matter that carries differences in
orientations.Thesedifferences,rightatthecoreofthe feministchallengeandthemeansof
resolvingthem,makeabasicdifferenceinthetheoreticalapproachinevitable.
Onereasonistheshiftingepochsinthefeministstruggle,partlyowingtogainsmade
inthepastandthedynamicsofaworldrapidlychangingasaresultofadvancesinscience
andtechnology,newwaysofdoingpolitics,economicandenvironmentalchanges,andthe
effects of globalization. These rapid changes mean that feminine approaches need to be
constantlyreviewedinordertomeetwithcontemporaryrealities.Still,itwouldseemthatthe
changes that have come along with the epochal shifts have acquired a life of their own,
therebydividingfurtherthelinesofdifferencesamongfeministscholars.
Inthispaper,theconcerniswithAfricanfeminism.Overthelastcoupleofyears,some
blackandAfricanscholarshavearguedfortheneedtolookattheplightofthefemalefolk
Φιλοσοφια
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2. 2 ADEOLU OLUWSEYI OYEKAN
inAfrica not through the Western lens that pretends to be universal, but from a uniquely
AfricanviewpointinordertoadequatelymirrortherealityoftheAfricanwoman.
Wewillproceedbyfirstlookingatthenatureoffeminismasanintellectualandpolitico-
historicalmovement.Then weshifttothenatureofAfricanfeminismwherewe examine the
viewsofsomeAfricanthinkersonwhatmakesAfricanfeminismunique. Asummation of
these views will follow, after which acritique will beattempted.Thepaperwill callfor
integration and synergy in a way that recognizes peculiar situations, given the potential
damageinherentinseparatist intellectualapproaches,especiallywhentheyaremisplaced.
FEMINISM
Feminismreferstotherightofwomentohavepolitical,social, andeconomicequality
withmen. Itisadiscoursethatinvolvesvariousmovements,theories, andphilosophies (see
Speedman 2003), which are concerned with the issue of gender difference, advocacy of
equalityforwomen, andcampaignforwomen’srightsandinterests. Thephrase“Women’s
Liberation”wasfirstusedintheUnited States in1964, firstappearedinprintin1966(Kathie
1978, 6), and gradually gathered momentumas used in a wide range of orientations and
ideologies.
Feminists have divided the movement’s history into three “Waves.”The first wave
referstoaperiodoffeministactivityduringthenineteenthcenturyandearlytwentiethcentury
intheUnitedKingdomandtheUnitedStates. Originally,itfocusedonthepromotionofequal
contractandpropertyrightsforwomenandtheoppositiontochattelmarriagesandownership
ofmarriedwomenandtheirchildrenbytheirhusbands. Second-wavefeminismreferstoa
periodbeginningintheearly1960sandlastingthroughthelate1980s. Itwasacontinuation
oftheearlierphase offeminismandwaslargelyconcernedwithissueslikeendingwomen
discrimination (Freedman2003, 4) in various facets of life. Verypopular in the second
waveistheslogan,“ThePersonalisPolitical,”coinedbyactivistCarolHamisch(Alice1989,
416),atermthatsawwomen’sculturalandpoliticalinequalitiesasinextricablylinkedandthat
encouragedwomentounderstandaspectsoftheirpersonallivesasdeeplypoliticizedand
reflectiveofsexistpowerstructures. Third-wavefeminismbeganintheearly1990s,dueto
perceivedfailuresofthesecondwaveandalsoasaresponseagainstinitiativescreatedbythe
secondwave. Itseekstoavoidwhatitviewsasthesecondwave’sessentialistdefinitionsof
femininitywhichtheyfeelover-emphasizetheexperiencesofuppermiddle-classwhitewomen.
Therearevariousideologiesassociated with the feminist movement. Forinstance,
socialistfeminismseeswomenoppressionfrom the Marxist perspective ofexploitation,
oppression, and labour. They see women as being held down as a result of their unequal
standing in both the workplace and the household.Womanoppressionisseenasapartof
a larger pattern that affects everyone involved in the capitalist system. The disappearance
of class oppression is expected to terminate gender oppression (Barbara 1976, 67). This
orientationhasbeencriticizedastrivializinggenderdiscriminationbysubsumingitunder
the category of classoppression(Connollyetal. 1986, 17).
Liberalfeminismassertstheequalityofmenandwomenthroughpoliticalandlegal
reforms. Itisanindividualisticformoffeminism,whichfocusesonwomen’sabilitytoshow
andmaintaintheirequalitythroughtheirownactionsandchoices. Liberalfeminismuses
the personal interactions between men and women as the place from which to transform
society. To them, important issues include reproductive and abortion rights, sexual
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3. AFRICAN FEMINISM: SOME CRITICAL CONSIDERATIONS 3
harassment,voting,education,equalpayforequalwork,affordablechildrenandhealthcare,
andthebringingtoforeofsexualanddomesticviolenceagainstwomen(Hooks,1984).
Generally,thosewhocanvassaseparateapproachtofeminism,especiallytheAfrican
variant,fallundertwocategories.Onthe onehandarethosewhosee“Westernfeminismas
acalculatedattempttooverlookorignoretheplightofblackwomenasaresultoftheirracist
inclinations.”OntheotherhandarethosewhofeelthatthefailureofwhatistermedWestern
feminismtocapturethechallengesoftheblackwomanstemslargelyfromitsinability,not
unwillingness, to grasp the historical nature of such challenges and the implications there
from.Sincethereexistsaplethoraofliteraturescategorizableunderbothheadings,weshall
limitourselvestoafewwhichinouropinioncapturethekernelofthisseparatistproject.
OneofthescholarswhobelongtothefirstcategoryisBellHooks.Accordingtoher
(1998, 312),everywomanistmovementinAmericafromitsearliestorigintothepresentday
hasbeenbuiltonaracistfoundation.Thoughsheacknowledged theroleofwomenrights
advocatesintheabolitionofslavery,sheisoftheopinionthatthesupportwasgivenonthe
groundofexpediency.She(1998, 313) went on:
Whenwhitereformersmadesynonymoustheimpactofsexismontheirlives,they
werenotrevealinganawarenessoforsensitivitytotheslave’slot,theyweresimply
appropriatingthehorroroftheslaveexperiencetoenhancetheirowncause.
To further buttress her point, she made a reference to the outrage expressed by
whitefeministswhentheyweremadetograntblackmenvotingrightswhileleavingwhite
women disenfranchised.To the white feminists, racial hierarchy should have been made
thecriterionforvotingrightsinsteadofsexualhierarchy.Awhitewomenrightsadvocate,
ElizabethCadyStanton,seemstohavedriventhepointhomewhenshe(seeHooks1998,
313)protested:
IfSaxonmenhavelegislatedthisfortheirownmothers,wivesanddaughters,
whatcanwehopeforinthehandsofChinese,IndiansandAfricans…Iprotest
against the enfranchisement of another man of any race or clime until the
daughtersofJefferson,HammockandAdamsarecrownedwiththeirrights.
Stanton’s disgust stems from what she sees as the oddity of a black man being
enfranchisedaheadofawhitewoman.Ifawhitewomaninherestimationoccupiesasuperior
position in the social ladder to a black man by virtue of her skin, she cannot possibly see a
blackwomanasherequal.
Hooks went further to cite other instances of white women’s discrimination against
theirfemalecounterpartsintheareasofeducation,employment, etc.AlthoughHookdidnot
reachaseparatistconclusioninspiteofhermisgivings,BlackfeministslikeElizabethSpelman
(1995) are of the view that the reality of the black woman’s burden, which comprises of
dealing with sexism and racism, is not merely additive. In other words, the struggle for
gender equality is not one to be merely added up with the challenges of racism which
equallyconfrontstheblackwoman(see Spelman 1995).Addedtogether,theblackwoman’s
experience assumes a complex dimension which additive analysis does not adequately
describe.Tosay,therefore,thatblackwomensufferthesamefateas those of whitewomen
on the onehandandblackmenontheotheristotrivializeafundamentaldifference.
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4. 4 ADEOLU OLUWSEYI OYEKAN
An additive analysis treats the oppression of a black woman in a sexist and
racist society as if it were a further burden than her oppression in a sexist but
non-racist. When, in fact it is a different burden...“the effect of multiple
oppressionisnotmerelyarithmetic.”(Hooks 1998, 356)
Theproblemwiththistypeofargumentinspiteofthemanytruthsitassertsisthatin
articulating the broad and diverse nature of the challenges of the black woman, it seeks a
remedytoitunderthenarrowthemeoffeminismandnarrowerstill,blackfeminism.Inspiteof
efforts at integration, racial prejudice cannot be said to be a thing of the past in Western
society,asituationwhichmakestheargumentofHooksandSpelmanrelevant.Inrepudiating
additiveanalysishowever,thiswayofarticulatingblackfeminismpretendsthattheblack
womanexperiencesracisminawaythattheblackmandoesnot,whilesufferingsexualprejudice
inamannerthewhitewomandoesnot,thusisolatedinherstruggle.Tothisend,theremedy
tohersituationliesinalienatingherselfintheprocessofliberation.Thismethodcanhardlybe
productive.Thegender-neutralnatureofracismmakesitageneralproblemtowhichallblacks
mustcontinuetoseekanend.ItissurprisingthatSpelmandidnotseethelogicinputtingan
endtoamoregeneralproblemasanequalpartnerinthequesttoabolishsexism.Thisinitself
is not a denial of the fact that she bears a double burden.To isolate the black woman from
everygroupthathasonechallengeontheotherincommonwithherhardlydoesanycreditto
hercause.ItisthisrealizationthatmadeHooks(1998,330) toconclude:
Ifwomenwantafeministresolution…thenwemustassumeresponsibility
fordrawingwomentogetherinpoliticalsolidarity.Thatmeanswemustassume
responsibilityforalltheforcesthatdividewomen.Racismisonesuchforce .
Withoutfirstseekinganendtoracism,bridgingthegapbetweenwhites(ofwhateversex)
andblacks(maleorfemale),suchastruggleislikelytoremainanexerciseinfutility.Apointer
to this is that whereas a few gains have been made over the last few years as a result of
efforts to integrate, latent forms of racism have ensured that there is still a gulf between
black and white females in the same way it obtains with the male. Whereas feminism has
gainedmarginallybyhavingmorewomeninoffices,corporateandpolitical, manyblack
women are still on the lower rung of the ladder serving as nannies and home cleaners for
morewhitefemaleswhohavemadeitintooffices.Spelmanseemstobesayingthatthough
the black woman is united in plight with her white counterpart on gender issues, the latter
remainsafoeonracialgrounds.Andifgenderdiscriminationisnotrestrictedtowhitemen
alone,itfollowsthattheblackman,thoughunitedinhisracialplightwiththeblackwoman,
becomesafoeongendergrounds.Thisapproachmultipliesthestruggleoftheblackwoman
whilereducinghercapacitytomakeallies.Effortsatbridgingthesexualgapmust,therefore,
be preceded by closing the racial gap. It is worth saying also that, in fighting racism, the
black woman does so on the basis of her race, not gender. It is not hers alone to fight.
Racism, both in intent and effect, portends grave consequences not only to the black
womanbutalso to theblackman.
There are those who, as earlier alluded to, crave a different way of theorizing black
feminismowingtowhattheyconsidertheinabilityofWesternfeministscholarstounderstand
neither the differences in the historical and cultural meaning of concepts nor the large
differenceinexperiences.
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5. AFRICAN FEMINISM: SOME CRITICAL CONSIDERATIONS 5
More particularly, two positions reflective of this line of thought present interesting
argumentsdeservingattention.ThefirstisthatofNkiruNzegwu (2004).Herthesisisthat
the metaphysical conceptions of gender affect theoretical analysis and erode the cultural
specificity and historicity of societies. Using the Igbo society as an instance, she decried
the attempt to universalize certain characteristics of the female gender in a manner that
ignores differences in conceptual categories. Her work, basically a critique of Martha
Nussbaum’s(1995)thesisofemotionaluniversalityofthefemalegender, proceededwith
twobasicargumentsmeanttoshowhowtheIgbosconstruefemininity,asdistinctfromthe
purported attempt to subsume non-Western conceptions under the Western, and the
subsequent reference to such as universally true of the female gender.
The first argument rejects the definition of women as the negative image of men.
Patriarchyaccordingtoherispropelledbyamasculineideologywhichseesthewomanas
inferiorirrespectiveofstatusorsocialclass.UndertheculturallogicoftheOnitsha(Igbo)
society,however,nwanyi,thesingularofumunwanyi,meaning“offspringswhoarefemale,”
do not accommodate the idea of patriarchy. The reason for this, according to her, is that
gender identity in its flexibility is tied to social roles irrespective of sex. Igbo females,
therefore, owing to their multiple social roles do not have a single gender identity. This
blurring of the sexual divide does not mean that gender cannot be physiologically
differentiated.To this end, a female inWestern thought can be equated with an agbala in
Igbothought.TheideaofanagbalaunlikethatofthewomaninWesternfeministthought,
however,tendstobedevoidofrigidlydefinedsocialroles.
The lineage system is another means through which the flexibility of identity is
demonstrated. Umuada (lineage daughters) are different from okpala (lineage sons) and
inyemedi(lineagewives).Theumuada,however,differsfromtheinyemedi.Whiletheformer,
byprivilegeoflineageisseenasahusband,thelatterisviewedasawife.Asdaughtersofa
lineage, the umuada is expected to perform duties appertaining to that of a husband in her
relationwiththeInyemediwhoareequallyexpectedtoplaytheroleofwives.Onthisbasis,the
okpalahave asmuchrightsovertheinyemediasdothe umuada,therebycreatingnoroom
foranyformofdiscrimination.Theinyemediaresubmissivetothemequally.Interestingly,a
memberoftheumuadainonelineagecouldbecomeaninyemedielsewherebygettingmarried
into another lineage. This then confers a dual role on her, for as she earns respect from the
inyemediinherownclan,sheshowsthe samebothtotheokpalaandumuadaofthelineage
intowhichsheismarried.Sheis, thus, construedsociallyasbothahusbandandawifeowing
tohershiftingidentities.
Nkiru’s argument regarding the status of the nwanyi and the agbala did not tell us
much, for unlike the second argument, she fails to concretely back up her definitions of
those terms with cultural practices capable of validating them. We shall, therefore, not
dissipate much effort on it. On the second argument, it is worthy of note that Nkiru
acknowledgesthatwives(umuada,thatis)areexpectedtobesubordinate.Thus,whilethe
okpala enjoys a dominant social status that is rigid, an umuada is launched into a role
whichoscillatesbetweendominationandsubordination.Thispicturenodoubthighlights
thedifferenceintheconceptionofmarriagebetweentheWestandanAfricansociety.Yet,
itleavesafewholesunplugged.Theideathatthefemaleswitchidentities, unlikethemale,
cannot but have an assumption (or a series of them) underlying it if we are to avoid the
conclusionthatthepracticeisirrationalanddevoidofanylogicalbasis.Nkirucomfortably
ignoredtheneedtohighlighttheseassumptions.Still,thetaskofhazardingaguessbecomes
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6. 6 ADEOLU OLUWSEYI OYEKAN
verysimpleinthismatter.TheIgbosconsiderwivestobeinferiortotheirhusbands,andthe
reverencedemandedofthewifeissuchthatitmustextendtoeverymemberofthehusband’s
lineage irrespective of gender.The only way a woman can avoid the subordinate role, it
wouldseem,istoeschewmarriagealtogether.
Furtherstill,theideathatthefemalemustbethesubordinateinamarriagecanonlyrest
onpriorassumptionswhicharesuggestiveofthefactthatthemaleissuperiortothefemale.
Marriagethenbecomesoneoutofmanypossiblemeansthroughwhichmaledominanceis
acceptedbysuchasociety.Thatafemalecannotfeeldominantorequaluntilthemasculinization
ofhergenderashusbandinherlineageshouldhavebeenenoughtoshowNkiruthatwhereas
patriarchymaytakemanyforms,itexistsstructurallywithinthelogicofIgbosociety,ifher
accountofitiscorrect.Themainattemptof Nkiruinthisworkistoestablishfirstandforemost
thefactofdifferencesinconceptualframeworksacrosscultures.Secondly,butmoreimportantly,
is the attempt to eliminate altogether the idea of female subordination in Igbo culture,
strengtheningthereforetheclamourforautonomousAfricanfeminism.Thatshesucceededin
thefirsttask,ifherdescriptionofthepracticesoftheIgbosisright,isbeyonddoubt.Thesame
cannotbesaid,however,regardingthesecond.
Ademola Fayemi (2009) traveledapathslightlydistinctfromthatofNkiru,though
theyarrivedeventuallyatthesameterminal.WhatconstitutestheneedforAfricanfeminism
in his own thought is characterized by contemporary existential challenges of theAfrican
womanfromwhichherWesterncounterpartisinsulated.ThisapproachdiffersfromNkiru’s
demarcation hinged on the tradition of the Igbo society.
Fayemi(2009,205)arguedtheideaofAfricanethico-feminismwhich,hesays,“identifies
with the broad goal ofAfrican feminism as construed by earlier scholars—to construct
modelsandparadigmofactionsofarealisticworldwhereAfricanwomenwouldbeviewed
andtreatedfirstandforemostashumansratherthansexualbeings.Yet,hisownfeminism
seeks a distinction not only from “Western” feminism which “fosters dichotomy,
individualism and competition between the two sexes,” but also from brands ofAfrican
feminismwhich“emphasizestheuniquenessofAfricanwomenintermsofracialandclass
prejudices.” This hybrid ideology is said to be rooted in the notion ofAfrican ethics
characterizedbycommunalismandtheisticdeontology.
One way in which Fayemi thinks this idea can be useful is in the area of prostitution
and female trafficking in Africa. No doubt, being concerned about such a worrying
phenomenon comes auspiciously if one considers the negative impacts of the ugly trend.
Driven by the debilitating level of poverty and want all over the continent,Africans, male
andfemale,havebecomeenamouredwiththeideaoffleeingabroadinsearchoftheproverbial
Golden Fleece.And while members of both sexes are exposed to no little dangers by this
adventure, the female folk suffers more not only as a result of the tortuous route to the
intendeddestinationbutalsoowingtothedehumanizingmannerinwhichtheyaremadeto
earntheirliving.Manyofthemaremadetoworkasprostitutesnotontheirowntermsbut
thoseofthetraffickers’.Inthequesttomakemaximumreturnbeforeatraffickedfemalegets
deported or infected by a sexually related ailment, the trafficker subjects her to highly
debasing sex sessions, sometimes with more men she can cope with ordinarily, or even in
worsecases,withanimals.Fayemi’sconcerncanonthisgroundbesaidtobetimely.
Forhim,itwouldseemthattheissueisAfrican, on the onehand, owingtotherateat
whichtraffickingoccurs,andfeminist,ontheother,duetothepeculiarlydebasingexperience
partlydescribedabove.Onemayaddtothefirsttherealizationsthatfemalesinotherparts
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7. AFRICAN FEMINISM: SOME CRITICAL CONSIDERATIONS 7
oftheworlddonotgettraffickedastheirAfricancounterpartsareknowntobe.Thequestion
howeveris,doesthisprovideabasisforAfricanfeminism?
At the risk of sounding repetitive, trafficking is a serious problem inAfrica today.
Besidesthecreationofanegativeimageforthecontinent,itisasourceofseriousconcern
borderingonissueslikesecurity,health,rehabilitation,etc.Still,oneisleftwonderingwhether
inaddressingtheissue,femaletraffickingcanbesingledoutofthegeneralproblemofhuman
trafficking. While one may wish to restate the peculiar challenges faced by females being
trafficked,nothingsuggeststhattheysufferdegradationasaresultofsexualdiscrimination.
Evenifthenumberoffemalesbeingannuallytraffickedisdiscriminatelyhigherthanofmales,
itwillsaynothingaboutgenderthanthehighnumberofmalestakenduringtheslavetrade.
Duringthatperiod,therequirementsofWesternplantationsjustifiedthelogicoftrafficking
moremen,able-bodied,thanwomen.Inthisageofindustrialandtechnologicaladvancement,
whereleisure,tourism,andpleasurehavebecomeavibrantindustryonitsown,explanationof
femaletraffickingmustbeproperlysituatedwhereitbelongs—in theeconomicfactor.Poverty
iswhatmakesitlogicalfortraffickerstofocusonAfricaandnotEuropeforfemalestotraffic.
Ashiftintheeconomicmodeofproductionequallyexplainstheshiftfromthemaletothe
female.Femaletraffickingis,therefore,notsensitivetogenderunlessittranslatestoeconomic
gain. It is possible to imagine a time whenAfrican men would be in high demand not as
plantationworkersbutasprovidersofsexualpleasuretoindependent,pleasurelovingWestern
womenwhoarenotdesirousoflivingwiththebudgingdemandofmarriage.Ifsuchhappens,
itismostlikelythathumantraffickers,motivatedprimarilybypecuniarygains,wouldbein
searchformoremenacrossAfrica.Inanycase,somanychildrenarestillbeingtraffickedout
ofAfrica for domestic servitude in theWest.This is why Fayemi’s concern, though well
placed,fallsoutsidetheexclusiverealmoffeministdiscourse.
ItcanalsobesaidthattraffickinggoesbeyondtheAfricancontinent.Afterall,trafficking
acrosstheMexican-Americanborderhasbeenanissueatthefront-burnerforbothcountries.
Mexicansaresurelynot Africans,thoughtheysharethesameplight.LikeinAfricathough,
humantraffickinginMexicoisnotdefinedbygender.Still,onemayconcedethatirrespective
of the factors motivating the traffic in women, feminists have a right of concern. What
cannotbeassertedfurtherwithmuchvigourthough,isthatonlyAfricanfeministsunderstand
eitherthefactorsorsufferingassociatedwithtraffickinginpersons,womenespecially.
Fayemi needed also to have explained how a hybrid theory of this nature intends to
combinedeontologywithpragmatism.Deontologicaltheoriesarebynatureabsolute,while
pragmatism is rather episodic. The difficulty of explanation seems to have informed the
abandonmentoffurtherclarification.His (2009,206)theorytakesapragmaticbendtothe
extent that it seeks to address feminist issues “that are of special concern to theAfrican
experience.”The notion of a theistic deontology is also unclear. Suppose it is granted that
thereexistasenseinwhichmoralabsolutismcanbeestablishedbyappealingtoitsreligious
source, such that religion in this sense becomes synonymous with morality as a way of
avoiding the trappings of external justification, one would still be left wondering whether
thepluralityofreligionsandgodsinAfricanthoughtspermitsuchgeneralizations.
PROSPECTS OF AFRICAN FEMINISM
Given the fact that manyAfrican feminist theories seeking autonomy from what is
considered as Western definition and domination have failed so far to clearly articulate
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8. 8 ADEOLU OLUWSEYI OYEKAN
reasons for such a division, can one then safely say that the call forAfrican feminism is
unjustified? Not quite. The pattern of intellectual evolution and development forbids one
frommakingsuchadeclarativeforeclosure.Itisenoughtosayfornowthatpresentattempts
havenotprovidedsufficientgroundsforitsemergence.
Beyondallthathasearlierbeensaid, Africanfeminisminmanycasesisriddledwith
aninternalillogicality.Amovementwhichseekstodenytheuniversalityoffemaleexperiences
seeksconstantlytodosobyclaimingthe sameforallAfricanfemaleswhenhistoricaland
culturalfactssuggestotherwise.InthewordsofKwameAppiah(1992, ix), “forallsortsand
conditions of men and women…at each level,Africa is various.” To purge itself of the
universalitycharge,therefore,Africanfeminismmayhavetosevereitselfnotonlyfromthe
Western, but may also need to break itself into pieces and fragments in order to be fairly
representativeofthepluralityofculturesandsocietieswithin Africaitself.Thisfragmentation
could alternatively take an intellectual turn, such that categorization is not according to
peculiarculturalexperiencesbutthematicorientation.Aninstanceofeffortsinthisdirection
istheworkof SusanArndt(2002). HavingembarkedonanoverviewofdifferentAfrican
feminist theories—such as Molara Ogundipe-Leslie’s stiwanism, CatherineAcholonu’s
motherism, Obioma Nnaemeka’s negrofeminism, and Mary Kolawole’s and Chikwenye
Ogunyemi’sversionsof womanism—Arndttriedtohighlightnotonlythedifferencesand
similarities between these theories shared withWestern feminist concepts, but also with
African-Americanfeminism.
NotingthatAfricanfeminismconcernsitselfwithissuesbeyondthegraspofWestern
feminismandAfrican-Americanfeminism,Arndt (2002,85)divideditintothreedifferent
categorieswhicharereformist,transformative,andradical.Reformistfeministtextscriticize
individualtraditionalandmodernconventionsthatdiscriminateagainstwomen.Theypresent
alternativesthatimprovewomen’ssituations,convincedthatchangecanbeeffectedwithin
existingstructures.Transformativefeministtextsofferascathingcritiqueofpatriarchy.Men’s
behaviorisportrayedasagroupphenomenon.Women’srole,consciouslyorotherwiseinthe
perpetuationofgenderdiscrimination,isalsohighlighted.Bothmen’sandwomen’sreproduction
ofdiscriminatorystructuresisseenassurmountable.Radicalfeminismonitspartarguesthat
men(asasocialgroup)inevitablyandinprinciplediscriminateagainst,oppress,andmistreat
women. One notable distinguishing factor of the radical variant from the reformist and
transformativetheoryisitspessimismaboutthepossibilityofchange.Arndt’sclassification
eschewsthepathofculturalpeculiarityfollowedbyNzegwubyseekingtoalignunderthe
samethematicclass,theoriesofvaryingculturaloriginthataresimilarinmethodorfocus.
One should not find it tempting to argue that the acknowledgement of differences
evenwithinAfricaisenoughgroundtorevalidatetheargumentofdifferencesonthebasis
thatsuchdifferencesarelikelytobemorepronouncedwhenwecompareAfricansocieties
withWesternsocieties.The essence of this paper is not to deny particularity. Neither does
itseektoglorifyordenounceuniversality.Rather,itseekstoemphasizethatintheabsence
of sufficiently justifiable grounds for polarization, issues of common interest which in
themselves merely reflect the universal aspects of our humanism (whether asAfricans or
Westerners) require the concerted efforts of all. When such challenges are collectively
tackledandsubdued,notonlywillweallbenefitfromaccruablegains,theprocessofsuch
cooperation would have aided better understanding and appreciation of challenging
particularities,makingthemeasiertobetackled.Theattemptbyallmeanstoseparateasit
were, the feminist struggle inAfrica from the global, without enough warrants, portend a
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9. AFRICAN FEMINISM: SOME CRITICAL CONSIDERATIONS 9
series of dangers, chief among which is the blurring of the points of convergence among
societieswhichareinmanycasesmoreimportantthantheoftenmisplacedandmisconceived
variances.Apossiblecounter-argumentcould,ofcourse,bethatwhatconstitutesachallenge
inAfricansocietiesdifferfromtheWesternunderstandingoftheterm,especiallyforspecific
cases.Whattheproponentsneedtoshow,however,isthatsuchdifferencesarefundamental,
tosuchanextentthattheyleavenoroomfortherecognitionofmutualchallengesorshared
aspirations.
Dealing with issues that are, or ought to be, of global concern to feminists
comprehensivelyisoutsidethescopeofthispaper.Tentativelythough,onecanrefertoone
ortwothatshouldbeofinteresttoallfeministsacrosstheworld.Oneistheissueofsexual
assault. In Nigeria, for instance, there is an increasing level of rape cases reported in the
media.Inmanyofthesecases,itismoreappallingthatthevictimsareminorsandinsome
cases infants! Reasons adduced range from mental problems to superstitious belief that
suchapracticeendowstheculpritwitheitherwealthorpower.Forotherreasons,rapecases
inIndiahavebeenattractingglobalattentioninthewakeoftheoutragenowtrailingthem.
Feminists across cultures can collaborate in an effort not only to identify the factors
motivatingthesecrimesbutalsoindrawingmoreattentiontothemevenaseffortsaremade
tofindsolutions.Insomesocietieswhererapeiscommon,itisnotunusualtoheararguments
extenuating the act or blaming the victim outright. This suggests certain cultural attitudes
andpracticesthatarenottenableinadecentandcivilizedsociety.Enlightenedmembersof
such societies, feminists in particular, may play a vital role in bringing about the desired
attitudinal change, especially when prosecution and punishment seem to get entangled in
technicalitiesthatmakeconvictiondifficult.Whenvictimscannotgetjustice,itencourages
those who indulge in the practice, while future victims are discouraged to report abuse. In
this vein, it may be more helpful to look for preventive measures as opposed to merely
seekingpunishment.
Onemayalsoconsidertheplightofwomeneitherascaptivesorrefugeesinconflict
areas.At first glance, the tempting question may be why feminists should get especially
interested when men and children are also often refugees when conflicts break out. The
question, itmustbesaid,isnotillegitimate.Afterall,wehavesaidsomethingsimilarabout
human trafficking. The difference here, which we consider crucial, is that we envisage an
engagementthatisnotensconcedintheparticularityofFayemi’sargument.Casesofabuse
in conflict areas like Sudan and Syria have shown that war crimes are not peculiar to any
raceorculture.Inbothcasesmentioned,theplightofwomenfleeingforsurvivalhasbeen
horrifictosaytheleast.Whilesomearereportedlyrapedserially,othersareforcedtolabour
in service of those who have control over their territories.Abuses are numerous and
inexhaustive, but it is equally possible to focus on how women and children in war zones
can be protected, not asAfricans or Middle-Easterners but as a vulnerable class of people
underaconflictsituation.Gettingjusticeforwomenwhoarevictimsofcrimeconflictsand,
moreimportantly,puttinginplaceprotectivemeasuresthattakeintoaccounttheirvulnerability
areareasworthyofexploring.
CONCLUSION
ThispaperhasattemptedtoexaminetheissueofAfricanfeminismandthechallenges
itfacesasaprospect.Inacknowledgingtheilluminatingeffortsofscholarssympatheticto
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10. 10 ADEOLU OLUWSEYI OYEKAN
this trend, it has highlighted those issues considered to vitiate rather than strengthen their
position. The submission is thatAfrican feminism may not be impossible in the sense
presently envisaged, though it may equally not be necessary. For the present, the paper
advocatesafocusofefforts on those issues of universal feminist importance.TheAfrican
feministwouldachievemorebyinsistingonauniversalcharacterizationinplaceofasuper-
imposedWesterndefinitioninsteadofwithdrawingintotheshellofcultureandcategories
of definition that hardly help her cause. Such engagement recognizes, and insist on the
recognition of, the multi-dimensional nature of the feminist challenge in a manner that
harnesses all available resources for the emancipation of the female gender from all
inhibitions—whethernaturalorman-made,globalorlocal.
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Submitted: 4 May 2012; revised: 24 September 2013
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